BEING TEXT OF SPEECH BY PASTOR ‘TUNDE BAKARE AT THE STATE OF THE NATION BROADCAST ON SUNDAY, OCTOBER 6, 2019.
Fellow citizens:
On November 16, 1960, Nigeria’s first indigenous governor-general,
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, uttered the following words:
…let us heal the breaches of the past so that in forging our
nation there shall emerge on this continent a hate-free, fear-free
and greed-free people, who shall be in the vanguard of a world
task force, whose assignment is not only to revive the stature of man in Africa, but to restore the dignity of man in the world.1
Needless to say, the lofty dreams of our founding fathers that should
have propelled us to attain great, lofty heights are still dreams fifty-
nine years on. Yet, with every independence anniversary comes a
renewed opportunity to evaluate our nationhood and insist that a
dream deferred is not a dream denied. Despite our past and current
realities, the fact that we have remained one nation is a testimony to our God-given resilience and, if properly channelled, it is also a
pointer to a future brimming with great possibilities. I believe this
gift of resilient hope is worth thanking God for. Therefore, fellow
Nigerians, no matter how despondent you may feel today about the
state of our nation, permit me to begin this address by wishing you a
belated happy Independence anniversary.
On this occasion, I salute the memory of our founding fathers who
began this long and arduous journey to nationhood. I salute our
heroes past who, over the decades, kept the torch aflame, and whose
labours, I am certain, shall never be in vain. As we embark on an
evaluation of the state of our nation through the instrumentality of a
national security audit, I salute the members of the Nigerian Armed
Forces and the security agencies who have constantly put their lives
on the line in the interest of our national security, even in the most
precarious of circumstances. I particularly honour the memories of
Insp. Mark Ediale, Sgt. Usman Danzumi, and Sgt. Dahiru Musa, the
dutiful police officers who lost their lives to the bullets of army
officers this past August. My sincere condolences to their families;
may their ultimate sacrifice not be in vain. Amen.
Between the Governance Imperative and Election Expediency
Let me also congratulate President Muhammadu Buhari, Vice
President Yemi Osinbajo, the recently constituted ministerial team,
as well as members and principal officers of the National Assembly
as the second term of this administration unfolds. We trust God for all the wisdom and skills required for them to steer the ship of the
nation aright at this critical juncture.
Permit me to also use this opportunity to bless God and to
congratulate the nation for the phenomenal growth in revenue
reported by the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) since the closure of
our borders. We recall that, on January 1, 2019, we declared the word
of God to us on this platform, that Nigeria would experience
significant revenue growth through the Nigeria Customs Service in
the year 2019. This past week, the comptroller general of the Nigeria
Customs Service, Hameed Ali, said:
“There was a day in September that we collected N9.2billion in
one day. It has never happened before. This is after the closure
of the border and since then, we have maintained an average of
about N4.7billion to N5.8billion on a daily basis which is far more than we used to collect.”2
We see this as a sign that every word of God concerning the
greatness of our nation, Nigeria, will be fulfilled even as the clock
has started ticking towards another four years of democracy.
As politicians begin to make deft moves ahead of 2023, this address
is a call to forsake the myopia of personal and sectional interests, to
revisit our foundations, and to begin to reset our nation on the path to
predictable progress beginning with the sector that is most crucial to
our national survival and stability: the security sector.
Of Xenophobia and the Call to Nationhood
The stability of our nation is inextricably woven with the stability of
the African continent. Therefore, I will set the tone of this address
with a brief comment on the xenophobic intolerance that has recently
defined the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa.
Permit me, at this juncture, to ask for a standing ovation for a true
Nigerian, the Chairman/CEO of Air Peace, Chief Allen Onyema, as
well as the staff of that exemplary Nigerian company, whose
voluntary decision to evacuate stranded Nigerians from South Africa,
free of charge, has redeemed the honour of our nation. Where some
Nigerians have misrepresented us by their misdeeds, this model
Nigerian has shown that to be a Nigerian is to be a person of dignity.
The outbreak of xenophobia in South Africa is a wake-up call to
Nigeria. It challenges us to put an end to homegrown “xenophobia”
and to unite as one people so we can overcome common challenges
and provide leadership to Africa. In this connection, President
Muhammadu Buhari’s recent state visit to South Africa is
commendable. As the process of mending relations commences, a
measured but decisive response to the provocative incidents is the
wise approach. The signing of thirty-two bilateral agreements in
various sectors, and the uptick in the enthusiasm of the private sector,3 is a masterstroke win-win outcome.
As we reflect today on the state of our nation and its place in the
world, I am reminded of the words of Nelson Mandela:
The world will not respect Africa until Nigeria earns that
respect. The black people of the world need Nigeria to be great as a source of pride and confidence.4
Building that stable, secure and prosperous Nigeria that will earn
Africa the respect of the world is the purpose of this address.
The Context and Content of a National Security Audit
On July 12, 2019, our nation reeled from the news of the gruesome
murder of Mrs. Funke Olakunrin, daughter of elder statesman, Pa
Rueben Fasoranti. This painful loss was one too many. In view of the
palpable anger and the threat of ethnically motivated responses
generated by this incident, it became clear to me that drastic steps
needed to be taken in respect of our national security.
My conviction was further buttressed when the nation woke up to the
tragic incident earlier referenced of soldiers murdering some of our
finest intelligence officers and setting free an alleged kidnap kingpin who had been arrested by this elite squad of dedicated policemen.5 This alarming inter-agency disaster, coupled with disturbing developments such as reports of mass graves of soldiers6 and the seemingly relentless reports of killings, kidnappings and banditry, has made it abundantly apparent that our nation is dancing on the razor’s edge. Reacting to the situation, Nigerian journalist, Simon Kolawole, in an editorial titled “More questions than answers,”
noted:
The current crime situation in Nigeria is a massive indictment
on the capacity, capability and credibility of the security
agencies. A shake-up is non-negotiable. Buhari must be
willing to do the needful, and not make just cosmetic changes, to stop the haemorrhage.7
Against this backdrop, as part of an extensive security audit, we will
assess Nigeria’s vulnerabilities and threat profile, rethink the
prevailing philosophy of national security in Nigeria, examine the
challenges to national security, and then proffer solutions, deploying a combination of vertical8 and horizontal9 intelligence.
Assessing Vulnerabilities: Nigeria’s Security Threat Profile
Nigeria is today confronted with several intersecting categories of
national security threats based on the motivations and power blocs
propelling such threats. These threats to national security manifest in
political, economic, ideological, ethnic, zonal, state and strategic
dimensions.
1. Politically Motivated Threats
The politically motivated threats to our national security are
encapsulated in the simple question: “Who killed…?” Who killed
Dele Giwa? Who killed M.K.O. Abiola? Who killed Funsho
Williams? Who killed Bola Ige? Who killed Dipo Dina? Who killed
Marshal Harry? Who killed Obi Wali? Who really killed Murtala
Muhammed? The security and stability of our nation are hinged on
eliminating the greed that fanned the flames of these political assassinations. Not only do the purveyors of politically motivated
violence pose a threat to the democratic process; after elections, their
thugs become a menacing scourge of armed bandits who take to
robbery, kidnapping, cultism and other criminal vices for self-
maintenance until the next elections. We cannot build a stable and
secure nation until our politics is rescued from the grip of murderers
and placed in the custody of patriots.
2. Economically Motivated Threats
In January 2012, when Save Nigeria Group (SNG) mobilised a
critical mass of Nigerians to Freedom Park, Ojota, we were not
simply asking for a reversal of the fuel price hike that threatened the
daily bread of the so-called average Nigerian; we were fighting
organised crime syndicates who had hijacked our collective
patrimony in the name of fuel subsidies. Our galvanising slogan then
was, “Kill Corruption, Not Nigerians!” The economic threats to our
national security are individual and corporate syndicates who loot our
treasury, bastardise our national image, and submerge our nation’s
credit rating in the cesspool of local and international criminal
enterprise. To address these threats, we need to revive our economy
as a matter of urgency such that no Nigerian will have an excuse to
resort to crime.
3. Ideologically Motivated Threats
Boko Haram, which derives its fuel from an extremist interpretation of Islam, falls in this category.10 The perpetrators of such national
security threats tend to deploy terrorism and insurgency as a strategy.
Since 2009, over 30,000 people have died in the course of the war on terror.11 Winning this war is a national priority that has become
synonymous with our quest for peace and stability.
4. Ethnic Nationalistic Threats
Due to the failure to unite as one nation, the fabric of our nationhood
is being frayed by different ethnic groups threatening to go their
separate ways. Groups such as the Movement for the Emancipation
of the Niger Delta (MEND), the Bakassi Boys, Egbesu Boys, a
faction of the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), Movement for the
Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and, most
recently, the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB), fall under this
category.
5. Zonal Security Threats
Several of our national security threats are zonally delineated. For
instance, the epicentre of Boko Haram is in the North East, while
cattle rustling-related banditry is based in the North West; the
farmer-herder conflict has its base in the North Central; kidnapping
first became an industry in the South South and South East, and so
on. Our border challenges are also different across the zones. In the
North East, for instance, the Mandara Mountains allow Boko Haram
to traverse Nigeria and Cameroon. In the North West, the flatland
borders with Niger make it easy for bandits to crisscross Nigeria and
Niger. In the South West, smugglers from the Republic of Benin
pose a unique set of border challenges, while the Southern coastlines
grapple with piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. We celebrate the fact that
the Nigeria Customs and Immigration services have taken steps to
improve border security by closing the borders. However, we must
go further to permanently resolve the loopholes in border
management, because no nation can leave its borders closed
indefinitely in a globalised world.
6. State Engineered Security Threats
My assertion that the Nigerian state has been a threat to its own
national security might sound strange. However, when state actors
such as the armed forces, the police force, and others, become
perpetrators of acts of terror, the state scores an own goal and
becomes a threat to its own security. According to Nigeria Security
Tracker, 8,571 civilians were killed extrajudicially by soldiers and security agents between May 2011 and September 2019.12
7. Strategic Threats
The strategic threats to Nigeria’s national security involve foreign
interests and actors. In 2014, during the administration of President
Goodluck Jonathan, one-time Foreign Affairs Minister, Prof. Bolaji
Akinyemi, raised the alarm over the strategic nature of insecurity in
Nigeria. In his view:
…there are…very strong forces, external to
Nigeria…who’re actually masterminding these
operations…There has been penetration of…our security
agencies…So, we’re dealing with forces that are larger
than Nigeria. The forces involved in the Nigerian debacle
are by far stronger than the Nigerian government. Even if
you changed your president, his successor would have a
major battle on his hand if he decided to confront these elements.13
Five years later, Prof. Akinyemi may have been proven right. Some
of the internal threats I have mentioned have external collaborators.
We know, for instance, from intelligence reports that Boko Haram is affiliated with terror groups in Somalia.14 Furthermore, in order to deal with the international nature of our security threats, we cannot ignore the interests of certain strategic countries,15 particularly regional hegemons, seeking to consolidate their interests in Nigeria
as a result of our strategic importance to the world.
Assessing Capabilities: Challenges to Security Management
Our inability to successfully combat these threats and secure our
nation has been due to the following:
1. A Faltering National Security Philosophy
Our national security philosophy reflects the words of King Louis
XVI, France’s absolute monarch who once equated the state to
himself, stating “L’État, c’est moi,” meaning, “I am the State.” Our
national security philosophy was crafted in the military era when the
main preoccupation was protecting the head of state and the military
junta. This persisting faulty security philosophy is the reason
governors can legally access large amounts of monies in the name of
security votes that they do not have to account for; it is why the
police force, which ought to protect every Nigerian, has been
comparatively neglected over the years in terms of funding,
equipment, remuneration, and training. It is why security, which
ought to be a public good, has now become a private commodity.
Nigerians who can afford it make personal arrangements for their
security while poor Nigerians are left to form vigilante groups or
embark on prayer vigils for angelic protection.
2. Multilevel Unpreparedness for National Security
Due to constitutional constraints, our security strategies are
incapacitated at the local, state, and federal levels. The efforts of the
Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF), for instance, have shown that Boko
Haram could have been curtailed if we had community and state
police forces with mastery of the terrain and ability to nip threats in
the bud. Also, despite the zonally differentiated nature of our security
and border challenges, we have excluded the idea of zonal forces
from our border management strategies even as an overstretched
federal government continues to grapple with border security.
3. Organisational Inefficiency
Despite the significant burden of national security on the shoulders of
the federal government, we have failed to properly organise federal
governance to meet this need. Instead, we have a cacophony of
ministries, departments, agencies and advisory bodies that have
failed to place national security as the cornerstone of social,
economic, political, strategic and infrastructural policies, despite the
fact that section 2(14) of the 1999 Constitution as amended states
that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.”16
4. Security Culture Dissonance
A segmentation of our national security culture will reveal at least
four categories of players: antagonists, survivors, neutrals and
protagonists. Everyone listening to me falls under at least one. The
antagonists include the sponsors and perpetrators of insecurity such
as double-dealing police officers, hired assassins and cybercriminals;
the survivors include internally displaced persons and victims of
kidnap; the neutrals are bystanders who could be swayed to any side
and are readily available as contractors who carry out arms deals for
criminals, couriers and vendors who run errands for terrorists, and
communities that conceal the hideouts of criminals and become
complicit by their silence; while the protagonists include combatants
such as soldiers and the police force as well as non-combatants such
as policymakers and citizens who are prepared to aid the
government’s efforts.
Our national security challenge has worsened because the protagonist
category is shrinking and many citizens are becoming bystanders
due, in particular, to a low level of trust in our security agencies.
5. Security Infrastructure Deficit
Time will fail me to talk about Nigeria’s scorecard in military
strength, including our stock and deficiencies in land and air-based
military equipment;17 but where soldiers are reportedly forced to buy
their own uniforms and our barracks are nothing but environmental and health hazards,18 reports of low morale are hardly breaking news. Besides, it appears that our combined military and intelligence capabilities are no match for the security challenges we currently grapple with. A recent report by The New York Times states that Boko Haram “fighters now have more sophisticated drones than the military and are well-armed after successful raids on military brigades.”19 Drones in the custody of terrorists is a grave existential threat. Moreover, the absence of robust human and weapons databases has hampered the necessary intelligence that can aid the
prevention and detection of crime.
6. Security Architecture Dysfunction
National security architecture has to do with security institutions,
leadership, training and strategies. Central to our deficiency in this
regard is a comparatively weak intelligence system. Our foreign
intelligence service has proved inadequate in meeting our strategic
security threats. The National Intelligence Agency (NIA) should be
our version of the United States of America’s Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA), the United Kingdom’s MI6, or Israel’s Mossad, but
the NIA came into the limelight in the first term of this
administration, not for pre-empting a national security threat, but for
stashing $43m in an apartment in Ikoyi, Lagos allegedly earmarked for their overt and covert operations.20 Also notable is the Sambo Dasuki saga in which the Office of the National Security Adviser was
linked with a phantom arms deal worth $2bn.21 Moreover, the Office
of the National Security Adviser may have become overstretched.
Juggling the co-ordination of the main intelligence agencies with
advising the president and overseeing the protection of government
officials may have limited the investigative freedom and focus of the
intelligence community.
On training and deployment of our military, how much longer will
we dispatch poorly trained and poorly equipped recruits to their
deaths? Are we truly using Shilka guns purchased during the 1979-83 Shagari administration in 2019?22 Are children of the poor truly being deployed to battlefronts while the children of the rich are shielded? Is this the same National Defence Academy that positioned a poor orphan from Daura, Cadet Muhammadu Buhari, and set him on the path to the presidency? These are questions the army must
answer to restore public confidence in this noble institution.
7. Security Intra-Culture Dissonance
By security intra-culture, I mean the dynamics of inter-agency
relations. The killing of policemen by soldiers was not just an
isolated case of bad eggs in the army colluding with criminals; it was
another case of agencies working at cross-purposes. Time and again,
we have witnessed one inter-agency clash after another. In 2017, the
media was awash with the shameful clash between the EFCC and the DSS.23 The inter-agency clashes may have even extended to the training of our officers. Should the establishment of separate
universities for the army, airforce and navy be a priority at this time
when we have a Nigerian Defence Academy?
In any case, the biggest indictment on our security intra-culture
failure is not on the rank and file of our military and law enforcement
agencies but the leadership. Allegations of the deliberate spreading of alternative facts, as well as internal wranglings24 by service chiefs in the race to replace the Chief of Defence Staff or National Security Adviser, do not inspire confidence in the tenth year of Boko Haram’s
onslaught.
Towards an Integrated Security Roadmap: Resetting Nigeria on
the Path of Predictable Progress
I believe that these challenges of nationhood, manifesting as threats
to national security, provide an opportunity to go back to the drawing
board and rebuild our nation. It is a call to an integrated national
security roadmap as part of a long-term masterplan to rebuild
Nigeria. An integrated national security roadmap brings together
diverse objectives of nation-building, including the social, political,
economic and strategic objectives, and pivots them on the national
security thrust. We must bear this in mind as we proffer the
following solutions to the challenges militating against our stability
and progress:
1. Rethinking the National Security Philosophy
The first step towards securing our nation is revisiting the
philosophical foundations of governance. This calls for prioritising
the security of the governed above that of the government. It requires
making a transition from the governance philosophy of Louis XVI to
that of David, king of Israel, as captured in I Chronicles 14:2
(KJV):
And David perceived that the LORD had confirmed him
king over Israel, for his kingdom was lifted up on high,
because of his people Israel.
King David, by embracing the purpose for which he was made king,
rather than just enjoying the perks and privileges of office, “served his generation by the will of God,”25 “shepherded [Israel] according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them by the skilfulness of his hands,”26 until he became the lamp of his nation, placing national security above his.27 Guided by this people-centred national security and governance philosophy, we can then begin to design policies, investments and institutions that guarantee the stability, security and
progress of our nation.
2. Reinstating National Security Federalism
The need to return to true federalism through devolution of powers
cannot be overemphasised. Subnational governments must be
empowered to provide security alongside federal structures. The true
test of leadership in a federal system is the willingness of the central
government to empower the federating units. It must be a case of first
among equals. The federal government must, therefore, stop being
afraid of empowered states and local governments. We must embrace
multilevel policing in the spirit of true federalism, setting in place
appropriate constitutional checks and balances to prevent abuse. Not
to act swiftly, or to do otherwise, can only be counterproductive to
our stability and progress.
3. Reforming National Security Governance
The National Security Council is central to dealing with the diverse threats to our national security.28 In this regard, the president, as Chairman of the National Security Council, must take responsibility for combating the political threats by modelling statesmanship and exemplary politics as the father of the nation, reminiscent of the roles played by George Washington and Abraham Lincoln of the United States of America. By such exemplary leadership, the president must bring the political elite to the roundtable of brotherhood and compel them by astute politics and the force of leadership to put an end to the politics of banditry and to work for, rather than against, the interest
of the nation.
Next is the vice president. In an atmosphere of implicit trust, any
government that fails to maximise the Office of the Vice President
does so at its peril. By the provisions of section 18(a) and section
25(b) of the Third Schedule, Part 1 of the 1999 Constitution as
amended, the vice president is the chairman of the National
Economic Council and the deputy chairman of the National Security Council.29 Therefore, the vice president must be empowered to lead the socio-economic thrust of an integrated national security strategy that rewards enterprise, discourages crime, and ensures that every
Nigerian has an honest opportunity to make a living. To do this, we
must harness the resources in every geopolitical zone for the benefit
of every Nigerian. Therefore, this socio-economic thrust must be
built on a long-term national master plan comprising six intersecting
zonal master plans, aimed at restructuring the Nigerian economy into
six globally competitive geo-economic zones. The operational and
financing mechanisms of this framework are spelt out in the
pragmatic steps towards restructuring Nigeria which I have presented to the nation since 2017.30
The ideological and ethnic nationalistic threats to our national
security call for national rebirth, reconciliation and reintegration. In
this regard, once again, we cannot ignore the zonal dimensions of
these threats. From Abubakar Shekau to Nnamdi Kanu, what we are
experiencing is nothing short of the regionalisation of rebellion.
Nigeria’s zonal distinctions are geopolitical leadership spaces waiting
to be filled. Failing to fill them with state structures leaves room for
the occupation of those zonal leadership spaces by non-state actors
like regional terrorists, criminals and secessionists. Therefore, the
president, by reason of the powers articulated in section 25(i) of the
Third Schedule, Part 1 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, should,
as a matter of urgency, create a Presidential Commission for National
Rebirth, Reconciliation and Reintegration, and appoint a Chairman over this Commission.31 This Chairman should be able to build bridges among the diverse interest groups in the country, thereby putting an end to agitations and forging true nationhood. As a
member of the National Security Council, this person is expected to
integrate the reconciliation and reintegration thrust into the broader
national security strategy.
To combat the strategic threats to our national security, we must rejig
our foreign policy and reorganise the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We
must design a two-pronged foreign policy thrust aimed at managing
relations with two broad categories of strategic threats and
opportunities broadly defined as the Southern Foreign Policy Thrust
and the Northern Foreign Policy Thrust.
The Southern Foreign Policy Thrust, which we may also refer to as
the Trans-Atlantic Thrust, will embark on astute diplomacy with
such countries and regions that have greater cultural influence in
Southern Nigeria, including the United States of America, Great
Britain, Russia, Israel, South America, the European Union with
special attention to France and Germany, as well as Sub-Saharan
Africa, in particular, South Africa, and so on. This thrust will aim to
mobilise economic, technical and international political alliances
towards Nigeria’s national security, using our strategic importance to
international and global security as a bargaining tool.
The Northern Foreign Policy Thrust, which we may also call the
Trans-Saharan Thrust, will lead diplomatic relations with Sahelian
Africa, the Maghreb, the Horn of Africa, North Africa, the Arabian
Peninsula, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf. This aspect of our
foreign policy will aim to leverage cultural diplomacy and political-
economic cooperation to combat insurgency and ensure the
recalibration of Northern Nigeria; recalibration of the sort that
transformed Dubai from a desert to a world-class city. To achieve
this aim, the president must be prepared to make bold decisions.
In all of these, the National Assembly must live up to its oversight
responsibility. The legislature must support our armed forces by
making laws that will spur a radical progressive transformation of
our security governance.
4. Recreating Security Culture: “Eternal Vigilance is the Price of Liberty.”32
Our security culture objective must be to restore hope to survivors,
motivate bystanders and spectators to become protagonists, and
recruit contractors and dealers as agents and informants. By
rewarding and guaranteeing protection for those who blow the
whistle on terrorists, kidnappers, criminal herdsmen, cattle rustlers
and bandits, we will shrink the population of the antagonists.
Furthermore, we must competitively reward valour in our security
agencies. Team and individual award schemes should be instituted
for police officers and members of the armed forces who bravely
bring down criminal gangs and terrorists while ensuring that human
rights are respected. In addition, celebrating valour and heroism must
become a central feature of our cultural experiences. Nollywood and
the creative industries must be supported to produce inspiring epics
and biopics in honour of our heroes.
5. Redesigning Security Architecture
We can begin to redesign our security architecture by taking a
number of first steps. The funds being funnelled into extra
universities should be channelled towards building the capacity of the
Nigerian Defence Academy and prosecuting the war against Boko
Haram. We must then refocus the training of our soldiers to cater to
unconventional warfare.
However, to create lasting change, we must institutionalise security
interventions rather than respond with a fire brigade approach to
emerging challenges. We already have too many task forces littered
across the length and breadth of the nation duplicating efforts. What
we need is the restructuring of our police force to allow for
multilevel policing. Therefore, we must, as a matter of urgency,
create police forces at the state and community levels under the
control of the respective state and local governments. In addition,
given the zonal delineation of security threats, state governments
within each zone must come together to constitute Zonal Security
Councils, to push for constitutional amendments to recognise and
empower such councils, and to have them represented at the National
Security Council. Each Zonal Security Council must be chaired by a
governor from the member states on a rotating basis and, at every
point in time, the chairman of each Zonal Security Council shall
represent the zone at the National Security Council.
Under the command of the respective Zonal Security Councils, each
state within a zone shall contribute officers from its state police force
towards the Zonal Police Force of that zone. The Zonal Police Forces
shall assume responsibility for policing interstate highways within
each zone and for protecting the vulnerable areas in each zone. For
instance, the dense forests of the South East could be policed by the
South East Zonal Police Force, while Sambisa Forest and Mandara
Hills could be policed by the North East Zonal Police Force, and so
on. The Zonal Police Force shall also assist federal agencies, such as
the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) and the Nigeria Immigration
Service (NIS), to provide border protection services in the parts of
our national borders that fall within the respective zonal jurisdictions.
In this regard, for instance, the North West Zonal Police Force, under
the command of the North West Zonal Security Council, could
provide support to the customs and immigration services in securing
all the porous borders around Jigawa, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto and
Kebbi States where bandits, kidnappers, criminal herdsmen and cattle
rustlers have been holding sway.
“What, then, happens to the Nigeria Police Force?” you may ask.
Currently the only police force in the country, the Nigeria Police
Force can be reformed into a National Bureau of Investigation (NBI)
focused on investigative policing, intelligence gathering, as well as
interstate, inter-zonal and national security as the main law enforcement agency of the federal government.33
By so doing, we will have restored policing duties to very effective
police forces within our borders. This will position us to strengthen
and deploy our defence forces, including the army, the air force and
the navy, beyond our borders to win the war on Boko Haram and to
neutralise aggressors beyond our borders as the military did in its
heyday in war-torn Liberia and Sierra Leone.
Furthermore, to boost intelligence gathering, we propose the creation
of a Directorate of National Intelligence (DNI) headed by a Director
of National Intelligence who shall report directly to the president and
shall also sit on the National Security Council. The role of the
Director of National Intelligence shall be to provide unbiased, non-
partisan intelligence, while the National Security Adviser, who is a
political appointee, shall support the president in decision making based on intelligence provided by the DNI.34
6. Retooling Security Infrastructure
A well-designed security architecture requires a sophisticated enough
security infrastructural outlay. First, we must ensure that we kit and
equip our soldiers and security agencies adequately. We must also
ensure that the living conditions of our soldiers and police officers
meet standards of decency. Therefore, we must embark on massive
infrastructure renovation in all barracks across the nation. This will
boost the morale of our officers and spur them to fight on for their
beloved country. Furthermore, from machines to missiles, from
precision-guided weapons to unmanned aerial vehicles, from
surveillance technologies to reconnaissance satellites and data
management systems, we must upgrade our security infrastructure. In
this regard, Nigeria would do well to leverage our proposed foreign
policy framework with a view to attracting international
collaborations in acquiring, deploying and even innovating military,
security and intelligence technologies.
7. Remodelling Security Intra-Culture
In dealing with inter-agency discordance, much depends on the heads
of each agency and the decisiveness of Mr. President who is the
Chief Security Officer of the nation and the Chairman of the National
Security Council that brings all the agencies together. To this end, I
appeal to Mr. President to take a serious look at the composition of
the service chiefs and set stringent standards and objectives below
which no service chief must fall, otherwise they risk replacement. It
is a call for leadership by measurable objectives.
To the service chiefs, perhaps the words of a fellow general, James
N. Mattis, popularly known as Jim “Mad Dog” Mattis, former US
Secretary of Defense, will serve as sufficient indictment:
In this age, I don’t care how tactically or operationally
brilliant you are, if you cannot create harmony—even
vicious harmony—on the battlefield based on trust across
service lines, across coalition and national lines, and
across civilian/military lines, you need to go home, because your leadership is obsolete.35
Conclusion
As I conclude, let me challenge the church to awaken to its
responsibility as a watchman over the nation. National security
strategies are incomplete without the spiritual role of the watchman.
In the words of Reverend Father George Ehusani:
Nigerian Christians…cannot sit idly and complain
endlessly about the deplorable state of affairs in our
country. We must get into action in whatever way is
open to us, and ignite our Christian candle to fight back
the forces of darkness and decay, whether as responsible
parents or respectful children, devoted teachers or
diligent students, God-fearing doctors or dedicated
nurses, dutiful administrators or faithful labourers. If a
sufficient number of Christians lit their candles in this
way, then we can be sure that dying Nigeria shall rise
again to greatness, by the power of God who raised Jesus Christ from the dead.36
Saints of the Most High God, we can respond to this compelling call
backed by the knowing that God’s set time to favour Nigeria is here.
Overnight on Wednesday, September 18, 2019, God showed me a
vision for Nigeria. I saw a rainbow across Nigeria with the word
“RESET” written boldly across the land. I knew at once that the time
to reset Nigeria on the path of predictable progress is here. In
computer terminology, to reset means “to turn a piece of computer
equipment off and then on again when it does not work correctly, to make it start working correctly again.”37
The rainbow was the symbol of a covenant with Noah, which God placed in the sky38 after He had shut down the earth by sending the flood that destroyed it from its foundations. It is time to return to the foundations of our nation – foundations which were laid by our founding fathers, but which are now devastated. It is time to rebuild.
It is time to reset.
As it was in the days of Nehemiah, when each group built the aspect
of the wall within its jurisdiction, the rebuilding has to be done zone
by zone in line with our foundational governance paradigm of true
federalism. Hence, the resetting will require revisiting the federal
governance architecture. I am reminded of the pre-2019 election
admonitions of Elder Statesman and former Commonwealth
Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku:
“…judged by all the relevant indices, Nigeria today is
clearly underperforming and lacking national cohesion as
never before. If our country is to succeed on the road to
political stability and realisation of its rich development
potential, it must, by restructuring its present governance
architecture. It must return to the true federalism that it
practiced in the years before the military intervened in our national politics.”39
Fellow Nigerians, upon the foundation of a restructured Nigeria, we
can forge a new nation, one of diverse peoples, bound together in
unity like the colours of a rainbow, beaming light to the world,
working in collaboration, not in conflict, with the rest of Africa, including South Africa, a fellow rainbow nation.40 I remain confident as ever that Nigeria will be saved, Nigeria will be changed,
and Nigeria will be great in my lifetime. Amen.
Thank you for listening; God bless you, God bless Nigeria, and God
bless Africa.
Pastor ‘Tunde Bakare