TheNewsGuru

Author: Etim Etim

  • Democratic Republic of Congo: Contradictions, agony and implications for pan Africanism – By Etim Etim

    Democratic Republic of Congo: Contradictions, agony and implications for pan Africanism – By Etim Etim

    Although the rest of Africa seems to have forgotten about the crisis and wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), some scholars, intellectuals and thinkers from the continent are continually engrossed in finding the pathways to resolving the perennial problems in the continent’s largest country. Last weekend, they came together to examine the underlying causes of the conflicts and proffer solutions. It was at a webinar organized by The Pan-African Dialogue Institute (TPADI) on the theme ‘’Invasion of DR Congo: Global interests and implications for pan-Africanism’’ TPADI is an international think tank of African academics, professionals, students, civil society and grassroots leaders in different fields of life within Africa and the Diaspora, coming together for the study, practice, and propagation of Pan-Africanism.

    The Keynote Speaker at the webinar, Prof G. Macharia Munene, is a Professor of History and International Relations at the United States International University Africa (USIU-A). He has taught in several universities in Europe, America and Africa, and published many articles and books. His academic excellence and advocacy have earned him an award as a UN recognized Expert on Decolonization. Prof. Munene gave a historical account of Congo crisis, tracing it to the Berlin Conference of 1884, and argued that the country is “the source of both Pan-African agony and Pan-African consciousness”, because of being subjected to military, mercenary, commercial, mineral resource looting, and spiritual invasions. Congo is geographically a big country and there actually seems to be two countries in one, Eastern and Western Congo. Those in Eastern Congo appear to be closer to East African countries than to Western Congo. To them, the zone around Kinshasa in Western Congo is like a foreign country and Eastern Congo is similarly a foreign country to those in Kinshasa. Congo is rich in strategic minerals and such other forms of wealth like rubber and timber. He noted that DRC is similarly a source of African contradictions of extreme wealth in the midst of extreme poverty – a place of attraction for colonizers to extract wealth accompanied by the pain of poverty for African victims of colonialism. It attracts extra-continental adventurers and wealth looters.

    Participants at the Berlin Conference, Munene reasoned, achieved two things. First they partitioned the Congo zone so that the French, the British, the Portuguese, and the Germans each got a piece of the Congo zone. The biggest beneficiary of the partitioning was King Leopold of Belgium who acquired the entire DR Congo as his personal property, to be called ‘Leopold’s Congo’. The second achievement was to agree on how to claim other African territories without fighting. But Congo was set on a path of destruction.

    The post-Independence killing of Lumumba plunged Congo into Cold War chaos and acted as a warning to other African leaders of what could happen. Leaders of the soon to be independent Kenya took note of those happenings and assured the West that all would be well because thugs would not run the government. Nairobi tried to reconcile the Congolese factions in the 1960s but external forces made sure that the reconciliation would not go far. Mobutu was the main man to be protected by the Western powers in the 1970s even as he looted his country dry. He became so rich and ran his country bankrupt, so much so that he could lend money to his country. He tried derailing the events in Angola, sponsoring Holden Roberto. In his private visits to the US, he still received honored treatment from US President Jimmy Carter.

    Mobutu’s ouster was due to both internal weaknesses as well as external pressure. Internally, he had alienated the Congolese so much that he did not have an army to rely on. He instead relied on mercenaries and mercenaries rarely fight when they should. They simply take the money and move elsewhere. Mobutu’s mercenaries abandoned him to his fate. The external factors involved a coalition of Congolese in exile under Laurent Desire Kabila, a purported follower of Lumumba and who was supported by neighboring countries such as Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Zambia. Paul Kagame, initially operating from Uganda, came from the 1994 genocide in Rwanda as a savior. About two million genocide suspects, who escaped to Eastern Congo, endorsed Kabila. And so did Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni and other countries which joined the Kabila bandwagon which swept Mobutu out of office into exile in 1997.

    With Kabila finally in Kinshasa as president, he changed the country’s name from Mobutu’s Zaire to Democratic Republic of Congo, DR Congo. He also chased his Ugandan and Rwandan supporters from Kinshasa. His body guards assassinated him in January 2001. He was succeeded by his son, Joseph Kabila. In addition, the anti-Mobutu allies started quarrelling as each country leader looked after his country’s national interests. Some of those interests turned out to be exporting gold and other minerals from Eastern Congo. Some like Rwanda and Uganda, exchanged fire in Eastern Congo or, like Uganda and Zimbabwe, exchanging insult as to who was a lackey of the United States. Kabila transferred power to Felix Tshesekedi in 2019 after an election. Several countries have different excuses for having troops in Eastern Congo ranging from security to supporting Felix Tshesikedi’s government against such rebels as M23.

    Congo also attracts extra-continental players who propel conflicts in return for access to different types of minerals. They supply the guns to keep the violence going and offer ‘humanitarian’ assistance for the victims. Among the extra-continental players in DR Congo are the EU, China, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, France, and Russia. Tshesekedi, probably observing Ukrainian indecision on giving minerals to Trump’s America, offered to give Trump access to Congolese minerals in return for security. The meeting with Masaad Boulos, advisor to Trump on Africa and Middle East, who is also an in-law to Trump, reportedly yielded positive results. It might imply a return to the Mobutu days.

    Prof Munene concluded that the violence in DR Congo is likely to continue partly because it is not in the perceived interests of the forces that control Congo’s resources such as the mining of the minerals. Those forces subject Congo to various types of invasions ranging from the military invasion to commercial as well as beliefs that are designed to dehumanize and enslave people into submission. This is not a new challenge but a long lasting one that has ravaged Congo for more than 140 years.

    Another speaker, Prof. Mutombo Nkulu-N’Sengha, a citizen of DRC and a professor of Religion at California State University, Northridge, USA, is the Vice President of TPADI. In his presentation titled, Geopolitical and Pan-African Approach to the DR Congo Tragedy, he noted that foreign powers have vested interests in the Congo due its vast mineral deposits. Western powers consider Congo, and indeed Africa, as their properties that can be used however they want; and keeping Africa in perpetual conflicts is part of their strategies for continued exploration and exploitation. Prof Mutombo said although many scholars are suggesting that that DRC may be divided into two countries – Western Congo and Eastern Congo – just as the North and South Koreas, he is against demarcation of his native country. For him, division does not necessarily bring a solution and gave the example of Sudan. Eastern Congo has been the in the eye of the storm, he argued, because the largest deposits of minerals are found there. He concluded by calling on all Africans, particularly the Congolese, to rise up, and come together to engage the common enemy, the West.

    The third speaker, Dr. Peter Wafula Wekesa, a Senior Lecturer in the Department of History, Archeology and Political Studies at Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya, is a specialist in border community relations, border resources, identity politics, international relations as his main research focus. He is an accomplished academic with many publications to his credit. On DRC, Dr. Wekesa believes that border and ethnicity issues may not be unconnected to the instability witnessed in the Congo region. Western Powers, he argues, capitalize on ethnic divisions amongst the Congolese to perpetrate their evil agenda, which is to keep the people under subjugation while they exploit their minerals. He therefore called on Congolese and indeed Africans to talk less on the things that divide them but dialogue more on those things that unite them.

    Dr. Francis Khayundi looked at the DRC problems through legal framework. An Assistant Professor of International Law at the United States International University, Africa, he is also an advocate of the High Court of Kenya. At USIU-Africa, he teaches and researches International Law, International Organizations, Refugee Protection, Human Rights, Governance, Data Protection, and International Relations. According to him, the Berlin Conference and its outcome were related to international law as the Western Powers needed to legitimize their actions in Africa through that conference.

    The director of TPADI Commission on African Politics, Governance and International Relations, Dr. Kakai considered the leadership question and its roles in the DRC crisis. He is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of History, Archaeology and Political Studies at Kenyatta University, Nairobi. Dr. Kakai questions the quality of leadership in DRC and wondered if the invasion was as a result of the abundant mineral resources in the country or a result of the collusion between the government and foreign forces. He however insisted that no matter the level of conflicts, the country should not be divided; but remain united and find a lasting solution to their problems.

    The International President of The Pan African Dialogue Institute (TPADI), organizers of the webinar, Dr. Effiong Udo, thanked the panelists for giving the best of their scholarship in enlightening participants on the invasion of the Congo. He noted that what happens in the Congo was of paramount interest to the institute and should be of concern to everyone in Africa. ‘’As Pan-Africanists, we believe that an Injustice to one African is a tragedy to all Africans”, he said. He regretted that the natural resources in Congo have become a curse that has sent millions of Congolese children, women and men to their early graves with no end in sight, stating that every blood spilled in Congo by the M23 militants is either feeding the greed of its leaders or enriching the Western contractors. He encouraged all to embrace dialogue, peaceful and non-violent approach to this conflict against picking arms. According to him, violence has never solved a conflict. He called on the African Union to assist the leaders and citizens of Congo to resolve this prolonged conflict through dialogue and deep thinking or our people will continue to die like fools.

  • Watch out! Our women are fighting back – By Etim Etim

    Watch out! Our women are fighting back – By Etim Etim

    Since late February when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan nearly brought down the roof of the Senate, wagging her finger at the Senate President and shouting, ‘’I’m not afraid of you’’, Nigerian women have found their voice and are rising to assert their influence. Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio and her relentless pursuit of the matter have further pumped up our women fold; creating a sense in them that they can’t remain silent further. The other day at the airport, a woman caused a stir as she shouted at a middle aged man, ‘’If you cross me, I will deal ruthlessly with you’’. I don’t know what the matter was, but I had to quickly walk away from the scene. On talk shows, women activists are punching the air to make their points on the issue of gender equality and reiterate their support for the embattled Kogi Senator. Last Saturday, a female guest in a TV interview looked intensely into the camera and bellowed out: ‘’we’ve been quiet for so long. It’s time we, the women, came out of our shells and teach the men some lessons’’. But nothing prepared me for the shock of last night when Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, former Vice President for Africa at the World Bank and former Minister of Education, nearly came to blows with Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi, deputy chief whip of the senate. I have never seen Ezekweisili so agitated, irascible and emotional.

    It was at the sitting of the Senate Committee on Ethics where Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition against Akapbio was to be heard, and the former minister was there in her capacity as the Country Chair of Women Political Leaders (WPL), a nonprofit foundation that operates as a global network of female political leaders. Nwebonyi attended as a representative of the Senate President, who has been in the centre of the storm. According to Nwebonyi, trouble started when the petitioner and his lawyer refused to go on oath before they could make their presentation. Nwebonyi told Arise News: ‘’When they refused to take the oath, I asked the Chairman of the Committee to call off the meeting as the petitioner was not ready. That’s when Dr. Ezekwesili told me ‘shut up your mouth. You are a hooligan’. A shouting match then ensued. Nigerians are sharply divided on who to blame for the altercation. While some argue that as a man, Nwebonyi should have kept quiet and received Ezekwesili’s insults with equanimity, others claim that the former minister ought not to have been rude to the man, a principal officer of the Nigerian Senate, no matter her status. In any case, Nwebonyi was not even addressing her when she interjected with ‘’Shut up your mouth’’.

    I have known Ezekwesili right from our days in the university in the 1980s as a respectful, courteous and good-natured, but independent minded person, and I have never thought that a day would come when she would call a senator a ‘’hooligan’’. The anger, emotions and the adrenalins we have seen in Nigerian women since the Akpoti-Uduaghan saga have been enormous. Many have thrown away self restraint as they try to make their point. This is their ‘’Me too’’ moment. I recall that #MeToo started in the US as a social movement and awareness campaign against sexual abuse, sexual harassment and rape culture in which women publicize their experiences of sexual abuse or harassment. The phrase ‘’Me Too’’ was initially used in this context in the US in 2006, on Myspace, by a sexual assault survivor and activist, Ms Tarana Burke; and the hashtag #MeToo was used in 2017 as a way to draw attention to the magnitude of the problem in the US. ‘’MeeToo’’ is therefore meant to empower those who have been sexually assaulted through empathy, solidarity and strength in numbers, by visibly demonstrating the depth of the problems, especially at workplace. So far, Nigerian activists have not used the hashtag #MeToo in their advocacy, but I will not be surprised if someone comes up with a typically Nigerian creative slogan. It’s not long ago that we had #EndSARs; #EndBadGovernance and #NoGreeForAnybody.

    Now that personalities like Oby Ezekwesili have come out to openly identify with Akpoti-Uduaghan, it is important that Nigerian men realize just how important this issue is to our womenfolk; how sensitive they are to such matters, and that the women are fighting back in unimaginable ways. To my fellow men, let me warn that the era of leering lustfully at women or making comments about a woman’s bust or length of her skirt is gone. You could be accused of sexual harassment for passing what you think is an innocuous joke. Last May, Mrs Simisola Ajayi, an assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs had accused the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry, Ibrahim Lamuwa, of sexual harassment. Mrs Ajayi had petitioned the then Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Mrs Folashade Yemi-Esan of serially making passes at her despite her status as a married woman. Then Head of Service promptly suspended the Perm Sec, but the matter had since died. Attempts by the House of Representatives to weigh into the matter quickly fizzled out. Activists like Dr. Ezekwesili did not even bother to comment on it, perhaps because Mrs Ajayi is not a senator. That’s how Nigeria works. If you are not a big man (or woman), nobody fights your fight. The reason Natasha’s matter has become an international embarrassment is because she is a beautiful senator married to a Warri chief. If she were a teacher in my village, nobody would listen to her even if her headmaster had torn her skirt!

    Nigerian women are fighting back to assert their position as equal partners in society and demand for respect, recognition and a place at the table. But like all struggles, this one requires good strategies and long-term planning; not emotions and insults.

  • Wike, Natasha and the explosions in the creeks – By Etim Etim

    Wike, Natasha and the explosions in the creeks – By Etim Etim

    Suddenly, the crisis in the Nigerian Senate has been replaced in the headlines by the state of emergency declared in Rivers State by President Tinubu and the resurgence of bombings in the creeks. Senator Godswill Akpabio is perhaps the happiest politician in the country today because of the respite he has just received. I understand that the ‘’Queen of the Senate’’ was already planning to give interviews to CNN; Al Jazeera and other cable networks to further ridicule the Senate President. She’s also been invited to make presentations at a few women events in Lagos and Abuja in the months ahead. But she’s had to shelve her media plans in view of the national mood and the shift in attention to Rivers; but is going ahead with her intentions to write to Western embassies in Abuja to report Senator Akpabio and advise them to register the Senate President as ‘’a serial sex offender’’. She’s a relentless fighter and she knows what she wants, one of her advisers told me.

    Meantime, continued explosions in the creeks of the Niger Delta will disrupt crude oil production and exports, and this would set the economy tailspinning into a chaos. The Nigerian economy has been experiencing its severest fiscal crisis in a generation and further commotions could trigger a recession – a nightmare scenario that is better imagined than experienced. The country has been struggling to go beyond a production volume of 1.5 million barrels per day, and with oil prices hovering between $70 and $77, a deficit of N13. 39 trillion in the 2025 budget, a recession will lead to hyper inflation; job losses; insecurity and political violence. Tinubu’s plan to achieve a $1 trillion economy by 2031 is increasingly becoming a mirage. Whosoever pushed Tinubu on this political path is putting him on the path to self-destruct. Did he see this coming or is he sleep-walking into it? Can Nigeria handle full scale uprising in the Niger Delta?

    Although his backers are quick to ascribe supernatural political powers to the President, he is clearly out of depth in his handling of the Rivers crisis. He has allowed a combination of bad politics, greed and the politics of 2027 to becloud his sense of judgement. Nyesom Wike was able to procure a bogus election result in favour of APC in the 2023 presidential election and that helped propel Tinubu into office, while Wike became his premier political ally. With another election coming in two years, there has been mounting revolts against the President from important political blocs in the North – a region that gave him an invaluable support he badly needed. The North claims that his draconian economic policies have worsened poverty in the region and his nepotism has denied the region of the patronage it’s used to. Desperate for a second term, the President has turned to the eight Southern States where his party is not in power for succor – four in South-South; three in South East and one in South West. He wants to railroad them into supporting him. Akwa Ibom Governor, Umo Eno is under severe pressure to decamp to APC, while the governors of Bayelsa and Delta have been told to pledge their unalloyed support for Tinubu. The sacking of Gov. Fubara and the House of Assembly through the emergency rule last night is deemed illegal by various constitutional lawyers, scholars and commentators, but it is an option preferred by the president’s strategists as the easiest way to capture the state.

    Dismantling the political structures in a state and imposing a military officer on the people is tantamount to a coup and Nigerians are expectedly aghast. Tinubu has imperiled this democracy and we have to stand up to him and resist this dictatorship. Says David Augustine, a Nigerian journalist who is studying for Ph.D in UK: ‘’ Tinubu has been pretending to be a progressive politician; a patriot and fighter for the causes of democracy. He has been pretending to be intelligent and pragmatic. But the veil has been lifted. He has unravels as a scheming, slimy dictator; an economic nitwit and a colossal, corrupt and nepotistic politician entirely fixated on feathering his political and economic nests at the expenses of the people and the nation’s wellbeing. He is unwittingly throwing the country to the pre-Yar’adua era of pipeline sabotage and the attendant near crippling economic stagnation – a situation deftly managed with diplomacy, responsibility, and clear-eyed sensitivity. It took the humility of President Yar’adua and his enormous personal integrity and trust capital to navigate the country through that era. Tinubu does not have the humility, the tact, the integrity, and the character to get the country out of a similar bind. Every step he takes now would be seen as the politics of 2027. Thus, the national consensus that helped to douse the tension just before the amnesty programme would be lacking. The president lacks the sensitivity to act with time. He is too steeped in politics to transform into a national leader and statesman. If care is not taken, his end would be catastrophic for the entire country. We pray we don’t get to that point. His misadventure in Rivers State must be keenly watched for its likely effect on the nation’’.

    When this crisis is finally over and the dust is settled (hopefully the roof won’t collapse on all of us), there would be enough admonitions for the key actors. For Nyesom Wike, your greed is your major undoing; for Tinubu, you cannot pretend for too long because you are neither Awolowo nor Ghandi and for Akpabio, ‘’the Queen’’ is not yet done; choose your friends more carefully; set and respect boundaries for your enemies are closer than you think.

  • Why African countries should trade amongst themselves – By Etim Etim

    Why African countries should trade amongst themselves – By Etim Etim

    Africans could be incredibly hard on themselves. We complain about bad leadership, corruption, economy, the weather and even our accent. But the continent continues to record noticeable achievements in key sectors. Take intra-African trade, for example. Decades ago, we rarely had anything to buy from one another. But according to Afrexim Bank, in 2023, despite a volatile global economic landscape, intra-African trade remained resilient, standing as a beacon of hope for sustainable development in Africa. It grew at 7.2% year-on-year, reaching $192 billion, which accounted for 15% of total African trade in 2023, up from 13.6% from the previous year. Although this is a notable triumph, African business leaders are not resting on their oars. They want to trade more amongst themselves; break down barriers that keep us from visiting each other more freely and integrate the continent into a large economic bloc. But there are important challenges to overcome before the continent could deepen its intra tade volume. Last week, Access Bank Plc hosted the inaugural Africa Trade Conference in Cape Town, South Africa, bringing together industry leaders, policymakers, and trade experts to drive solutions for accelerating intra-African trade and unlocking the continent’s economic potential. The conference tackled critical challenges, including limited access to capital, market information gaps, trust deficits between trading partners, and the urgent need for modernised trade infrastructure.

    Roosevelt Ogbonna, the bank’s Managing Director/CEO delivered the opening remarks, setting the tone for discussions by highlighting the critical barriers hindering trade across Africa. He emphasised the urgent need for financial sector collaboration to facilitate seamless access to capital and foster a business environment where African enterprises can scale and compete globally. “We must invest in the initiatives that ensure that we can bring businesses together, forge trust, and create the connections necessary for trade. In doing so, we must stamp out the narrative that ‘Made in Africa’ is inferior to any product made anywhere else in the world. We must buy Africa, be proud to wear Africa, and invest in Africa because that is what the continent needs to leap forward into the next generation,” Ogbonna stated.

    He highlighted the need for Africa to take control of its economic destiny by fostering deeper collaboration, investing in financial infrastructure, and creating home grown solutions that drive sustainable growth.

    Ogbonna underscored the shifting dynamics of global trade and increasing need for Africa to look inward. The world, he noted, has become more fragmented, with rising nationalist tendencies and supply chain disruptions that have disproportionately impacted the continent. These challenges, he argued, present an opportunity for Africa to strengthen its trade networks, support local businesses, and build the resilience needed to compete on a global scale. However, for this vision to become a reality, several structural barriers must be addressed. One of the critical issues is the challenges businesses face in securing capital. While many African enterprises have the ambition to scale, the excessive cost of financing often inhibits their ability to expand. He advocated a financial services sector that is designed to empower businesses, making capital more accessible and affordable.

    His words: “Many businesses on the continent struggle to find capital or access to capital and the right structure of capital, and when they do find it, the cost of capital is so significant that it makes it unbelievably expensive for them to be able to raise capital and still do business competitively. That has to change. We have to create a financial services sector that empowers businesses, one that makes it easier and seamless for businesses to be able to access capital, to able to invest in growth, invest in innovation, and of course, the muscle they need to expand beyond their local boundaries. It is clear that we need to create a network of Africa financial giants who are willing to create home grown solutions to support the continent in achieving the objectives that we have set for ourselves.”

    Beyond financial constraints, limited access to market intelligence remains a major hurdle. Many African businesses lack the necessary insights to identify trade opportunities beyond their local markets. Leveraging technology to enhance information-sharing can bridge this gap, enabling businesses to make informed decisions and seize growth prospects across the continent.

    Apart from capital, Ogbonna highlighted the critical role of access to information. Many businesses struggle to find the data and intelligence necessary to make informed decisions and identify opportunities beyond their national borders. He stressed that leveraging technology to bridge this gap will be instrumental in driving cross-border trade and creating a more connected Africa. He also addressed the issue of trust between trading partners, noting that historic challenges, inconsistent regulations, and varying standards have contributed to a lack of confidence in intra-Africa trade. Overcoming this scepticism, he affirmed, requires deliberate efforts to harmonise standards, foster cooperation, and shift perceptions about the quality of African goods and services. He urged African businesses to take pride in what they produce, invest in local industries, and reject the notion that products made on the continent are inferior to those from elsewhere.

    There is also the urgent need to modernise Africa’s trade routes and infrastructure. Drawing on historical examples, he pointed out that Africa once had well-established trade corridors that connected it to the Middle East and Asia. Today, however, inefficient transport networks and regulatory bottlenecks make it easier for businesses in Angola to trade with Portugal than with South Africa or Nigeria. He called for a renewed commitment to building the infrastructure and regulatory frameworks necessary to facilitate seamless trade across the continent, ensuring that goods, services, and capital can move freely between African nations.

    The Access Bank Africa Trade Conference represents a significant step toward fostering dialogue, building partnerships, and driving policy initiatives that support Africa’s economic transformation. As the continent continues to navigate global uncertainties, events like this serve as a reminder that Africa’s future lies in its ability to collaborate, innovate, and build a sustainable trade ecosystem that benefits all.

    With Africa’s population projected to surge to 2.5 billion by 2050 from 1.2 billion, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) stands as the most significant free trade initiative since the formation of the World Trade Organisation. By fostering economic integration, AfCFTA has the potential to reshape trade dynamics across the continent, creating a unified market that enhances industrialisation, boosts employment, and strengthens Africa’s global competitiveness. Recognising this transformative opportunity, Wamkele K. Mene, Secretary-General of AfCFTA, emphasised the urgency of fully implementing the agreement to unlock its immense benefits. He said: “The AfCFTA is not just a trade agreement; it is an instrument for Africa’s industrialisation and economic sovereignty. It is a tool that will enable us to break down historic trade barriers and build an Africa that is self-sufficient, competitive, and prosperous. But for this to happen, we must commit to operationalising the agreement fully, ensuring that businesses, particularly SMEs and women-led enterprises, have access to the information, capital, and platforms they need to thrive’’.

    Also, Kanayo Awani, Executive Vice President of Afreximbank, emphasised the importance of financing mechanisms that support African businesses in their expansion across borders. She reaffirmed Afreximbank’s commitment to championing trade finance solutions and infrastructure investments that will unlock Africa’s trade potential.

    “At Afreximbank, we understand that trade finance is the lifeblood of economic development. Without it, businesses cannot scale, industries cannot innovate, and Africa cannot fully realise its trade potential. This is why we have developed instruments such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) to facilitate seamless transactions across borders, reducing reliance on foreign currencies and strengthening intra-African trade,” Awani remarked.

    The conference featured an insightful testimonial from Nathalie Louat, Global Director at the IFC/World Bank Group, who pointed out the pivotal role of trade finance in enabling cross-border transactions and supporting financial inclusion. She underscored the long-standing partnership between IFC and Access Bank in fostering Africa’s economic resilience. Several high-level panel discussions explored strategies to overcome trade barriers and enhance market access through innovative solutions. Experts from leading institutions, including Deutsche Bank, Traydstream, OWP Partners, Fiducia International, and more, examined how infrastructure improvements, digital solutions, and policy harmonisation could drive economic growth and boost intra-African trade.

    Dr. Marc Auboin from the World Trade Organization (WTO) shared key insights on how digital transformation is reshaping Africa’s supply chain landscape, creating efficiency and unlocking new global market opportunities. Tanya Dos Santos-Ford from GIBS Business School also led a session on sustainable trade practices, emphasising the need for environmentally responsible economic growth strategies. The event culminated in an awards ceremony recognising outstanding contributions to intra-African trade and economic transformation. Tradepass Commodities Limited (Ghana), Chemaf International FZE (DR Congo), and Harvest Group of Companies (Zambia) were honoured for their impact on SMEs and women-led trade enterprises. Bulkstream Limited (Kenya) and Electricidade de Moçambique (Mozambique) received awards for advancing intra-African trade, while Tennant Metals South Africa Pty Ltd was recognised as an Emerging Leader in Trade.

    The International Finance Corporation (IFC) was awarded the Climate Finance Leadership Award, while Afreximbank received the Champion of Intra-African Trade Award. The African Development Bank (AfDB) and Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) were celebrated for their roles in economic transformation and infrastructure finance, respectively. The prestigious African Icon Award was presented to IHS Group, Dangote Industries Limited, and MTN Group Limited for their significant contributions to Africa’s economic progress.As the conference ended, Seyi Kumapayi, Executive Director, African Subsidiaries at Access Bank, reaffirmed the institution’s commitment to supporting trade finance, fostering regional integration, and championing policies that create an enabling environment for businesses across Africa.

  • Ibom Deep Sea Port and Nigeria’s maritime economy – By Etim Etim

    Ibom Deep Sea Port and Nigeria’s maritime economy – By Etim Etim

    With a 129-km coast line – the longest in the country – and many inland waterways, Akwa Ibom State is designing new schemes to exploit the huge potentials in its maritime economy. And this costs a lot of money.

    The government is building a deep sea port, designed for very large vessels that can load over 13,000 containers in one voyage. It is a joint venture with the Nigerian Port Authority with the Singapore-based Global Maritime & Port Services PTE Limited as the transaction driver. The government is pleading with the Tinubu administration for the full support of the federal government to realize the construction of the deep sea port as the other ports in the country; especially the ones in Lagos are congested. In the meantime, the state government is also developing a modern maritime infrastructure in the coastal town of Oron to facilitate trade, water transportation, boost tourism and reap the benefits of the maritime economy. The project includes a terminal building, new cargo jetty, ferry jetty and joint task force (JTF) jetty.

    There will be high-capacity storage facility for warehouse, dry storage and cold room, in addition to provision of shoreline and embankment protection facility. To boost water transportation between the state and neighbouring Cross River State, the government has already ordered Nigerian Naval Shipyard Limited, a subsidiary of Nigerian Navy, to build two luxury ferries, one of which is expected to be delivered later this year. Each ferry will carry 150 passengers. To encourage leisure and tourism, there is a provision for a garden at the beachfront and a facelift for the museum in the town. Rear Admiral Etop Ebe, the Superintendent of the Naval Shipyard said the ferries would be built to international standard with consideration for safety and comfort.

    The provision of ferry service will essentially restore interstate passenger water transportation which was the only mode of transport between the two states till the now dilapidated Calabar-Itu-Uyo highway was constructed in 1978. Gov. Umo Eno said at the flag-off of construction work that the project is meant to ‘’ignite the renewal and renaissance of Oron as a thriving beachfront town’’. Currently over 1,000 workers are employed at this construction stage, according to Fassal Harb, the chief executive of Bulletin Construction Company which is handling the project. Developing the maritime economy, also known as the blue economy, is an important component of the governor’s economic blueprint. Blue economy creates jobs; drives up revenue; boosts tourism and recreation; facilitates transportation and adds to the GDP growth, among many other benefits. Together with the N5 billion cash and equipment support the government is currently doling out to thousands of NMSES (Nano-, micro- and small-scale enterprises), the new investments in the maritime sector should go a long way in stimulating rural economic activities. ‘’My main objective is to create a secondary, rural-based economy in the state that will not only provide food to the urban markets, but ensures that our communities are more developed and livable’’, the governor said.

    With the investment in maritime infrastructure, the government is hoping to enhance food production through fishing and aquaculture. From generation to generation, Oron has been a major source of seafood in the country, and the provision of cold room by government as part of the infrastructural overhaul will further improve its supply. Marine insecurity was a challenge in the past as pirates regularly mugged fishermen and farers. To curb this, Gov. Eno has created Ministry of Internal & Waterways Security and appointed a retired army general as commissioner to curb security challenges in our waterways. The efforts have paid off. A Marine JTF jetty and outpost together with a solar-powered lighting are will further enhance security of the Oron beach.

    Ibom Deep Sea Port is an important national infrastructure that the federal government ought to support wholeheartedly for the development of the maritime sector in the Gulf of Guinea. Nigeria will benefit enormously from it. Let’s get it done!

  • Babangida, Dele Giwa and June 12 – By Etim Etim

    Babangida, Dele Giwa and June 12 – By Etim Etim

    Nobody had expected that Gen. Ibrahim Babagandida would be truthful in all the claims in his autobiography; or that there would not be twist of history in his narrations and recollections. After all, autobiographies in their very nature are typically replete with embellishments and overstatement of personal acts of heroism.

    In my preview of the book, titled a Journey in Service, published three weeks before its launch on February 20, I had forewarned that the book may not offer much more than we had known on the major issues of his eight-year rule. I noted that because most of those who were part of his government had passed away, ‘’IBB therefore has enough motivation to engage in revisionism and embellishment of his story’’. I wrote: ‘’Babangida has a lot to tell Nigerians and I hope that he would be honest and candid. Coming this late, will IBB’s book be worth the wait? Will he give honest answers to the many puzzles that dogged his administration or is this a mere attempt to burnish his image and rewrite history as he prepares for the final phase of his life?  It’s been a generation since Gen. Babangida hurriedly put together a contraption called interim national government and left office after an eight-year deceptive dictatorship. His transition programme was a farce, illusory and wasteful’’.

    I have just finished reading the book, and I must confess that I was not prepared for the scale of obfuscations and revisionisms embedded in it, and in no other section is this more obvious than the one on the Dele Giwa assassination.  Babngida claims that Giwa was killed as ‘’part of a series of booby traps and acts of destabilization being hatched against (his) administration’’ and it was meant as a ‘’political blow to the young military administration’’. He says the insinuations that the parcel bomb had emanated from ‘’the headquarters of the administration as cheap and foolish’’, asking: ‘’why would an officially planned high-level assassination carry an apparent forwarding address of the killer?’’.

    In other words, IBB is arguing that, if indeed, the military or his government had dispatched the bomb, the parcel would not have borne the coat of arms and the words ‘’From the C-in-C’’. He blames Newswatch management for frustrating police investigation by ‘’recourse to play to the gallery of public sentiment’’, and noted that “the involvement of high-profile lawyer Gani Fawehinmi and the populist slant given to the case by the media poisoned the investigation with political overtones. The investigation into the Giwa murder became part of the tools in the armour of a growing political opposition targeted at discrediting the military over the planned political transition programme and human rights issues’’.

    This is as specious as you can possibly get; and to blame the management of Newswatch, and Gani Fawehinmi (who died many years ago) is to say the least very cruel. Many Nigerians are still convinced that the régime and/or the military authorities were complicit in the murder of Giwa. No civilian individual or organization had the technology, capability and sophistication to deliver a parcel bomb in Nigeria of 1986; and even as I write, the technique of packing explosives into a package; wrapping, sealing and delivering it to the intended receiver, in such a way that it could only explode when opened is a complicated technique available only to military and security authorities. That is why parcel bombs have not been used to settle scores with all the political assassinations we have had since 1999. The idea that Giwa’s murder was all ‘’bobby traps’’ and a ‘’political blow’’ meant to destabilize the régime suggests that Babangida knows more than he’s telling us. As experts often tell us, understanding the motive could be crucial to solving a crime.

    In the days leading up to the assassination, Giwa was thoroughly hounded, harassed and hunted by the officials of the military intelligence. He was falsely accused of gun running and other heinous crimes. Afraid for his safety and security, Giwa reported the matter to his lawyer and senior government officials, but the snare had already been set up for him. The parcel was delivered to him a day after a military intelligence officer called Giwa’s home and asked for the address; and Giwa’s wife, Fumi, who took the call, innocently obliged the caller. Curiously, IBB omitted this damning sequence of events in his book.

    That the parcel bore the seal of the government was just a clever ploy to deceive the recipient into opening the package. The planners of the plot had known that since Giwa was in regular contact with the President, and had previously received letters from the government; such an insignia on the package would be a convincing reason for him to open it.  The aim was to kill him at all cost.

    I have spoken to Ray Ekpu, the editor-in-chief of Newswatch, and he’s promised to issue a statement on IBB’s claims after consulting Dan Agbese; Yakubu Mohammed and their lawyers. I look forward to reading their rejoinder, and Ekpu’s autobiography set for publication next year. I am sure he will tell the Giwa story more truthfully.

    Another disturbing aspect of the book is Babangida blaming Sani Abacha for the annulment of the June 12 election. He claims that the election was annulled by forces loyal to Sani Abacha while he, IBB, was in Katsina to visit with the Yara’Adua family that had just lost its patriarch.  The government and the military were polarized and split in the middle with some officials opting for the annulment while others were against it. He stated he was afraid for his life and safety and believed that Abacha was ready to lead a coup and assassinate him and/ Abiola. Babangiga concludes that it was Abacha that deceived Abiola into rejecting his offer to be head of the interim government he was setting up.

    By blaming his failure to handover and conclude the eight-year transition on Sani Abacha, IBB appears as a coward who could not rein in on a fearsome fiend. In one breath, he commends Abacha for his loyalty and sparing his life in two instances, and in another, he presents Abacha as an evil, power drunk officer who was desperate to torpedo the transition programme and plunge the country into turmoil in order to take power. If IBB knew this much about him, why was Abacha not retired? It is a reasonable assumption that the two might have entered into a pact to let Abacha take over after IBB had ‘’stepped aside’’.

    Babangida’s accounts of the Giwa murder and the annulment of the June 12 election nearly rendered the whole volume distasteful. But it’s a good reading, rich in history, and well researched and written. I suspect that that it was ghost-written by Yemi Ogunbiyi and Chidi Amuta, two of Nigeria’s outstanding journalists, who are well acknowledged by the author for their support. In fact, IBB’s book has a striking similarity in style and language to Ogunbiyi’s memoire, The Road Never Forgets, published in 2022.

  • Mass weddings in Northern Nigeria – By Etim Etim

    Mass weddings in Northern Nigeria – By Etim Etim

    The headlines last week gave a kaleidoscopic picture of the Nigerian tragedy: Lagos State allocates N3.5 billion to improve power supply; Kano votes N2.5 billion for mass wedding. It captures the inherent absurdities in our nation and the different the mindsets of its leaders. While a section of the federation is investing in key infrastructure and human capital development, the other half is wasting away resources on things that induce poverty and hasten underdevelopment. In its 2025 budget, Kano State government is allocating N2.5 billion for sponsorship of mass weddings in the 44 LGAs. Total fiscal proposal is N719. 7 billion. Commissioner for Planning and Budget, Musa Shanono says the government is sponsoring mass wedding in order ‘’to promote social responsibility, human rights and transparency, in addition to fostering sustainable society’’.

    Kebbi, another state in the same North West, would splash N54 million to sponsor mass wedding for 300 couples on February 27. Chairman of the organizing committee, Alhaji Suleiman Argungu, said the event is a fulfillment of the pledge made by Gov. Nasir Idris at a similar ceremony last year. The governor had promised that mass wedding would be a regular program of his administration. In addition to the payment of bride prices on behalf of the groom, the couples will receive household items such as furniture and food items ‘’to help them establish a stable marital life’’, according to Alhaji Argungu.

    Many states and well-to-do persons in the North routinely sponsor mass weddings to goad poor individuals into marriage. In October 2020, then Senate President Ahmed Lawan sponsored the wedding of 100 couples whom he identified as orphans and the less privileged in his constituency. Over 5,000 persons are wedded every year in such ceremonies.  But why are mass weddings so important in Northern Nigeria? There’s a political dimension to it. Although they are presented as welfare or philanthropic gestures, mass weddings are in reality meant to encourage rapid population growth, which the elites believe, ultimately confers electoral advantage to the region. This is why Northern politicians are always quick to boast that the region will always determine who wins Nigeria’s presidential elections.

    But they have failed to realize the problems associated with unbridled population growth such as overcrowded cities; resource depletion; unemployment; strain on infrastructure and social services; increased crime; decreased quality of life; increased disease transmission; increased poverty; inadequate housing and overwhelmed healthcare and educational systems.  According to UNICEF, there are 18.3 million out-of-school children in Nigeria, of which 10. 2 million are of primary school age and 8.1 million are of junior secondary school level. Most of them are in the North where terrorism has been a big problem.

    Instead of tackling this globally embarrassing problem, Northern political leaders are more interested in boosting population growth by offering the poor all-expense paid weddings. The urge to control power and be in public office is stronger than the need to enhance the welfare of their people.  But a poverty-stricken and poorly educated population is less likely to take care of its offspring; thus perpetuating a vicious circle of poverty and dragging the rest of the society back. Without skills, education and future prospects, they are easily recruited into terrorist groups; kidnap and robbery gangs. They do not work; don’t pay taxes, but rely solely on alms and government handouts. Some drift southwards where they take to menial jobs in big cities; constituting themselves into social menace and security risks. This is the problem of Northern Nigeria, which has become the Nigerian crisis. Mass weddings are a clear example of how a government’s welfare programme could be counterproductive.

    Nigeria has one of the highest fertility rates (number of births per woman) in the world. As at 2022, it was 5.14 per woman. It is far higher in the North, with some states like Katsina hitting 7.4; and lower in the South, as low as 3.2 in some Southern States, according to the economist. The import of this disparity between the two regions is obvious. While one region is far more economically progressive, the other seems to be travelling back in time. A 7.4 fertility rate is higher than what the global rate was in the 1800! Nigeria’s population is growing quite rapidly, faster than GDP’s three per cent growth rate. Income levels are also very low in the country.   A recent report by McKinsey & Company, an international consulting firm, stated that less than one million Nigerians in both government and private sector earn up to one million naira per month. Our huge population therefore does not necessarily translate into a big consumer market with more than 70 per cent of the population living in multidimensional poverty. Northern Nigeria underperforms the South in almost all indices: per capita income; employment; school enrolment; WAEC performance; poverty rates and many others. The convention wisdom in many parts of the world is that no young man seeks to marry and start a family until he has a means of livelihood.

    In recent times, a few Northern leaders like Gov. Sule of Nassarawa State have admitted publicly that the region has failed in its basic responsibilities to the citizens. Speaking in Lafia at a conference on population dynamics, security, climate change, out-of-school and vulnerable children last November, Sule said it was time for the North to address the challenges of the almajiri system. ’’The almajiri problem is indeed a huge issue for us. It’s time we stopped complaining and took the bull by the horns to solve it. He attributed the persistence of the almajiri problem to systemic failures and the neglect of parental responsibilities.

    Mass weddings have not helped the North. Rather, it has perpetuated poverty and it’s time to modify it. One way of doing this is to train the would-be couples in any trade of their choice; give them grants for take-off and offer to sponsor the weddings of only those who can fend for themselves.  In that case, mass weddings would become incentives for economic empowerment rather than a tool for subjugation.

  • Babangida’s autobiography – By Etim Etim

    Babangida’s autobiography – By Etim Etim

    The news that Gen. Ibrahim Babangida is set to launch his autobiography next month, 32 years after he left office as our fourth military dictator, is one of the surprises of 2025, but will the memoire answer the many questions Nigerians have been asking?

    I had long given up expecting a memoire from IBB. He has a lot to tell Nigerians and I hope that he would be honest and candid. Gen. Gowon also owes Nigerians a full account of his story. Coming this late, will IBB’s book be worth the wait? Will he give honest answers to the many puzzles that dogged his administration or is this a mere attempt to burnish his image and rewrite history as he prepares for the final phase of his life?  It’s been a generation since Gen. Babangida hurriedly put together a contraption called interim national government and left office after an eight-year deceptive dictatorship. His transition programme was a farce, illusory and wasteful. Nigerians have moved on and practically forgotten about him.

    A lot of those who were either members of his regime or active participants in the polity in those days have either passed away or are too old to bother about what he writes. IBB’s book may therefore escape a rigorous scrutiny from eyewitnesses to the events of that era like other such accounts from Obasanjo and other civil war actors. Given IBB’s notorious predilection to obfuscate facts and dribble the country when he was the Head of State (the press did not name him ‘’Maradona” for nothing), this book will likely be a mere addition to the shelf.  Nothing new will come out of it. But I want to be surprised.

    What will IBB write about the coldblooded assassination of Dele Giwa, one of the nation’s finest journalists, in the morning of Sunday, October 19, 1986, through a parcel bomb delivered to his home in Ikeja, Lagos? What reasons will he give for the annulment of the June 12, 1993 general election, an event that set off the most cataclysmic political crisis in the country after the civil war? Will IBB write candidly and honestly about Gloria Okon; the $12 billion Gulf windfall; Nigeria’s membership of OIC; Ebitu Ukiwe matter; Vatsa’s coup; Orkah’s coup and his endless transition programme? Nothing defines the IBB junta and his persona like the heartless killing of Dele Giwa. I look forward to reading a full and honest account of the sad event in his book.

    Babangida had always struggled to live with the negative impressions Nigerians have of him. He believes that he should be treated like a respectable global statesman in the mold of Gen. Obasanjo. He has consistently denied complicity in the numerous atrocities that happened under his watch, hoping that somehow, we would forgive him. He had always toyed with the idea of coming up with a memoire, but he was never sure of how well it would be received. In 2018, he told journalists that he was not sure that ‘’Nigerians would like to read about a dictator’’, a self-deprecating way of lowering expectations in whatever he came up with. With Chief MKO Abiola; Prof. Humphrey Nwosu; Chief Gani Fawehinimi; Dr. Beko Ransom Kuti; Admiral Augustus Aikhomu; Admiral Ebitu Ukiwe; Dr. Chu SP Okongwu; Gen. Sani  Abacha and many others who fought against him; worked and walked with him gone, who shall offer counter narratives? In his own memoire published a few years before his death, Prof Nwosu, the INEC chairman (it was then known as NEC) who supervised the 1993 presidential election laid the blame for the annulment on IBB’s insatiable appetite to prolong his stay in office. I’m eager to read the general’s response.

    Of the 28 original members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), the regime’s highest policy and legislative body, only IBB who served as its chairman, is alive. He’ll be 84 in August. Many of the newspapers that thrived during his time have died. A lot of the journalists that covered him are now old; some suffering from memory loss and other impairments. IBB therefore has enough motivation to engage in revisionism and embellishment of his story. He should, however, be reminded that Ray Ekpu, who was the deputy editor-in-chief at Newswatch magazine, is alive and well; and is writing his own memoire. Funmi, Giwa’s widow and Billy, his young son who collected the parcel bomb from  gateman and took it to his father, are also alive. The other key members of the Newswatch family like Dan Agbese; Yakubu Mohammed; Soji Akinrinade and Kayode Soyinka who was with Giwa at his study when the bomb exploded, and a few others are also well and kicking. I am sure that they will read IBB’s book with considerable concentration.

    At this point, I remember the firebrand lawyer and civil rights activist, Gani Fawehinmi, who fought tooth and nail to save Dele Giwa as the regime’s killing machine was closing in on him. Even after Giwa’s assassination, Fawehinmi continued to fight to uncover the truth and bring the suspects, who were the intelligence chiefs in the military, to justice.

    I had a taste of IBB’s repression. I was a young reporter of only 27 years of age at The Guardian newspaper when the regime locked me away for three months in 1988 for doing nothing other than my work as a journalist. I am eagerly waiting to read this autobiography.

  • Umo Eno, Akpabio and the politics of 2027 – By Etim Etim

    Umo Eno, Akpabio and the politics of 2027 – By Etim Etim

    By ETIM ETIM

    The 2027 political season is arriving a bit too early in Akwa Ibom State, and as usual, the starting point is mudslinging and salacious political publications targeting at the incumbent governor and his predecessor. This week, an NGO, Network Against Corruption and Trafficking (NACAT) filed a petition at the EFCC and ICPC alleging that there was ‘’wanton corruption and embezzlement of public funds orchestrated by former governor Udom Emmanuel’’. The petition is dated January 21, 2025 and signed by its operational manager, Stanley Ugabe. A week before the petition was delivered to the anti-graft agencies; a group known as Concerned Members of the All Progressives Congress in Akwa Ibom State, wrote an open letter to President Bola Tinubu in The Nation newspaper of Monday, January 13, 2025, in the form of an advertorial in which it made a number of spurious allegations against Gov. Eno; Udom Emmanuel and Mr. Ekperikpe Ekpo, Minister of Petroleum (Gas). The open letter alleges that the three leaders are scheming to support a PDP presidential candidate of Northern origin in 2027 and that their ultimate goal is to frustrate the reelection of President Tinubu.

    The letter is copied to the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio; APC National Chairman, Abdullai Ganduje and NSA, Nuhu Ribadu. There are 10 signatories on the letter, representing the 10 federal constituencies in the state, but in actual fact, the names are all fictitious. I have been a prominent member of APC in Akwa Ibom State since November 2014 and participated in three governorship elections since 2015 as a communication strategist. I am in a position to know at least one of 10 persons who can buy a newspaper page for N1.2 million to place an open letter to the President. Those names do not just exist. I have been well informed from within the APC that the sponsors of the advertorial are the same as the brains behind the petition against Udom Emmanuel. Their objectives are to embarrass the former governor who is a PDP leader and the political godfather of Gov. Eno; make the governor look bad before the President and create problems for the governor and his reelection bid. The last paragraph of the advertorial says it all: ‘’Given your extensive experience in presidential politics, we trust that you won’t fall prey to Gov. Umo Eno’s deception. It’s time to activate plans to win Akwa Ibom State and secure your reelection’’. There is no single mention of the Senate President, who is the leader of APC in the South-South region, in the letter apart from indicating that he was in copy. That’s quite telling!

    I have spoken to a lot of people within the APC in the state and I have discovered that the advertorial was sponsored by people with two major agenda: One, they are uncomfortable with the cordiality between the Senate President and the governor which was deliberately built by the governor, contrary to traditions. They are enraged by the simmering rumours within the APC that the governor might defect to the party, and that would upstage the existing political arrangement/structure in the APC. The second agenda is to stop the governor from going for second term. They do not necessarily believe that he would defect; but they want Akpabio to cut all ties with him and launch a political assault to weaken him and set the stage for APC to take over the state. The thinking within this group is that if Akpabio does not deliver the governorship seat to APC, his chance of being reelected Senate President would be slimmer. Akpabio is the only Senate President since 1999 to come from a state governed by an opposition party. Some party members believe that this is a major minus for him as far as 2027 is concerened, especially with Senator Oshiomhole poised to challenge him for the position.

    The inclusion of Ekperikpe Ekpo in the publication is befuddling to many, especially those outside Akwa Ibom State. He is from the same senatorial district with Akpabio and was an Akpabio acolyte until the Senate President nominated him for the ministerial position and convinced President Tinubu to approve the appointment in spite of the need to spread appointments to other zones. But in recent months, there’ve been speculations of a frosty relationship developing between the Senate President and the Minister due to the latter’s perceived interest in gubernatorial politics. The Minister has reacted sharply to the advertorial, stating that he is not building any alliance with anybody to sabotage Tinubu’s reelection as alleged in the publication. Rather, he expressed his unalloyed loyalty to the President. Gov. Eno has also denied allegations of working against the President’s interest. The governor’s press secretary, Ekerete Udo wrote in a statement: ‘’The undisguised intent of the purveyors of the inane advertorial was to cause a strain in the widely acknowledged warm relationship the governor enjoys with President Tinubu; the Senate President and the Minister…the governor has not formed any such clandestine alliance as the group falsely and maliciously stated’’.

    As for the petition to the EFCC and ICPC, neither Udom Emmanuel himself nor the governor has made any public statement. But, if history is our guide, I can tell how far this may go. In 2016, some persons, led by a lawyer who is now late, wrote a similar petition against Akpabio, alleging his misuse of security votes just as the accusation against Udom Emmanuel. It was Akpabio’s successor (Udom Emmanuel) who rose to defend Akpabio to the extent of filing a court case against the EFCC. The court ruled against the EFCC, barring it from investigating Akpabio’s tenure. Eight years later, Udom Emmanuel is a victim of a similar petition. How do you think his successor, Pastor Umo Eno, would manage the situation? History often repeats itself rather strangely in Akwa Ibom politics.

    The tumult of 2027 is around the corner. I can only hope that the governor will brush this aside and concentrate on his agenda to the people.

  • A salute to our military – By Etim Etim

    A salute to our military – By Etim Etim

    On the occasion of this year’s Armed Forces Remembrances Day (January 15), I send my heartfelt commendation and congratulations to the Chief of Defence Staff; officers and troops of our military for their sacrifices and service to the nation. I also salute the Inspector General of Police and all our police officers, together with the other security agencies and paramilitary forces for their good works, dedication and commitment to service.  Our military and security forces are not without blemish (nobody is, actually), but on this occasion, I choose to focus on their successes and unflinching sacrifice in defending our fatherland. They’ve fought gallantly against terrorists, bandits, unknown gun men and other criminals in the last 15 years or so, and from all indications, these attackers, by whatever name they are known, have been largely subdued. Not long ago, terrorists were detonating bombs routinely in Abuja and its environs, and bombings and suicide attacks were a regular feature of daily life in Northern Nigeria. But over the last few years, our forces have fought hard to degrade these evil people and thwart a complete disintegration of the country. I therefore pay my tribute to the current and past commanders of the war threatres and the men and women who sleep in the trenches in the bush to keep Nigeria safe.

    Our armed forces have faced many challenges since organized violence broke out in 2009, first as insurgencies and religious extremism before morphing into full blown terrorism. We overcame the embargo placed on sale of arms to Nigeria by the Obama administration when Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was the commander-in-chief. The armed forces also had to deal with several cases of internal sabotage and collusion with the enemy. The reluctance or unwillingness of people in the affected communities to provide intelligence to the authorities is a particularly difficult situation to deal with. Many in these communities have been radicalized to serve as suicide bombers and agents for the terrorists. In places like Kaduna, insecurity was also exacerbated by the provocative and insensitive actions of politicians like former governor Nasir el Rufai; while in places like Zamfara State, corrupt acts of previous political leaders led to escalation of violence. There were also cases of low morale amongst the rank and file and diversion and mismanagement of resources by those in charge. It is commendable that the military has emerged stronger from these crises.

    In a recent interview with Al Jazeera Cable TV, the Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. Gen. Christopher Musa highlighted the need to trace financial flows and support that has sustained Boko Haram terrorists for 15 years now despite the military’s best efforts in degrading them. ‘’Each time we capture these terrorists, or each time they surrender, we find huge sums of dollars on them. How do they come by these dollars? How funds them?’’, Gen. Musa asked repeatedly, citing the group’s use of drones for surveillance as its new tactics. The CDS hinted at the involvement of international conspiracy in providing funding, training and equipment to the terrorists and bemoaned difficulties the country faces in obtaining necessary military equipment due to international constraints.

    I commend Gen. Musa for speaking out, but I note that it is Nigeria’s responsibility to work with the international community to track these illicit flows of funds and tackle them. However, I the authorities should look in-country for the sources of funding for the terrorists. I strongly suspect oil theft and ransom payments as the possible sources of funding for the terrorists. Billions of dollars worth of crude oil is stolen every year from the Niger Delta and over N3 trillion is paid in ransoms to kidnappers every year, according to official statistics from the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics. These are the major sources of funding for Boko Haram. Gen. Musa should not look far when the problems (and perhaps the solution) are within sight!

    Overall, our men and women in uniform have fought with bravery; strength; patriotism and dignity in the face of unmitigated difficulties. Just last week, the Defence Headquarters reported that ISWAP terrorist had killed six soldiers during a raid on its military base in Borno State; and in the fight that ensued, 34 terrorists were killed. Our soldiers are currently dealing with a new group of terrorists in the North West known as ‘’Lukarawa’’. I salute their sacrifices and I send my love and gratitude to the military families for their untold losses.

    But the job is not yet done. To further enhance our collective fight against terrorism and other crimes, I support the establishment of state police in the country. I am aware of the reservations many people have against state police because of the potential for its abuse by governors, but I think that with adequate legislations and safeguards, we can mitigate against the abuses. The benefits of state police are legion and far outweigh the demerits. It will certainly improve efficiency of the overall policing efforts in the country.

    ETIM is a journalist and author