Tag: 2027 Elections

  • 2027: Northern Minorities declare support for Tinubu

    2027: Northern Minorities declare support for Tinubu

    Ahead of the 2027 presidential election, a coalition under the banner of Northern Minorities 4 Tinubu has declared its firm support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    The Northern Minorities 4 Tinubu dismissed claims that President Tinubu is anti-North.

    Speaking at a press conference in Abuja on Sunday, the group’s convener, Chief Jacob Edi, described Tinubu’s leadership as “transformational”, stressing that the administration has given northern Nigeria an unprecedented level of attention and representation in governance.

    According to Edi, appointments such as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Minister of Defence, the National Security Adviser, and the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) are clear proof of Tinubu’s commitment to the North.

    He also cited the creation of the North-West and North-Central Development Commissions and the appointment of the first-ever Federal Capital Territory indigene into the Federal Executive Council as “historic milestones.”

    The group further applauded opposition governors, including Plateau’s Caleb Mutfwang (PDP), Anambra’s Charles Soludo (APGA), Osun’s Ademola Adeleke (PDP), and Abia’s Alex Otti (LP) for openly supporting the president, describing the development as “evidence of leadership that cuts across divides.”

    In a strong rebuttal to what it termed “self-serving elites” accusing Tinubu of being anti-North, the coalition insisted that such claims were motivated by the desire to dominate, not by truth.

    “We, the northern minorities, the true majority of the North, reject their falsehood,” Edi said.

    As part of its mobilisation efforts, the group announced plans for a massive rally in Abuja, where two million northerners from all 19 northern states are expected to gather in solidarity with the president.

    Edi likened the current economic challenges under Tinubu’s reforms to “labour pains – temporary, necessary, and leading to something greater.”

    He expressed confidence that the North would deliver a “crushing victory” for the president in 2027.

  • 2027: Our party not distracted – APC to Bauchi Governor

    2027: Our party not distracted – APC to Bauchi Governor

    The Lagos State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) says the party is not distracted by 2027 politicking. Lagos APC Spokesman, Seye Oladejo, made this remark in a statement on Friday.

    Oladejo was reacting to the recent remarks made by Bauchi Gov. Bala Mohammed, in which he accused the APC and the Federal Government of prioritising politics over governance ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Describing the accusation as a misplaced outburst from a frustrated opposition, Oladejo said President Bola Tinubu and the APC remained concentrated on its governance agenda.

    “Tinubu, the APC remains fully focused on its governance agenda — with bold reforms in economy, security, infrastructure, and institutional development.

    “This administration has chosen to face the tough challenges of nation-building head-on, while some in the opposition are busy grandstanding in the media and chasing shadows.

    “We also urge Gov. Mohammed to look to Lagos as an example of what consistent, visionary, and people-centred governance under the APC can achieve.

    “Governance is not a press statement; it is the hard work of delivering real results.

    “The APC is not distracted by 2027. When the time for elections comes, our performance will be our campaign,” Oladejo said.

    He said that while the party respected the right of opposition leaders to express their views, it found it both ironic and regrettable that such a statement would come from Mohammed.

    He urged the governor to direct his energy towards governance of the state rather than toward baseless attacks on the APC and the Federal Government.

    “We encourage Gov. Mohammed to channel his energy into addressing the pressing developmental needs of the good people of Bauchi State.

  • Just In: PDP zones presidential ticket to South ahead of 2027 elections

    Just In: PDP zones presidential ticket to South ahead of 2027 elections

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on Monday, August 25th,  zoned its presidential ticket to the South while retaining the existing National Working Committee (NWC) zoning arrangement ahead of its November elective convention.

    TheNewGuru.com(TNG)  reports that the decision was taken at the party’s 102nd National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting held on Monday at the national headquarters in Abuja.

    The PDP National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, while speaking to journalists after the meeting said the decision followed the presentation of the zoning committee’s report, chaired by Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri.

    Ologunagba stated, “NEC recommended that the North and South should retain their current NWC positions. NEC also resolved that since the National Chairman of the party is zoned to the North, the PDP 2027 Presidential ticket is hereby zoned to the South.”

    The publicity secretary added that the NEC expressed satisfaction with preparations for the party’s national convention scheduled for November 15–16 in Ibadan, Oyo State.

    According to him, the convention will be a crucial step in strengthening the PDP ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    Damagum Confirmed As National Chairman

    The National Executive Committee (NEC) also confirmed Ambassador Iliya Damagum as the new National Chairman of the party. His appointment, which was announced during the meeting, comes after several months of interim leadership following the departure of former Chairman Iyorchia Ayu.

    The NEC meeting, which began at 2 PM, focused on deliberating the proposals from the zoning committee and discussing preparations for the upcoming convention in November.

  • What I am more interested in than becoming president – Atiku

    What I am more interested in than becoming president – Atiku

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the PDP presidential candidate in the 2023 general election, has disclosed that he is more interested in a better Nigeria than becoming president.

    Abubakar made the disclosure while speaking at an affirmation ceremony for new defectors in the African Democratic Congress(ADC) on Saturday in Lagos State.

    Some PDP and Labour Party bigwigs proclaimed their membership of ADC at the ceremony.

    Abubabar, who was the guest speaker at the programme,was  represented by Prof. Ola Olateju of  the Achievers University, Owo, Ondo State,

    The former PDP candidate, along with some like-minded opposition politicians, recently resigned his  membership of the party  to join  ADC,

    Abubakar said  he was not desperate to lead the country, but  was very eager  for a better, secure and  prosperous country.

    “Atiku Abubakar ‘s plan is to build a better Nigeria. So, it’s not about him being the president. It’s about having a better government, a good government,  that will be able to deliver for Nigerians.

    “It’s not a personal thing for him and that’s why some of us are with him. It’s not about Atiku must be president at all costs.

    “ADC, to us, is not a political party. It is a movement, a movement of  Nigerians for a better Nigeria,” Olateju saud  on behalf of Abubakar.

    He said that the movement in ADC was for repositioning  of the country and taking  it to great heights.

    “It’s no longer politics as usual. It’s a new beginning. It is a new journey, a new beginning, We need a new beginning in Nigeria and that’s what Atiku is championing.

    “It’s not about a personal thing that he must be president, No, it is not a matter of must. The must there is for him to see Nigeria deliver as wished by all. We are expecting a better Nigeria.

    “We want Nigeria to be able to deliver. We want Nigeria to be able to take care of Nigerians,” he added.

    Claiming that Nigerians were facing challenges  with the removal of fuel subsidy and  attendant inflation, Abubakar said that a better Nigeria was possible with good leadership.

    He said that God was ready to use the coalition  members to bring about a change in the country.

    On who would likely emerge the ADC presidential flagbearer in 2027, Abubakar said that this would be determined by the  people in the party.

    “It is not a thing we can pre- determine. Whoever emerges through free and fair contests, we are all going to support.

    “Everybody has a right to contest, we are going to rally round anyone that emerges. We are not imposing anyone on the people.

    “The point is better Nigeria, not Atiku for President at all costs, not Obi for president at all costs.

    “Whoever picks the ticket shall be the representative of Nigeria people and will represent the collective voice and aspiration of Nigeria,” he added.

    The defectors include PDP Board of Trustee member, Dr Abimbola Ogunkelu,  former chairmen of Lagos PDP, Chief Muritala Ashorobi and Retired Capt. Tunji Shelle; PDP Vice Chairman (Lagos Central), and a former PDP Youth Leader ,Mr Tai Benedict, among others.

    They were  received by ADC national chieftains ,including the National Secretary, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola; Sen. Kolawole Ogunwale, and Mr George Ashiru, the State ADC Chairman.

  • TNG ANALYSIS: Why Tinubu may win 2027 presidential election

    TNG ANALYSIS: Why Tinubu may win 2027 presidential election

    As Nigeria inches toward the 2027 general elections, the political atmosphere is gradually heating up with speculations about who will dominate the race for Aso Rock.

    At the centre of it is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whose political structure, incumbency advantage, and deep-rooted influence across Nigeria’s political landscape may give him a strong edge going into the contest.

    Tinubu, a veteran political strategist, has been known for building alliances that cut across regional and party lines. His ability to mobilise grassroots support, coupled with a loyal base within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), places him in a position of strength ahead of the elections.

    Political observers point to his role in shaping the APC from a coalition into Nigeria’s dominant party, noting that such organisational skill could be crucial in maintaining power beyond his first term.

    The power of incumbency is another factor that may play in his favour. From control of state machinery to the ability to influence policy and distribute patronage, history has shown that sitting presidents in Nigeria often enjoy a significant advantage.

    Unless a strong opposition coalition emerges, Tinubu may leverage state resources and visibility to strengthen his electoral standing.

    Supporters also argue that his policies in infrastructure renewal, economic diversification, and security reforms, though controversial and challenging, could begin to yield visible results before 2027. Should Nigerians perceive progress in these sectors, the electorate may choose continuity over change.

    However, the road is not without hurdles. Rising discontent over fuel subsidy removal, inflation, and unemployment could pose serious threats to his popularity. Civil society voices have stressed that if living conditions do not improve, Nigerians may look elsewhere for leadership. Yet, Tinubu’s political machinery has shown resilience in navigating such storms.

    Beyond these, analysts believe Tinubu’s path to victory in 2027 will depend largely on regional dynamics.

    In the North West, Nigeria’s most populous voting bloc, Tinubu’s APC retains deep structures. However, challenges remain, especially if opposition movements such as the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) consolidate support in Kano. The president’s chances in the region could be strengthened by improvements in security and infrastructure delivery.

    The North East offers both opportunity and risk. Strong APC influence in Borno and Yobe gives Tinubu a base, but States such as Bauchi, Taraba, and Adamawa remain competitive.

    Gains in counter-insurgency operations and poverty reduction could help consolidate support, while persistent economic hardship could weaken his standing.

    Meanwhile, the North Central, often called Nigeria’s political battleground, could prove decisive. While the APC controls States like Kogi and Kwara, frustrations in Plateau and Benue, particularly over insecurity and rising living costs, may pose obstacles.

    Visible progress on food prices and rural infrastructure will be crucial for Tinubu here. In addition, there is the Nyesom Wike factor in the FCT. Although the political efficacy of the former Rivers State Governor is yet to be proven in the FCT.

    In the South West, Tinubu’s home base, the APC remains dominant. Party structures and State Governors provide strong backing, but rising urban discontent in Lagos and other major cities could reduce margins if inflation persists and economic reforms fail to ease hardship before 2027.

    Meanwhile, the South South, which is traditionally opposition territory, has seen major cracks emerge recently. Elite realignments in Delta and Cross River, coupled with the seizure of power in Rivers, could give Tinubu an opening. His prospects in the zone depend on tangible progress in refinery operations, energy projects and infrastructure delivery.

    The South East remains the most difficult region for the APC at the presidential level. Tinubu’s path here may be limited to incremental gains through infrastructure projects and industrial support for Onitsha, Aba, and Nnewi.

    Additionally, he may score some political points if he facilitates the release of Nnamdi Kanu from detention before 2027.

    Ultimately, Tinubu’s 2027 prospects will hinge on three factors: the trajectory of Nigeria’s economy, regional dynamics, and the unity, or disunity, of the opposition.

    If inflation eases and visible projects take shape, the president may benefit from a “continuity wave.” If hardships persist and opposition forces rally behind a single candidate, the race could become his fiercest test yet.

    For now, Tinubu holds the tools of incumbency and the loyalty of his political machinery. However, the 2027 presidential election will not be won in theory, but decided on the ground, region by region, where people feel the impact of Tinubu’s reforms.

    From his days as Lagos Governor to his orchestration of the APC takeover of power in 2015, Tinubu, called many things: “the Lion of Bourdillon,” “Jagaban,” and more recently, the “master tactician”, has never been a man to bet against. His re-election chances will depend heavily on whether economic pain eases and whether the opposition can unite.

  • 2027: How opposition coalition can defeat Tinubu

    2027: How opposition coalition can defeat Tinubu

    As Nigeria edges closer to the 2027 presidential election, one dominant question echoes across political circles: can the opposition unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu?

    For many analysts, the answer lies in whether disparate opposition parties can forge a strong, united front capable of matching the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)’s formidable electoral machinery.

    Tinubu, a political tactician often described as Nigeria’s most seasoned power broker, rode into office in 2023 after overcoming fierce internal and external opposition.

    His victory was underpinned by decades of grassroots political networking, regional alliances, and a reputation for assembling winning coalitions.

    For the opposition, challenging such a figure requires not just rhetoric but organization, unity, and strategy.

    The 2015 election remains a reference point. Then, opposition forces led by the APC coalesced around a common agenda to oust the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which had ruled Nigeria for 16 years.

    The merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), and a faction of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), among others, produced a broad alliance that delivered victory to Muhammadu Buhari.

    A similar coalition, political observers argue, could be the opposition’s best chance in 2027. Fragmentation will be the opposition’s biggest weakness.

    Analysts have noted that no single party has the numbers to confront Tinubu’s APC and that only a united opposition, with a credible candidate and a clear agenda, could shift the balance.

    This is especially true as the 2023 elections exposed the vulnerability of a divided opposition.

    While the Labour Party, under Peter Obi, galvanized youthful and urban voters, and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) swooped Kano’s vote, the PDP maintained its traditional strongholds.

    The lack of collaboration in the opposition camps diluted their strength, allowing the APC to claim victory with just over eight (8) million votes.

    Analysts believe that if opposition votes had been consolidated, Tinubu’s path to Aso Rock might have been far narrower or perhaps even blocked.

    For an opposition coalition to succeed in 2027, it must transcend Nigeria’s deep regional and ethnic divides. Tinubu’s 2023 win was built on a southwest base, significant inroads into the northwest, and tactical gains in the north-central.

    To counter this, opposition parties would need to appeal broadly across regions while addressing issues that cut across ethnic lines, including insecurity, unemployment, inflation, and governance.

    This is even as observers say the 2027 race will not just be about personalities, but about who best convince Nigerians that they have solutions to hunger, insecurity, and the declining economy.

    If the opposition makes the mistake of relying solely on anti-Tinubu sentiment without offering real policy alternatives, they will lose again.

    Another potential game-changer is Nigeria’s youth demographic. More than 70 percent of the population is under 35, and the “Obidient movement” of 2023 demonstrated the political potential of this restless bloc.

    However, without institutional backing, fragmented leadership, and a lack of coordination with older political structures, the youth vote may once again splinter.

    Meanwhile, forging a coalition is easier said than done. Opposition parties often wrestle with ego, personal ambition, and ideological differences. Negotiating who gets the presidential ticket, vice-presidential slot, and key campaign positions has historically led to bitter infighting.

    Moreover, the APC’s incumbency advantage, control of state structures, access to federal resources, and entrenched networks, presents formidable obstacles.

    Still, many believe 2027 represents a real opportunity if the opposition can avoid past mistakes. As an analyst noted, Tinubu’s presidency has created discontent in certain quarters, particularly over economic reforms like fuel subsidy removal and the floating of the Naira.

    The opposition’s job, then, is to channel that discontent into a constructive political alternative.

    Over the next two years, Nigeria will see intense political realignment. Mergers, defections, and cross-party negotiations are already simmering beneath the surface. Whether these talks translate into a credible coalition may well decide the 2027 election.

    For now, the opposition’s challenge is clear: rise above division, rally around a unifying candidate, present a compelling policy agenda, and energize the electorate. Anything less may hand Tinubu, the master of political survival, a second term on a platter.

  • Race to dethrone Tinubu: How 2027 presidential election will be decided

    Race to dethrone Tinubu: How 2027 presidential election will be decided

    By Ediri Oyibo

    The race for Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election is already shaping into a high-stakes showdown, pitting incumbent President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) against a fractured but determined opposition.

    Officially endorsed by the APC in May 2025 as its sole candidate for second term, Tinubu’s campaign machinery is already in motion, buoyed by defections from opposition ranks and his bold economic reforms, even as Nigerians cope with a deepening cost-of-living crisis.

    Yet, Tinubu’s grasp on power isn’t without challenge.

    His administration’s structural changes, fuel subsidy removal, exchange rate liberalisation, stabilising monetary policy and improving oil production have attracted praise from investors and multilateral institutions.

    However, these same reforms have inflated prices and burdened households, putting the government under sustained pressure to deliver tangible relief before 2027.

    Nigeria’s political establishment also seethes with critiques of elite detachment.

    Timothy Osadolor, a member of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and presently, the National Deputy Youth Leader of the party, lambasted Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr George Akume, for being “unaware that people are suffering,” noting, “Come 2027, Nigerians will have the authority to rehabilitate and rebuild the country.” It was “most unfortunate for anyone to want to shut down the ambition of another… This is a democracy,” he said.

    Another regional voice, Prof. Vitalis Orikeze Ajumbe of the Coalition of Southern Groups (CSG), warned that Tinubu’s reforms had not translated into relief. “This administration has given us hardship,” he said, pointing to rampant fuel price hikes, even after refinery revivals, rising food and transport costs, and telecom hikes as symptoms of systemic failure.

    On the flip side, APC supporters insist the reforms will bear fruit in time. “Even if at a slow pace, Nigerians will come to realise that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu means well for the country,” declared an APC spokesperson, emphasising hope for a legacy-building reelection.

    These tensions meet a restless population split between despair and cautious optimism. A BusinessDay’s poll noted only 12.5% of Nigerians were confident the opposition can offer a strong alternative, while 63.5% were not. Public expressions are blunt: “They’re all birds of the same feather. I don’t think my vote will make a difference,” lamented one respondent.

    Compounding the crisis are surging rural violence across the North, featuring brutal clashes and extremist attacks, that continue to expose the administration’s inability to guarantee security for millions of citizens.

    On the opposition front, unity remains elusive. A newly formed Africa Democratic Congress (ADC) coalition, led by former presidential contenders Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, along with ex-governors and lawmakers, has emerged with the strategic goal of preventing a one-party state and rallying Nigerians around a credible alternative.

    The historical echo of the 2015 coalition that ended PDP’s 16-year rule lends urgency to the mission of the ADC coalition. Analysts argue that without genuine cohesion, the opposition’s efforts may fall short of mounting a credible threat to Tinubu’s incumbency.

    Yet the coalition’s path is riddled with internal dissent. Key players like Atiku, Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and former governors such as Nasir El-Rufai and Fayemi Kayode are still at odds over zoning, power-sharing, and agreeing on a consensus candidate.

    “The coalition will stop Nigeria from becoming a one-party state,” declared ADC interim chairman, David Mark. Analyst Cheta Nwanze put it plainly: “You cannot remove a sitting government if the opposition is disunited”.

    While insiders dismiss claims of a collapse, observers note that the failure of the opposition to agree on a single party platform continues to hobble their progress.

    The opposition’s struggle isn’t just political, but structural. The PDP is grappling with dysfunction and internal power plays, making it vulnerable to defections that have already seen prominent figures abandon ship for the ruling APC.

    Labour Party internal conflicts and leadership disputes with Peter Obi only deepen the fragmentation. Even the NNPP and its leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso, face the risk of derailment unless an alliance crystallises, possibly as Obi’s running mate, as some analysts speculate.

    Farooq A. Kperogi puts it bluntly: “In 2027, Tinubu may stagger into a second term not because he inspires, but because he survives; not because he triumphs, but because those who should have dethroned him will… hand him victory on a silver platter.”

    A major question hanging over the election’s outcome is Nigeria’s electoral credibility. The 2023 election was marred by logistical failures and mistrust in the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Analysts insist that unless INEC ensures transparent, technology-backed processes, even the opposition’s strongest moves could fail to convert into victory, and a flawed result could stir unrest.

    Additionally, engaging Nigeria’s youth, who make up about 70% of the electorate, is non-negotiable: disillusioned by recycled leaders and empty rhetoric, they demand fresh policy solutions, not promises.

    The mechanics of Nigeria’s electoral system also loom large. Nigeria’s political calculus demands more than consensus; it needs geographic balance. Under the modified two-round presidency rules, a candidate must secure a plurality and at least 25% of votes in two-thirds of states, raising the stakes for regional balancing.

    Tinubu won his native South-West but failed to gain traction in the South-East and South-South in 2023. To prevail in 2027, he must shore up support across these zones while the opposition fights for consolidation.

    In the meantime, economic woes and regional sensitivities continue to shape public sentiment. Inflation, youth disillusionment, and food insecurity are simmering pressure points that the opposition is trying to channel into anti-incumbency momentum.

    Surveys show that competency, not religion or ethnicity, is emerging as a campaign slogan. While many still favour a Southern candidate, voters in many areas are demanding real performance, not just pedigree.

    As the countdown begins, with INEC only set to formally initiate the process by February 2026, the race for 2027 is becoming a battle of narratives, coalitions, and credibility.

    Tinubu’s firm control of his party and reforms give him a tangible advantage, but the electorate’s mood could shift if the opposition finds its footing.

    The coalescing of economic hardship, demand for democratic accountability, and a fragmented, yet potentially potent coalition, could deliver surprises.

    In Nigeria’s volatile political theatre, incumbency, reform, and party machinery matter, but so do unity, credibility, and the ability to deliver hope.

    Whether Tinubu retains the mantle of victory or an opposition force finally checks the ruling party’s power, the outcome hinges on who best navigates the volatile convergence of politics and policy when Nigeria goes to the polls in 2027.

  • 2027 poll: Amaechi’s ‘manifesto’ to change Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    2027 poll: Amaechi’s ‘manifesto’ to change Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    When you’re hungry and angry, you lose concentration and comprehension. If you’re angry and hungry, you lose self-confidence and esteem. If your anger and hunger is driven by hubris, you lose emotional control, and say and do things preposterous.

    This is the stage former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transportation, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, finds himself so early in the race for 2027 General Election.

    Declaring for president – and vowing to “remove” from power President Bola Tinubu and his ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) – Amaechi claims to co-form a Coalition of Opposition Politicians (COP) plying its 2027 trade under the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    A top player in the political arena since the Fourth Republic began in 1999, Amaechi, who’s adopted an outlandish strategy to achieving his aspiration, declared on May 30, 2025, that he’s “hungry” despite his belying physical appearance.

    At an event marking his 60th birthday, Amaechi advanced his “hunger” rhetoric with a plea to his audience: “For us, the opposition, if you want us to remove the man in power (Tinubu), we can remove him from this power,” he said.

    Amaechi wasn’t talking about his personal food security, but “hunger for power” that he’d left after a 23-year stint as Speaker of Rivers State House of Assembly for eight years (1999-2007), Governor for eight years (2007-2015), and Minister for seven years (2015-2022).

    Again on the roll on July 23 during a roadshow to launch the ADC in Port Harcourt, Rivers capital city, Amaechi accused the state political elite (without exonerating himself) of always “writing (election) results.”

    With an apocalyptic bent to his messaging, Amaechi warned his ADC members in Rivers to stop those responsible for writing results, or else, “Nigerians will be dead and buried if Tinubu wins a second term in 2027” – inferring the president would rig the poll.

    “We should encourage people to come out and vote for the removal of the current government or we will all die of hunger,” Amaechi says, adding, “Currently, Nigerians are complaining in President Tinubu’s first tenure; imagine what the second tenure will be like. Then, you’ll be dead and buried.”

    The latest 2027 gambit comes in a kind of ‘Manifesto’ “released” on Friday, August 8, on X Space tagged, ‘Weekend Politics’, with a seemingly uncoordinated and incoherent Amaechi staccatoicly equivocating and prevaricating.

    Engaging with Nigerians on his presidential bid, Amaechi promises: “I will end corruption in 30 days, or I will resign. I will not reverse the removal of subsidies. I will instead direct the funds (therefrom) into the pockets of Nigerians, not the elite’s,” without providing how to tackle the two crucial issues.

    The below bulleted list that Amaechi addressed made the X Space participants to sigh and yawn, and the public to scratch their heads, as they consider the implications of an Amaechi presidency. Happy reading:

    • Amaechi vows to “abandon the coastal road” (Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway), as “that road is for stealing.” Instead, he’ll veer the funds to complete the East-West road “that will serve the same as the coastal road.”

    Amaechi’s mum on the multi-trillion naira infrastructural projects awarded on his watch as minister. Were funds for these projects immune from being stolen?

    The East-West road Amaechi didn’t remember when he’s minister serves only the hinterlands, whereas the coastal highway will open up more opportunities in commerce, manufacturing, real estate, tourism and blue economy along its 700km stretch that transverses nine states from the South-West to South-South.

    Three posters on X sum up Amaechi’s vow to abandon the coastal highway, thus: “It’s shocking that a former Transportation minister could say publicly that fixing the East-West road will achieve same objective as Lagos-Calabar coastal highway that is meant to link coastal areas in 9 states. How does he not know the difference between the two?”

    “He (Amaechi) clearly doesn’t understand the ‘coastal’ aspect of the highway and that’s why he didn’t see the difference between it and the East-West road, which is just a normal road linking Niger Delta communities. So shocking!”

    “As a Minister of Transport for 8 years, you (Amaechi) said you were going to do rail services even to Niger (Republic), positioning it as a key to economic development. Today, the Coastal road (in Nigeria) is for stealing and not a key to economic development.”

    • Amaechi pledges to change the amended 1999 Constitution, and replace Indigeneship with Citizenship – a euphemism for Residency that bestows nativity, ownership of land and political power on non-indigenes across Nigeria.

    A Bill on Indigeneship, sponsored by the Deputy Speaker of House of Representatives and Chairman of the House Committee on Constitution Review, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, was withdrawn on July 29 following a nationwide opposition. Though intended to “promote national unity, equity, and inclusiveness among all Nigerians, regardless of where they reside,” opponents of the Bill argued that it’d rob indigenous people of their ancestral and cultural possessions to pay settlers.

    • Twice the Director-General for the late President Muhammadu Buhari’s election in 2015 and 2019, Amaechi preaches fidelity in poll conduct, saying he’s never been engaged in rigging, and repeatedly declined to serve on the APC election planning committees, “because I know what they discuss (is how to rig elections).”

    • Amaechi pledges to stop election malpractice via reforms, as “the lowest hanging fruits for me, if I become President, in my first six months” in office; and vows to defeat Tinubu in 2027 if given the ADC ticket.

    “I tell you, I’ve not had an election against Tinubu. I know Tinubu very well. I know his strengths. I know his weaknesses. And I know that if allowed to fly the flag of ADC, I will defeat Tinubu for sure,” he says.

    • In a circlical manner, Amaechi debunks alleged electoral malpractice against him, and challenges his accusers to prove their case that, “I participated in any election rigging, and I will apologise for that,” adding, “I will never participate in any rigging whatsoever, and I will not do it. What I promise to do now, going forward, is to stop rigging.”

    “I challenge any politician, living or dead, to come forward and say I was part of rigging. In fact, all the appointments given to me by APC to join election planning committees, I have refused to participate. Why?

    “Because I know what they discuss. I listen to them. I hear them. They will bring governors. They will go to government agencies and get money. But the rest, I don’t want to say it until I win primaries. If I get the ticket, I will reveal those things.”

    • Amaechi describes Prof. Mahmood Yakubu (2015 till date) as “the worst Chairman of Independent National Electoral Commission in the history of Nigeria.”

    What evidence does Amaechi have to compare Yakubu’s credibility with previous INEC’s chairs’: Justice Ephraim Akpata (1998-2000), Dr Abel Guobadia (2000-2005), Prof. Maurice Iwu (2005-2010), and Prof. Attahiru Jega (2010-2015)?

    Amaechi “magically” became governor in 2007 (and got re-elected in 2011) via a poll conducted by Iwu, then perceived globally as “the worst INEC Chairman in Nigeria’s history” for announcing “fictitious results,” declaring “winners” ahead of collation, and urging “defeated” candidates and parties, whom he accused of unpreparedness for elections, to “go to court” to seek redress.

    Recall that the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua labelled the Iwu-declared results for his presidency in 2007 as blatantly rigged, apologised to Nigerians over the electoral heist, and pledged to reform the system, but ill-health and ultimately death didn’t allow him to fulfill the avowal.

    • Amaechi alleges that Peter Obi, former Anambra State governor and candidate of the Labour Party (LP) won the 2023 presidential poll in Rivers. “I would agree to an extent that Peter Obi won in Rivers state, but unfortunately, the result that came out was different. How it happened, I have no idea,” he said.

    Why did Amaechi keep quiet for over two years, rather than assist Obi in the courts to substantiate his viral claims of winning the poll, prompting the Supreme Court to dismiss Obi’s appeal as “lacking in merit” within 72 seconds?

    • Amaechi claims that, “those very influential among the ruling class visit CBN (Central Bank of Nigeria) to steal money,” stating, “if they could use all the money they are pocketing to improve security and the economy, Nigeria wouldn’t be in such dire straits today.”

    Nigerians are aware that similar allegations dogged the Buhari eight-year administration in which Amaechi’s a “super Minister,” and a member of the kitchen cabinet and “cabal” at the Presidential Villa.

    • Amaechi isn’t competiting for 2027 with his successor-Governor Nyesom Wike, but he dares the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, to “a walk along the streets of Port Harcourt, to reveal who is healthy and who the people actually love.” What a joke by a president material!

    • Amaechi says he’ll support the ADC candidate to unseat President Tinubu. “In a free and fair primary, whoever wins will have my full support. I will be deeply devoted to the campaign and will do everything in my ability to help ADC unseat this current clueless government,” Amaechi concludes.

    Most likely driven by hubris than a natural intent to upstage the incumbent, will an Amaechi presidency be based on altruistic purposes, or on hunger for power, anger for vendetta, and pander to interests that undermine Nigeria’s diversity and unity? The clock ticks slowly but steadily towards 2027!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357

  • 2027: INEC warns against premature campaigns

    2027: INEC warns against premature campaigns

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has warned aspirants in Nasarawa against premature campaigns ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    INEC Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) in the state, Dr Shehu Wahab, gave the warning at a stakeholders’ meeting on Thursday in Lafia, ahead of the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) scheduled to begin on Monday, Aug.18.

    Wahab, however, expressed concern over “the disturbing indiscriminate abuse of campaign posters and billboards by aspirants before the official campaign period”.

    “This not only undermines the electoral process but also sets a precedent that can erode the standards of political conduct in the country.

    “As stakeholders, you must collectively advocate for adherence to the electoral guidelines and promote a culture of respect for the democratic process”, he said.

    The REC said mobilising citizens for the CVR was the responsibility of the commission and frowned upon politicians sponsoring advertisements in that regard.

    “There is an aspirant who sponsored an advertisement and produced jingles, calling on the people to turn out for the CVR.

    “The worst part is that the aspirant clearly mentioned his aspiration for the 2027 election in the advertisement and jingles,” he said.

    Wahab said that the online pre-registration of the CVR would commence on Monday, Aug. 18, 2025, while the in-person registration would start on Aug. 25.

    He explained that the exercise complied with the law to ensure that every eligible citizen had their name in the voter register.

    “The idea of CVR is deliberately crafted to allow for voter mobility, correction of details and fresh registrations for those who did not do so before or those who turned 18 after the last exercise,” he said.

    The REC further urged stakeholders to advice residents in the state against underage registration and multiple registration, adding that anyone caught would face sanctions.

    He also urged the public to take advantage of the exercise instead of waiting for the end to ask for an extension of time.

    Similarly, INEC Director of Operations in the state, Sale El-Mahmoud, said that the exercise would begin from 9:30 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. at the INEC headquarters in Lafia and in the 13 Local Government Areas in the state.

    El-Mahmoud added that INEC personnel would be at the designated centers from Mondays to Fridays, excluding public holidays.

    He explained that the exercise would include fresh registration, voter transfer, update of voter information, replacement of lost Permanent Voter’s Cards and defaced or damaged cards.

  • The pre 2027 party gold rush – By Dakuku Peterside

    The pre 2027 party gold rush – By Dakuku Peterside

    The 2027 general elections are fast approaching, and Nigeria’s political landscape is undergoing a rapid transformation. New acronyms, and freshly minted party logos are emerging, promising a new era of renewal and liberation.

    To the casual observer, this may seem like democracy in full bloom—citizens exercising their right to association, political diversity flourishing, and the marketplace of ideas expanding. However, beneath this surface, a more urgent reality is unfolding. The current rush to establish new parties is less about ideological conviction or grassroots movements and more about strategic positioning, bargaining leverage, and transactional gain.

    It is the paradox of Nigerian politics: proliferation as a sign of vitality, proliferation as a symptom of democratic fragility. With 2027 on the horizon, the political air is electric, not with fresh ideas, but with a gold rush to create new political parties. Supporters call it the flowering of democracy. But scratch the surface and you see something else: opportunism dressed as pluralism. This is not just politics — it is political merchandising.

    Parties are being set up like small businesses, complete with negotiation value, resale potential, and short-term profit models. Today, Nigeria has 19 registered political parties, one of countries with the highest no of registered political parties in the world behind India (2500) and Brazil (35) and more than Indonesia (18).

    History serves as a cautionary tale in this context. Whenever Nigeria has embraced multi-party politics, the electoral battlefield has eventually narrowed to a contest between two main poles. In the early 1990s, General Ibrahim Babangida’s political transition programme deliberately engineered a two-party structure by decreeing the creation of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    His justification was rooted in the observation—controversial but not entirely unfounded—that Nigeria’s political psychology tends to gravitate toward two dominant camps, thereby simplifying voter choice and fostering more stable governance. Pro-democracy activists condemned the move as state-engineered politics, but over time, the pattern became embedded.

    When Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) emerged as the dominant force, facing off against the All People’s Party (APP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AD) coalition.

    The 2003 and 2007 elections pitted the PDP against the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP); in 2011, the PDP contended with both the ANPP and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). By 2015, the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC)—a coalition of the CPC, ANPP, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)—restored the two-bloc dynamic.

    This ‘two-bloc dynamic’ refers to the situation where most of the political power is concentrated within two main parties, leading to a less diverse and competitive political landscape. Even when dozens of smaller parties appeared on the ballot, the real contest was still a battle of two heavyweights.

    And yet, here we are again, with Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) registering nineteen parties but facing an avalanche of new applications—110 by late June 2025, swelling to at least 122 by early July.

    This surge is striking, especially considering that after the 2019 general elections, INEC deregistered seventy-four parties for failing to meet constitutional performance requirements, a decision upheld by the Supreme Court in 2021. That landmark ruling underscored that party registration is not a perpetual license; it is a privilege conditioned on meeting electoral benchmarks, such as a minimum vote share and representation across the federation.

    The surge in party formation could potentially lead to a more complex and fragmented electoral process, making it harder for voters to make informed decisions and for smaller parties to gain traction.

    So, what explains the surge in the formation of new parties now? The reasons are not mysterious. Money is the bluntest answer, but it is braided with other motives. For some, creating a party is a strategic move to position themselves for negotiations with larger parties—trading endorsements, securing “alliances,” and even extracting concessions like campaign funding or political appointments.

    Others set up “friendly” parties designed to dilute opposition votes in targeted constituencies, often indirectly benefiting the ruling party. Some political entrepreneurs build parties as personal vehicles for regional ambitions or as escape routes from established parties where rival factions have captured the leadership.

    Some are escape pods for politicians frozen out of the ruling APC’s machinery. There is also a genuine democratic impulse among certain groups to create platforms for neglected ideas or underrepresented constituencies. But the transactional motive often eclipses these idealistic efforts, leaving most new parties as temporary instruments rather than enduring institutions.

    The democratic consequences of this kind of proliferation are profound. On the one hand, political pluralism is a constitutional right and an essential feature of democracy. On the other hand, too many weak, poorly organised parties can fragment the opposition, confuse voters, and degrade the quality of political competition.

    Many of these micro-parties lack ward-level presence, a consistent membership drive, and ideological coherence. Their manifestos are often generic, interchangeable documents crafted to meet registration requirements rather than to present a distinct policy vision. On election day, their presence on the ballot can be more of a distraction than a contribution, and after the polls close, many vanish from public life until the next cycle of political registration. This is not democracy — it is ballot clutter.

    This is not uniquely Nigerian. In India, a few thousand registered  parties exist, yet only a fraction of them is active or competitive at the state or national level. Brazil, notorious for its highly fragmented legislature, has struggled with unstable coalitions and governance deadlock; even now, it is reducing the number of effective parties.

    Indonesia allows many parties to register but imposes a parliamentary threshold—currently four per cent of the national vote—to limit legislative fragmentation. These examples, along with others from around the world, suggest that plurality can work, but only when paired with guardrails: stringent conditions for registration, clear criteria for participation, performance-based retention, and an electoral culture that rewards sustained engagement over fleeting visibility.

    Nigeria already has a version of this in place, courtesy of INEC’s power to deregister. We deregistered seventy-four parties in 2020 for failing to meet performance standards, and five years later, we are sprinting back to the same cliff.

    Yet loopholes remain especially, and the process is reactive rather than proactive. Registration conditionalities are lax. This is where both INEC and the ruling APC must shoulder greater responsibility. The need for electoral reform is urgent, and it is time for all stakeholders to act.

    For INEC, the task is to strengthen its oversight by tightening membership verification, enhancing financial transparency, and expanding its geographic spread requirements, as well as introducing periodic revalidation between election cycles.

    For the ruling party, the challenge lies in upholding political ethics: resisting the temptation to exploit party proliferation to splinter the opposition for short-term gain. A strong ruling party in a democracy wins competitive elections, not one that manipulates the field to run unopposed. Strong democracy requires a credible opposition, not a scattering of paper platforms that cannot even win a ward councillor seat.

    Here is the truth: this system needs reform. Reform doesn’t mean closing democratic space, but making it meaningful and orderly. Democracy must balance full freedom of association with the need for order. While freedom encourages many parties, order requires limiting their number to a manageable level.

    For example, Nigeria could require parties to have active structures in two-thirds of states, a verifiable membership, and annual audited financials. Parties failing to win National Assembly seats in two consecutive elections could lose registration.

    The message to new parties is clear: prove you’re more than just a logo and acronym . Build lasting movements—organize locally, offer real policies alternatives , and stay engaged between elections.

    Democracy is a contest of ideas, discipline, and trust. If the 2027 rush is allowed to run unchecked, we will end up with the worst of both worlds — a crowded ballot and an empty choice. Mergers should be incentivised through streamlined legal processes and possibly electoral benefits, such as ballot priority or increased public funding. At the same time, independent candidates should be allowed more room to compete, ensuring that reform does not entrench an exclusive two-party cartel.

    Ultimately, the deeper issue here is the erosion of public trust. Nigerians have no inherent hostility to new political formations; what they distrust are political outfits that emerge in the months leading up to an election, strike opaque deals, and disappear without a trace. Politicians must resist the temptation to treat politics as a seasonal business opportunity and instead invest in it as a long-term public service.

    As 2027 approaches, Nigeria stands at a familiar but critical juncture. The country can indulge the frenzy—rolling out yet another logo, staging yet another press conference, promising yet another “structure” that exists mainly on paper. Or it can seize this moment to rethink how political competition is structured: open but disciplined, plural but purposeful, competitive but coherent.

    Fewer parties will not automatically make Nigeria’s democracy healthier. But better parties—rooted in communities, committed to clear policies, and resilient beyond election season—just might. And that is a choice within reach, if those who hold the levers of power are willing to leave the system stronger than they found it.