Tag: Bashir Tofa

  • Tinubu is no Abiola and Atiku is no Tofa – By Babajide Balogun

    Tinubu is no Abiola and Atiku is no Tofa – By Babajide Balogun

    By Babajide Balogun

    The Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has apparently run into a cul-de-sac, with less than two weeks to the February 25 election. All his gimmicks and subterranean machinations have come to a grinding halt.

    So, they are now opening a new frontier by likening Tinubu to MKO Abiola and Atiku Abubakar (the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party as Bashir Tofa. Well, it has failed even before it started.

    Tinubu’s thinking is that being from the Southwest like the late Abiola, and his running mate Kashim Shettima coming from the Northeastern state of Borno, just like Babagana Kingibe, he will be able to get the votes from the North, especially Muslims. But there are so many reasons why Tinubu is no Abiola, just as 1993 cannot be the same as 2023.

    Indeed, Atiku cannot be put in the same political bracket as Tofa. First of all, Abiola’s story as that of an only surviving child of his parents who fought his way out of poverty resonated well with many Nigerians. And as a successful accountant cum businessman, Abiola’s philanthropic disposition earned him a place in the heart of many Nigerians.

    He granted scholarships to many indigent students, built places of worship for people of all faiths, helped people without any recourse to their ethnic, religious or regional backgrounds and set up industries and ventures – from Abiola Babes Football Club to Abiola Airlines and more – where he provided employment opportunities to many Nigerians.

    Abiola was able to secure the ticket of the then Social Democratic Party (SDP) by making his movement appealing to Nigerians from all walks of life. He built bridges of unity across the country. Even his eventual Muslim-Muslim ticket was more coincidental than political, because Babagana Kingibe contested against him for the SDP ticket but lost to him. So he was made to be on the ticket in an effort to keep the party united.

    It could have been any other politician. Abiola did not use his wealth to intimidate or compromise anyone. He did not leave any room for people to doubt his sincerity.

    Tinubu, on the other hand, is completely different. Apart from the controversy surrounding his health, birth and educational history, Tinubu was comfortable concentrating all his energies on Lagos and other parts of the Southwest.

    At a point, he was seeing himself as the heir-apparent to late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the champion of regional politics. It was his presidential ambition that showed that he was neither a sincere Awoist nor the national figure he is now claiming to be. He only needed to use the South West as a bargaining chip, which he used in bringing strange bedfellows to form the APC, giving President Muhammadu Buhari some presence outside his northern stronghold to become president.

    To clinch the APC presidential ticket, Tinubu is said to have used his questionable wealth to reach out to some northern governors who worked for his emergence as the party’s flag-bearer. In the end, most of those that contested against him were blackmailed or intimidated into quitting the race.

    Many of them are still nursing their wound, which explains why they have shunned the party’s campaign activities. The only success recorded by Tinubu is that of elevating godfatherism in politics to a new high. But “a leopard never changes its spots”. Tinubu has yet to outgrow his ethnic champion status.

    Since the commencement of campaign activities, he had always retreated to the South West anytime he felt threatened by the chieftains of his own party (If his own party chieftains do not trust him, why should Nigerians?). It was in Ogun State that he made the infamous ‘Emi lo kan (it is my turn) remark. Also, because he was more interested in appealing to the sentiment of the people, he would speak Yoruba anytime he was in their midst.

    That scenario played out on more than one occasion. Unlike in Abiola’s case, Tinubu’s resort to a Muslim running mate was dictated by self-interest. It has nothing to do with advancing the cause of Islam or Muslims. He certainly cannot do that when he can’t even recite Surah al-Fatiḥah, the first chapter of the Qur’an, as many have observed.

    Rather than win the hearts of Muslims with this stunt, it has since backfired with many now doubting his claim to being one of them. Knowing how to recite Fatihah is obligatory for Muslims because no prayer is ever complete without it. The move failed to elicit the sort of frenzy envisaged.

    Tinubu is now relying on only the northern governors on the platform of the APC to achieve his ambition. He has not been able to reach the grassroots in the north who are the actual voters. The APC candidate should listen to the advice of Senator Shehu Sani who told him not to trust northern governors and politicians because the majority of the common people in the North do not support his touted presidential ambition.

    These northern governors are more interested in self-preservation than Tinubu’s ambition. They have mismanaged their states and the people can’t wait to get rid of them. Yet they are the ones selling false hope to Tinubu. A Tinubu presidency can only divide the people further.

    However, Atiku seems to have more in common with Abiola because he was also an only child who learned to take care of himself and to fight his own battles from an early age. Atiku has also built bridges with Nigerians of different backgrounds; he has been providing job opportunities to Nigerians, and offering scholarships to many indigent students. In 2017, 15 of the Chibok school girls who escaped from their Boko Haram abductors were awarded scholarships to attend the American University of Nigeria Academy, AUN, Yola.

    The scholarships were awarded to the 15 girls by Atiku, who is the founder of AUN, along with some individuals.

    Atiku, who has the requisite experience to turn things for the better in the country, has also listened to the yearnings for Nigeria’s unity and participatory politics by coming up with a balanced ticket, picking Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa as his running mate.

    Okowa, who will be completing his second term on May 29, is one politician that commands respect among his people. He is without any baggage. In fact, many have described the choice of Okowa as not only strategically representative but one that will also unite the party and the people. If it is about record and pedigree, there should be no debate.

    But still Atiku will rather use his manifesto – not just story – to convince Nigerians. His exciting campaigns and the huge turnouts have made him the candidate to beat. Many have judged Atiku’s manifesto the most coherent, realistic and convincing of all the manifestos put forward by all the 18 presidential candidates.

    He has laid out his plans, including the things he set to achieve in his first 100 days in office once elected as president. He has promised to work towards ceding more powers to the states to enable them to do more for the people, in line with the yearnings for the restructuring of the country.

    But in what can be described as an insult, Tinubu has no plan for the north whose votes he is desperately seeking to enable him to accomplish his desire to be the occupant of Aso Rock.

    This much was revealed by Naja’atu Mohammed, who should know because she was the APC’s Campaign Director on Civil Societies. According to Naja’atu, the APC flag bearer told her at a meeting in London that he had no blueprint for tackling insecurity in the North. He is said to be waiting to get elected first before deciding on what to do for the region, despite its numerous challenges.

    The average Nigerian voter, whether in the south or north, has come of age. We are in the era of one man, one vote, not one godfather deciding for millions of people. As they say “Once beaten, twice shy”. The people have seen how the APC lied their way to power and made a mess of it.

    They know the difference between a hurriedly packaged lie and a truth that has stood the test of time. The difference between Atiku and Tinubu is like that between light and darkness, and no one in his right senses will choose the latter ahead of the former.

    Balogun is a public affairs analyst and writes from Ibadan

  • If Tofa and Shonekan had acted differently – By Owei Lakemfa

    If Tofa and Shonekan had acted differently – By Owei Lakemfa

    By Owei Lakemfa

    Two prominent Nigerians, Bashir Othman Tofa and Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan, departed eight days of each other; the former on January 3, 2022 and the latter on January 11.

    If both men had acted differently in the 1993 crisis when the Babangida military regime hijacked the presidential election in a desperate bid to cling to power, the sorry story of Nigeria today might have been different.

    The 1993 presidential election were between the then 46-year-old Tofa, the candidate of the National Republican Party, NRC; and Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola of the Social Democratic Party, SDP.

    Abiola, with Babagana Kingibe as running mate, secured 8,341,309 or 58.36 per cent of the votes, while Tofa, running with Sylvester Ugoh, had 5,952,087 or 41.64 per-cent. Abiola won 19 out of the 30 states, including Tofa’s Kano State, and the Federal Capital Territory, Abujalthough the results came in early, the National Electoral Commission did not start announcing them until June 14. Although the results of the election as collated in each state were known and were widely circulated though unofficially, the electoral commission decided to release them piecemeal.

    After 6.6 million votes had been released with Abiola receiving 4.3 million and Tofa 2.3 million, the announcement was stopped.

    A shadowy pro-regime group, the Association for a Better Nigeria, ABN, led by a notorious anti-democracy businessman, Arthur Nzeribe, which had earlier tried to stop the election, obtained an injunction on June 15 to stop further release of the results. Playing to the script, the electoral commission halted the results. The ABN had previously campaigned for the handover to civil rule to take place in 1997.

    Did Tofa assume that by collaborating with the Babangida regime the military might have preferred him or that a new election would be conducted which will give him another shot at the presidency?

    In all these, since Tofa, who like many of us, had the final results, knew of the ABN and Babangida plans to subvert the elections, could have conceded defeat and congratulated the winner.

    This might have scuttled the unholy moves of General Babangida and his errand boys to scuttle the election in a vain attempt to continue military rule. Even after pro-democracy groups on June 18 damned the military dictators by releasing the full results, Tofa, conscious of the fact that he had lost the elections, chose to play along with the military.

    The ignoble role of Shonekan in scuttling the democratic process and inflicting the debilitating pains of six more years of military misrule, including the evil era of Abacha on the country, was far more devastating.

    A military gang on December 31, 1983 overthrew the elected Shagari administration and imposed its rule on the people. The junta leader, General Muhammadu Buhari, was on August 27, 1985, ousted in a palace coup which saw the Chief of Army Staff, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, replacing and putting his boss under house arrest.

    The latter claiming the military was going to hand over power to civilians, began an endless transition programme, fixing the handover date for 1990, then shifting it to 1992, then January 1993 before fixing another date of August 27, 1993.

    As part of its acts of claiming a transition was finally afoot, the Babangida regime on January 2, 1993 announced the formation of a transitional council headed by businessman and anti-public sector technocrat, Ernest Shonekan.

    This was claimed to be the last stage of the handover. However, the regime reneged by annulling the presidential election and attempting to elongate its unwelcome stay in office. Mass resistance across the country forced Babangida into an ignoble ‘step aside’ from the presidency.

    But rather than allow Abiola, who had the peoples’ mandate to preside over the country, Babangida signed a new decree entrusting the stolen presidency to a pliable Shonekan whom he named the Head of a contraption called the Interim National Government, ING.

    Shonekan continued the repressive policies of the military, including mass arrests of pro-democracy activists. He also increased the economic misery of the populace with anti-people and poverty-inducing economic decisions such as increasing the cost of petroleum products by 700 per cent.

    He also worked hard to ensure that the peoples’ electoral mandate was never actualised by beginning his own version of the fraudulent transition programme. He ordered the electoral commission to carry out a voters revalidation exercise and organise a new presidential election.

    Chief Abiola went to court challenging the ING. A courageous Justice Dolapo Akinsanya, who was just four years on the bench on November 10, 1993, declared the ING as an illegal body. She ruled that: “President Babangida has no legitimate power to sign a decree after August 26, 1993, after his exit; so the decree is void and of no effect”.

    But Shonekan would not obey the court judgement. What followed were open meetings where the decision to kick him and his gang out of power was made. It was the most open and brazen coup in the country’s history. The impotent Shonekan regime knew the coup was afoot but had no group, least of all, the masses willing to stop it.

    When three persons: Generals Sani Abacha, Oladipo Diya and Aliyu Gusau on November 17, 1993 walked up to Shonekan in the Presidential Villa and asked him to resign, he did so without any protest. He was only 82 days in office. It was good riddance to bad rubbish.

    But after he passed, there have been brazen attempts to rewrite history; the political class is presenting Shonekan as a patriot and courageous leader. To preserve our collective sanity and assault on our psyche, I will quote only three of these brazen untruths.

    Babangida, the puppeteer said of his puppet: “He was a man, a leader and an uncommon patriot who had a presence of mind and whose understanding of Nigeria was profound and remarkable.”

    President Buhari, who with Babangida derailed the Second Republic democratic process, claimed that: “Nigeria owes a great debt to Chief Shonekan.” Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo, a senior to Babangida and Buhari in coup plotting, claimed that Shonekan “…was a unifying force for the nation and his contribution to the growth and development of democracy in Nigeria cannot be forgotten in a hurry”.

    In all the encomiums showered on Shonekan by politicians, I have not read a single one that mirrored his real image and our true history, especially in 1993 and the anti-military struggles to restore democracy in the country.

    Truly, as it is said in Proverbs 13:34: “Righteousness exalts a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.” There is no middle ground in this alternative because you are either on the side of the people or on that of their oppressors.

  • Tofa’s death: PDP condoles Kano Emirate, asks Gov. Matawalle to tackle insecurity

    Tofa’s death: PDP condoles Kano Emirate, asks Gov. Matawalle to tackle insecurity

    The Zamfara State chapter of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has condoled Kano Emirate over the death of Alhaji Bashir Tofa.

    Tofa, the presidential candidate of the defunct National Republican Convention in the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, died on Monday at the age of 75 years.

    PDP’s Deputy Chairman in Zamfara, Prof. Kabiru Jabaka, sent the condolence when he addressed a news conference in Gusau.

    He described Tofa’s death as a great loss to Nigeria’s politics and prayed for him for Allah’s forgiveness.

    Jabaka also condoled with Tsafe Emirate in Zamfara over the death of Bunin Tsafe, Alhaji Yusuf Muhammed, and prayed for his soul to rest in peace and for his family the fortitude to bear the loss.

    He called on Zamfara’s Gov. Bello Matawalle to resolve the lingering security challenges confronting the state.

    Jabaka said the governor’s decision to travel to Niger Republic to watch local wrestling competition while the state was bleeding was condemnable.

    “We found it necessary to speak the minds of the weaker citizens of the state, especially for those taking refuge.

    “They need food, medical care and IDP camps where they will be given much needed care with a view to getting a sense of belonging,’’ Jabaka said.

  • Buhari mourns Bashir Tofa, describes him as “true nationalist”

    Buhari mourns Bashir Tofa, describes him as “true nationalist”

    President Muhammadu Buhari has expressed sadness over the passing of one-time Presidential Candidate in a two-horse race, Bashir Tofa, ”a politician of note, who was also a promoter of Islamic culture and civilization”.

    The president made his feelings known in a tribute to the deceased which was released by his Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Malam Garba Shehu, on Monday in Abuja.

    President Buhari described the late Tofa as a true nationalist that would be difficult to replace.

    The president said: ”The late Tofa was noted for his untiring commitment to public enlightenment and was unafraid to speak the truth all the time that he lived.

    ”He set up the Bureau for Islamic Propagation, BIP, in the mid-80s that helped to unite Muslim Scholars in the Northern States, narrowing the differences that characterized their relationships. The BIP also published books and newspapers.

    ”He was, till the end, a patriot to the core. He envisaged a better Nigeria for all. We pray that this dream and collective aspiration and necessary commitment will not go with him. We owe it to his memory and to the nation.”

    President Buhari prayed to Allah to repose his soul and grant fortitude to the bereaved family and friends, the Kano Emirate Council as well as the government and people of Kano State to bear the loss.

    Meanwhile, the President has dispatched a delegation to Kano with a condolence letter to Gov. Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano State.

    The team is made up of the Ministers of Defence, retired Maj.-Gen. Bashir Magashi, and Water Resources, Sulaiman Adamu, accompanied by the Senior Special Assistant to the President (Media and Publicity), Garba Shehu, and the Accountant General of the Federation, Ahmed Idris.