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Tag: Dakuku Peterside

  • Peace Anyiam-Osigwe: The true measure of success – By Dakuku Peterside

    Peace Anyiam-Osigwe: The true measure of success – By Dakuku Peterside

    How does one measure success in life, career, business, or politics? There are different yardsticks for different folks. Some measure success based on the material quantity one accumulates, while others measure it based on the quality of life one gets. Some assume it is both and, to a considerable degree, a high level of qualitative and quantitative life experiences linked with material, physical, spiritual, and emotional well-being. Many, however, are indifferent to the rigour of defining success criteria, especially in a society that has deified materialism and worshipped hedonism.

    Therefore, success means many things to so many people. Clayton Christensen, a serial author, and teacher, gave a straightforward yet profound advice on success. He said, “Success is measured by the lives you touch and impact.”

    Here, the extrinsic value of success is the externality of its impact on other people’s lives rather than the person whose success is measured. Considering Christensen’s definition, success transcends the myopic encumbrances of the self and moves into the realm of the selfless. It is no secret that this was the guiding philosophy of a quintessential Nigerian lady who was intentional in lifting many young people out of poverty using their God-endowed raw talents, lifted an entire industry – Nollywood, from grass to international acclaim, and became a beacon of hope for the hopeless, and voice for the voiceless. My Friend, Peace Anyiam Osigwe was an amazon, a rare iroko tree that proved  warmth, love, and kindness to everyone who crossed her path. This fantastic woman, whether in the entertainment industry or her personal life, was conscious of  touching lives and making an impact.

    We lost a true hero, a woman of big dreams  and  a bank of ideas  to the cold hands of death on that cold January 7th. All those who loved her had a rude awakening on getting the news of her demise, and if you are like me, you will never forget where you wereor what you were doing when the shocking news hit you. We never expected it. We know everyone will one day pass on to glory, but Peace Anyiam Osigwe was one person you would assume would live on if there was justice and fairness in this world. She was a good woman and a kind soul who  could not stand someone in pain or suffering. I have often wondered why good people die young and bad people live longer. If death is a punishment for our evil deeds, Peace  would have still been here with us.

    Last Saturday, I was at the night of tributes ceremony in honour of this great daughter of Africa, and the intensity of emotions in the atmosphere touched me. A ceremony graced by the captains of the entertainment industry from across Africa , A-list actors and celebrities, and her family members turned out to be a celebration of her life as one celebrity after another made emotional renditions of how she touched their lives at difficult times, how she inspired them to be the best they can be, and how she shaped their career and industry in ways no one has done. Celebrities talked of how she took over 200 of them before they became famous to the United States and “disvirgined our passport” and covered all the expenses for the trip. Family members talked about how she was the glue that bonded the big Anyiam Osigwe family. The voices of the ten poor women from a village in Enugu she sponsored to South Africa reached a crescendo in their wailing for their departed benefactor. In the audience, I had an epiphany. It suddenly dawned on me that my friend lived the best life ever – a life of giving joy to people. In the words of Eleanor Roosevelt, “When you give joy to other people, you get more joy in return. You should give a good thought to happiness that you can give out.”

    Peace Anyiam Osigwe was an accomplished literary artist who published a collection of poems. She was a known word artist, psalmist, and renowned filmmaker. But most of all, she was an extraordinary leader. She developed a vision of an entire African film industry and set out to put Africa at the centre of world cinematography recognition. She thought local and acted global. A true African that set out to change the narrative of African films globally. She was among the first known artists to take African Movies to film festivals worldwide, and in doing this, she challenged African moviemakers to raise their standards to global acclaim.

    In 2005, Peace Anyiam-Osigwe founded the Africa Film Academy, now known as the Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA). AMAA is a continental film/movie platform created to reward excellence and professionalism in the film industry across Africa and create opportunities through capacity building and idea exchange across Africa. The award ceremony is one of the most recognized awards for Africans in filmmaking. Films that have won awards at AMAA or even been nominated have gone ahead to do well at international film festivals like Cannes, TIFF, Berlinale, and others.

    To demonstrate her selfless intentions, at the 10th edition in 2015, she stepped down as the Chief Executive Officer of the AMAA. Besides recognizing and celebrating filmmakers, AMAA invested in capacity building, helping over 12,000 budding artists build skills and understand the intricacies of the sector. Peace made it a duty to bring the finest talents worldwide to coach our young artists. She mentored many and offered her network to help them advance in the industry. In the same year, she began the AfricaOne initiative to commemorate Africans in the entertainment industry.

    Another impactful initiative was her television programme, “Piece off my mind “, which focused on people’s reactions to societal issues not regularly seen in the mainstream media. This fulfilled her passion for always putting out the other side of the story.

    Throughout her eventful life, she engaged and committed to the cause of the less privileged in society using whatever platform God gave her.

    Beyond her creative entrepreneurship, philanthropy was her second nature. She helped countless people and championed numerous causes selflessly and without any noise. Her philanthropy was the actual sermonic act of giving where her ‘left-hand does not know what her right hand was doing’. She was not noisy about her kindness, and that’s a mark of true success. Mister Rogers opines, “There are three ways to ultimate success: The first is to be kind. The second way is to be kind. The third way is to be kind.” Peace embodied this ultimate success.

    Peace Anyiam Osigwe’s success was seen in her equanimity and Peace of mind, which is a direct result of self-satisfaction in knowing she tried to become the best of which she was capable. Nigerian political and business leaders have a lot to learn from her, especially during this election period and the transition from one government to another. One essential lesson for all is that leadership is about the impact on the lives of others. A good leader loves his people and community  and will be ready to sacrifice himself for the good of the people and the community . Leadership success is only measured in serving the people and the impact that serving has on the people. Just like Peace dared to dream and work for a better entertainment industry for Nigeria first and Africa and the rest of the world later, our politicians must dare to dream and work for a better Nigeria and Africa. Peace has shown that our actions as leaders’ matter. And the intentionality to make a difference in people’s lives is the best approach to successful leadership.

    Peace’s leadership was more remarkable as a woman. Nothing stood in her way of success when a woman decided to lead and make an impact. We need more women leaders in the ilk of Peace Anyiam Osigwe. Sheryl Sandberg posits, “We need women at all levels, including the top, to change the dynamic, reshape the conversation, to make sure women’s voices are heard and heeded, not overlooked and ignored.” We heard Peace’s voice! She created the platforms that gave voice to lots of women in Africa. She began a narrative change in conversations about the film in Africa, but mostly about women occupying executive roles in the film industry dominated by men. She was a titan that other women must emulate.

    George Meredith rightly says, “A witty woman is a treasure; a witty beauty is a power.” Peace was a treasure, a beauty, and a powerful woman. Her demise shook the entertainment industry to the core. Her end took a fashionista from us. Her passing away took a mighty African amazon from us. Her death has left a gaping hole in our hearts. As we pay our last respects to this Amazon of Peace named Peace, a woman who gave limitless opportunities to and impacted a generation of young people, it is essential to remind ourselves that leadership is not about a title or political office. Nor is quality living about the material acquisition. Success is about the impact and doing the greatest good to the most significant number of people.

  • The political dimension of the Naira redesign – By Dakuku Peterside

    The political dimension of the Naira redesign – By Dakuku Peterside

    Nigerians are facing the reality of scarcity of cash literarily. Banks are overwhelmed by angry customers demanding money, the ATMs are flooded with furious Nigerians struggling to withdraw cash, and some spend the whole day hoping to get a few Naira notes to pay bills. POS operators complain of a lack of money; a few have charged between 15% and 20% to customers to get some cash. Most Nigerians are stranded because the bank apps for transfers need to be fixed, and most cannot make or receive transferred money. Naira notes are in high demand, and the newly redesigned notes are rare to get unless by a privileged few. There is confusion everywhere, and people are coming to terms with this chaos .

    However, the pressure this exerts on Nigeria’s fragile socio-political and economic conditions is enormous and gradually heading to a tipping point. Social media are awash with harrowing videos of people’s reactions in various parts of Nigeria, and they all point to the pervading rage , frustration, and hardship people are going through. All these are happening at a time of heightened political activities near the 2023 general elections, with various permutations, intrigues and strategies of political parties and their candidates to win the voters . Without being the intendment , it is a recipe for upheaval if not checked. The political ramifications of the Naira redesign are evident, but the implications, intended and unintended consequences, are unfolding.

    Money and politics are like the Sesame twins. Money enables politics, and politics determine how money is allocated. Money in politics is both a force for good and, at the same time, can be an opposing force. Whenever cash is under any form of threat, politics react. Politics is reacting vehemently, and claims and counterclaims have been made about the Naira redesign’s impact on society, the economy, and politics.

    The Buhari administration and the CBN are orchestrating a demonetisation policy that has become the centrepiece of Nigeria’s monetary policy. Although it may seem that this demonetisation policy is a continuation of CBN’s push for a cashless economy driven more by technology than the use of old fiat notes, however, the real meaning is lost in translation, and people need clarification.
    Is this a Naira redesign exercise, a cash swap exercise, or a policy for proper currency management , addressing inflation, taming counterfeit notes and cash stockpiled for illegal political activities? Or is it all of these things put together? The problem is that everybody understands and interprets the actions differently, with unclear and dichotomous interpretations of what is happening. The critical question is: did the CBN effectively communicate this policy’s aims, goals, process and intended impact to the people? How did the media frame this policy, and how did Nigerians interpret and make sense of it all? Just as the 2023 general election is around the corner, is this new policy of the CBN politically motivated? These questions merit consideration if we are to understand what is going on and how to tackle the many negative implications before much damage is done.

    In recent times, other nations have done some currency redesigns, and we can learn from their experiences. The UK and India have redesigned their currencies lately. But I will use the example of India for obvious reasons that it is closer to Nigeria as a developing nation than the UK. In 2016, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared that the country’s two highest-denomination currency notes (Rs 1,000 and Rs 500) would be withdrawn immediately from the market. The plan, termed demonetisation by the press, was announced as Modi’s masterstroke against “black money”. As economic experiments go, it was a big, bold move. There was no precedent anywhere in the world for a sudden financial shock of this scale. However, the exercise proved not to be a key determinant of the outcome of Indian elections that year . Unlike the case of india, will this exercise have more significant political implications, some unintended, that are capable of determining the outcome of the elections or truncating our democracy? Let us examine five ways the Naira redesign will affect our politics this year.

    First, it will reasonably eliminate vote buying and other forms of financial inducement to the voters, INEC workers or election entreprenuers bent on rigging the election. Some have argued that this policy is a master stroke by the government against vote buying and a blow to the corruption of the electoral process. With the introduction of BVAS and INEC’s resolve to conduct a free and fair election, the window for rigging has become very narrow. Only vote buying is the significant leeway to election rigging. Arguably, some candidates and political parties have stockpiled cash for this purpose. This sudden Naira redesign and swap may have dislodged the use of this stockpiled money to buy votes and bribe INEC officials . Statistics made available by CBN have it that over 80% of the nation’s currency is outside the bank vaults and possibly stored in private vaults by corrupt members of the elite class who are involved in one crime or the other and who wouldn’t be able to defend the source of such huge funds if brought to the bank. Some Nigerians applaud CBN for coming up with such a robust plan at such a strategic season in the country when new leaders are elected . This policy will likely guarantee a bribery-free election by 2023, where voters and agencies would not be offered money to vote a candidate into power.
    However, some Nigerians are bemoaning their fate because of the hardship this new Naira design palaver is causing in the country, and they feel that the timing of the implementation is wrong even if the intention is genuine. The real threat is that elections is a major logistics venture that is capital intensive . As a parting gift to most Nigerians, President Buhari, in his wisdom, has decided that the current generation of Nigerians must also suffer the trauma of emergency currency change which the older generation suffered in 1984. His idea then, as it is today, is that it is a method to catch looters of the national treasury who will be forced to reveal their stolen monies. The problem then, as it is today, is that whatever the approach’s merits are, there is massive collateral damage among the masses.

    Second, the Naira redesign stops the inflow of illicit money used for political purposes, especially proceeds of money laundering and financial crime. Often, cash facilitates illegal and criminal transactions because they are not easy to trace. We know of corrupt government officials stashing cash at home to the tune of billions of Naira because they cannot put it in the bank for fear of being detected. These illicit monies always find its way in the system during elections for different unlawful purposes.Drug dealers and kidnappers struggle to operate within a cashless society. A friend told me that the kidnapping has reduced in the past few days of the cash scarcity in Nigeria. There is a direct correlation between the ease of moving cash and kidnapping and banditry, especially in the North East and South East.

    Third, the Naira redesign has strangulated economic activities and added to citizens’ financial pressure. This may cause anger against the government and the ruling party, and at this crucial time of the general election, it may be costly. Economic hardship often leads voters to punish the ruling party and are prone to favouring the opposition. This happened in Greece and Italy. Therefore, experiments in macroeconomic policy are rare, especially in an election year. That it will not help the ruling party electorally is a no-brainer. This policy has split APC in the middle. Some people feel that the policy is made to undermine the APC presidential candidate and his team. Others argue that this policy that has caused coax among people is like an electoral campaign advantage to the opposition, and the APC-led government should have waited until after the elections. The tripartite problem of runaway inflation, economic hardship, and now, the Naira redesign crisis is making selling APC difficult for the party and candidates. The opposition may be having a field day and milking the self-imposed, APC-induced problems almost three weeks before the election.

    Fourth, the Naira redesign crisis is exacerbating the existing excruciating inflationary trends. This may seem paradoxical given that scarcity of cash should have a deflationary tendency instead of an inflationary one. However, this case is different because of the combination of other inflationary elements within the context of the Nigerian economy. These inflationary tendencies are seen in the high cost of fuel, food, and other necessities, and these forces are so strong that the naira redesign crises have not dented the inflationary trend. Besides, the cash cost is high, which is transferred to the price of goods and services, keeping the inflation on. Inflation at the peak of campaign and elections is definitely not a good mix.

    Fifth, the Naira redesign crisis, added to fuel scarcity , and pervasive insecurity , is leading to alienation of the populace which can lead to a rise in anger, frustration, a series of protests and social dislocation. This could threaten public peace and ultimately lead to the abortion of the elections. Some argue that the fifth columnists in the seat of power are orchestrating the crises to truncate the elections and instal an Interim National Government. As preposterous as this may sound, any show of public discontent and opprobrium, especially nearer the election, may make these purported dooms day a reality.
    Now is the time to rein the excesses of the Naira crises, deal with both the intended and unintended consequences and give the Nigerian electorate a reasonable chance to vote based on their conscience and elect leaders that will make a difference in their lives.

  • Unwritten rules of the 2023 elections – By Dakuku Peterside

    Unwritten rules of the 2023 elections – By Dakuku Peterside

    Nigeria’s general election, the largest democratic exercise in Africa, begins on 25 February. All the parties and candidates are jostling to get the voters’ attention and convince them to vote for them in the elections. The wait is palpitating, and the electioneering campaign drama is thus far exhilarating. Everything but issues facing Nigerians is fair game and the political satire playing out even keeps the unapologetic patriot ashamed of our political process. Conventions and rules of the political games are written and broken with recklessness. Many parties’ political strategy seems to be “no strategy”. They seem to go with the flow of things with such fetish adherence to parochial and sentimental politics that is not based on decorum and pragmatic attempt to stabilise our country and put it on the growth path.

    This make-or-mar election promises to be a referendum on the political orthodoxy and will chart the way forward for Nigeria in the new epoch. The seeming awakening of the youths, especially in major urban areas, for political participation, if appropriately harnessed, will reshape the political map of Nigeria. For this to succeed, there are unwritten rules and conventions embedded in the electoral process that shapes the context and outcome. Here are five unwritten rules you need to know about this election.

    The first rule is that voters must be ready to be patient as the process may be cumbersome. The 2023 election will be the first time INEC will be deploying BVAS on a national scale. Like everything novel technology, it would come with challenges. Previous experience has shown that even passionate voters are easily discouraged when long queues appear or machines malfunction. In the past, long queues in elections had forced some officials to extend voting hours to accommodate the crowd. But that helps only voters who can stick around for hours. However, long waiting time discourages people from voting.

    This is even worse when the weather is unfavourable – either the sun’s scorching heat is unbearable, or the heavy downpour of the rain soaks the voters. These in-climate conditions test even the most trusted and passionate voter. The reasons for long lines during voting include logistical nightmares that lead to voting starting late, poor staffing, untrained staff, and technical malfunctioning. INEC must anticipate these problems and have solutions before election day. Adequate preparation for the election will minimise most of these contingencies and alleviate long queues and waiting times during voting. However, when long lines and waiting times are inevitable, voters must develop the patience to do whatever it takes to vote and protect their voters. They are responsible for voting and supporting INEC to conduct a free and credible election in Nigeria.

    The second  rule is that voters  are easily confused about choice of candidate  versus choice of party . The 2023 general election is gearing to be such that voters may not vote according to party lines but according to the candidates fielded for the election. It is becoming more apparent in most places, that a voter may vote for a candidate in one party for the presidency, vote for another candidate in another party for the governorship and vote for another candidate in another party for the national and state assemblies. A recent African Polling Institute poll confirms that citizens are increasingly not fixated  on  voting along party lines but on specific candidates for the elections, though there are exceptions to this in some regions.

    If this is anything to go by, many illiterate and semi-literate voters may need clarification and enlightenment . Political  parties  need to do more about voter education, and they ought to take responsibility for voter education. Parties must strive to teach their supporters what their emblems are so that when a voter is in the polling booth to vote, he will remember the party emblem of the candidate of his choice.

    Any confusion on this creates more delays and sometimes leads to wrong candidates getting votes not intended for them. This anomaly underscores the importance of voter education by the parties, especially among rural dwellers who may need more exposure to information about candidates and parties before elections. Little wonder parties with excellent grassroots mobilisation systems tend to do better in rural communities where they educate their supporters to vote anywhere, they see the party emblem in the voting paper, thereby creating a bandwagon-winning effect for candidates of popular parties.

    The third unwritten rule is that polling  booths attract activities of party agents, voters, INEC officials and sometimes security officers and end up being spark plug for violence . People are emotional and often prone to being argumentative and restive. Arguments at polling booths always end in violence, so avoid it. In our polarised, frayed-nerves society, there’s a severe possibility that people blow minor issues out of proportion and cast them in sinister terms. Nigerians , according to Erin Meyer, in her book, Culture Map, are aggressive, confrontational in disagreement, and do not trust others.

    A recent study showed that most electoral violence starts with minor quarrels. Electoral violence has taken some Nigerians’ lives, and this is a menace that must stop. The 2023 election is not worth the life of any Nigerian. In a country where life is worth less and people are ever ready to intimidate, dominate and eliminate others with impunity and little or no consequences, we must avoid any situation that will lead to violence. Avoiding arguments is the first step in that direction. In a past election incident, two of our citizens lost their lives because of a dispute at the polling vicinity. This is unfortunate, and we must avoid it in the upcoming elections.

    Related to this is the fact that there is increased burden on security agencies more than in previous elections to maintain neutrality.

    The fourth unfortunate unwritten rule is that party operatives will do everything they can to undermine, rig or even disrupt the election for their selfish reasons. The more INEC comes up with new processes and technology to avert vote rigging, the more party operatives hellbent on rigging the election innovate to get other means of succeeding in influencing the electoral outcome. The creativity of election riggers in Nigeria is mind-boggling, and if such creativity is harnessed for better productive ends, Nigeria will benefit significantly from that.

    For the 2023 general election, where INEC has improved on the use of technology to reduce or eliminate election rigging, party operatives are resorting to voter inducement and vote buying to influence the outcomes of elections. A new public opinion poll conducted by NOI polls  has revealed that 26 per cent of registered voters would be willing to sell their votes for monetary or material gains during the 2023 general election. According to the report titled “Vote-Buying Poll’ released on Monday, 26 per cent translates to about 7.3 million votes which are enough to boost any candidate’s chances of winning.

    Almost all parties acknowledge the biting poverty in the land. Parties, through their operatives, will try to buy votes. Party agents will lurk around polling stations and try to financially induce voters to vote for their candidates and parties. There is reason to suspect that despite all the explanations offered by Central Bank for limiting cash withdrawal to N20,000 a day, the main reason is to curb vote buying during the upcoming election. Nigerian rural-based voters and monetary inducement are inseparable. With Thumb printing ballot papers and snatching ballot boxes not looking feasible, vote buying is now the mainstay of parties’ strategies. Politicians start with a mindset cast in stone that only a better rigger wins elections and not the popular vote.

    The last unwritten rule for the 2023 general election is that Parties and candidates should prepare for judicial adjudication, as Nigerians hardly accept the election result. The recent judicial pronouncement against the Osun state governor by the tribunal  in the recent gubernatorial election is a case in point. I must point out here that the courts need to adjudicate in clear cases of improprieties during elections and render justice where it is deserved, but the tendencies of politicians trying desperately to use the court to decide electoral victories leave a sour taste in the mouth for democracy lovers.

    After every election in Nigeria, the number of electoral cases instituted is mind-boggling. The majority of candidates that lose the election will go to court. The implication is that electoral results do not confer the outcomes of elections; instead, the courts do. The uncertainties that these impacts on the governance system are alarming. Newly elected candidates do not, from the unset, start working for the people; instead, they are bogged down with election petition issues until the case ends in court, often, the supreme court.

    Although the unwritten rules of the 2023 elections covered here are not exhaustive, these five pointed out in this review are just representations of the many unwritten rules that will directly or indirectly impinge on the electoral success of the forthcoming elections.

    I implore all stakeholders to critically evaluate these rules and some of the issues raised with the view of improving the election experience and outcome for Nigerians. Prevention is better than cure and to be forewarned is to be forearmed. We must continue to strengthen our democracy and usher in, after the election, a group of leaders that genuinely reflect the electorate’s choice to move our nation forward. The task at hand is enormous. This election is just the genesis of the process to start fixing Nigeria. The emerging leaders will stir the Nigerian ship for the next four years. Our future is in their hands. Therefore, we must vote wisely based on our conscience and conviction. The litmus test to evaluate a candidate for voting is “do I trust this candidate enough to put my future and that of my children in his hands”? Allow the answer to this question to guide your choice of candidate to vote for in this election.

  • CROWD FOR HIRE: 2023 campaign rallies as a metaphor – By Dakuku Peterside

    CROWD FOR HIRE: 2023 campaign rallies as a metaphor – By Dakuku Peterside

    The theatricals for winning the hearts and minds of the voters are all around us. The perceptual game of showing strength in the number of supporters is an  age long effective game plan for the parties, and it is one strategy that cuts across all parties. All political parties are outdoing themselves in winning the popularity contests typified by pulling a crowd with the most outrageous noises and boisterous displays in rallies on the streets, roads, stadiums, and other venues that can contain crowds. If pulling crowds is the determinant of election outcomes, the 2023 general elections would have been won and lost.

    Granted, politics all over the world feed on numbers – crowds. Nigeria is no exception, and with what we have seen so far in the 2023 electoral campaigns, Nigerian politicians are taking this to another level. Nigerian politics feeds on a crowd fuelled by a panoply of factors, most importantly money. This issue is the difference between the crowds that gathered at Nigerian politicians’ rallies and those that followed  Adolphus Hitler blindly or Donald Trump to desecrate the white house.

    Whether in Kenya, South Africa, the USA, the UK or Nigeria, crowds serve the same purpose in politics – a show of strength, influence the people’s minds, create the perception of popular support and acceptance, and generate media buzz and optics. It has nothing to do with believing in the candidate, his cause, or even campaign massage, and it is only for the non-discerning to judge the possible outcome of an election with a crowd at campaign rallies.

    Sourcing for a crowd is fast turning into an industry in politics. In the United States, there are companies in the enterprise of mobilising crowds. Crowds on Demand and Crowd for Rent are US companies, and Envisage Promotion is a UK company, all set up purposely to provide crowds to support political and socio-economic  causes. Even a Kenyan author wrote a book, “Crowd for Hire- How Kenyan politicians source Crowds for events”. Crowd hiring is ubiquitous, and no matter what clime you go to, professional crowd contractors are plying their businesses.

    In the build-up to the 2023 elections, the rented crowd is the ultimate phenomenon. You will see the same faces, the same individuals in most rallies hosted by different political parties, and sometimes wearing the face cap of party APC and the T-Shirt of PDP. All the major political parties – APC, PDP, LP, NNPP in all their rallies pull unprecedented crowd or flash mob that has nothing to do with genuine support for the candidates or even passion for their message. The emergence of social media means some of this crowd can be manipulated, photoshopped and fake videos produced to appear bigger.

    The crowd that congregates whenever there is a rally has more to do with economic reasons than belief in any cause or loyalty to a party . Recently, exposure came from no less a person than the revered clergyman Pastor Enoch Adeboye, who rightly linked the availability of young men and women for political rallies to a high level of unemployment,  hunger, and abject poverty in the country. I am afraid I must agree absolutely. Although the rented crowd is an old phenomenon associated with politics, unemployment in Nigeria has complicated the matter. Unemployed youth is a fertile ground for political mobilisation, rightly or wrongly. The latest statistics showing a 33% unemployment rate, many underemployed persons, and idle youths are ready to be hired. Youth are forced by being unemployed to channel their energy to political causes that do not serve them any purpose or represent their political views.

    Another factor responsible for the large crowd at political rallies is the acute poverty pervading the land. Here is the utility value of crowd contractors. Many Nigerians, who should ordinarily be engaged in more productive activities, are hired for between N1,000 to N10,000 Naira to attend campaign rallies. And these amounts depend on which region  of the country and whether the party is in power or not . Parties now have a humungous and humorous budget for mobilisation. With 133 million Nigerians being multidimensional poor, every Naira for the next meal or to help pay school fees and house rent is important and worth sacrificing time for. Most persons attending campaign rallies under the current dispensation are going for the day-paid job, and it has nothing to do with passion for any political ideal or candidate or even hope of a better tomorrow which ordinarily politicians trade on.

    The next factor contributing to the growing crowd surge prevalent in political party rallies is the significant erosion of our value system. Honesty, integrity, and self-respect are vanishing traits in our society. Most participants in these rallies know the candidates and the party is the opposite of what they believe and know, yet they openly identify with them in rallies when paid but vote otherwise. The motivation is often extrinsic based on the perceived immediate gratification they hope to get. Most people in the crowd easily forget that what is at stake is the struggle for power and leadership that will shape their lives in the next four years. As such, they must be introspective and altruistic in determining which candidate, party, or cause to follow and support even during the campaign.

    Our parties have no known ideologies, and attraction to them is often based on either parochial or mundane sentiments. This anomaly is counterproductive during electioneering campaigns when people see all political activities as making money, consolidating political capital, and gaining political patronage. Some in the crowd want to have fun, love the atmosphere and fun activities during rallies and want to participate. Although in the rally, out of curiosity or just having fun, this group will collect money or other provisions if provided.

    Hunger has been weaponised, and any rally that provides food for the crowd will need more crowd control. Social media are awash with real-life videos of the fights for food and provisions in various rallies across the nation. It is embarrassing that hunger is linked with political campaigns in Nigeria. People are struggling to survive and live in the moment. They want to avoid rallies where candidates will elucidate policies to alleviate hunger. They want rallies where they are fed for the day.

    Some ill-informed voters even assume that a candidate or party that provides food or money during rallies indicates how generous and good the candidate or party will be when elected. They frown at any candidate or party not providing immediate food or cash and deem them tight-fisted , anti-poor  and, therefore, may not generously provide for them when elected. The term “stomach infrastructure” has been used to describe the phenomenon of voters and the people expecting daily subsistence from the government and politicians  instead of developmental policies and activities that may ultimately eliminate hunger and poverty. This is dangerous for our politics.

    A rally crowd has its usefulness, but there are other measures of popular support. Money is the language the public understands. What politicians may need to understand is that time has changed, and the world has also changed. The level of civic enlightenment and the mindset of the electorate has changed. And the influence of social media has impacted people’s attitudes towards the electoral process. Crowd renting may not have a significant effect on the electoral outcome of the 2023 election.

    Like their counterparts in other third-world countries, Nigerian politicians still prioritise campaign crowds over and above real voter turn-out and actual votes. It is part of the reasons for organising noisy rallies to show off party strength and inadvertently show the world that we are still in the stone age. Historical records have shown that large political crowds usually do not translate to a favourable electoral outcome, and it’s all noise and no substance.

    When politicians hire a crowd, it is an investment in the visuals. Those visuals and perceptions they create are some of the most strategic elements of a campaign, particularly in this era of social media. A crowd on social media platforms instantly transmits a message to a virtual global followership of people. Rallies make for good social media interactions, and parties are keying into this to create content that can influence the perception of popular support for the party and candidate. This perception is crucial, especially for winning the election and managing the post-election conflicts often inevitable in Nigerian politics. Little wonder, all serious parties are adopting a crowd-renting strategy to have the number and size of crowds that make people not doubt the outcome of the elections if they win.

    I have established that crowds are essential to the party’s politics and campaigns. I have looked at the morality or otherwise of renting a crowd . It is evident that such rented crowds, no matter the visual power they portray, do not translate to  voter loyalty or electoral victory. This is even more when the majority of the rented crowd does not vote for the candidates, they attended rallies for or may vote for candidates and parties with whom they did not participate in rallies. I advise that major political parties  focus more  on convincing and mobilising their supporters to attend the rallies and vote for the candidate and party. Things must be done differently if we want result that matters.

  • For the Nigerian Youth, 2023 is a defining moment – By Dakuku Peterside

    For the Nigerian Youth, 2023 is a defining moment – By Dakuku Peterside

    Will 2023 be a defining moment for  the Nigerian youth and the future of Nigeria? Obviously a slippery question that deserves attention. The most recent Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) voter registration data suggests that youths have a historic role to play in the forthcoming election. They have an incredible demographic advantage and, if they choose, can decide the outcome of the election in any way they deem favourable to Nigeria.

    However, the crucial rhetorical question to consider is: will Nigerian youths constructively deploy this demographic power to influence the outcome of the elections and redefine the future of Nigeria, or would they sacrifice it on the altar of immediate convenience of primordial sensibilities of ethno-religious sentiment, political party affiliation, and economic considerations? The youths are the most powerful voting bloc by number, and  ironically they seem unaware of the power they have to  decide the fate of power strugglers and reshape the political landscape of this country to the way they want. Achieving this requires the youths coagulating into one potent and unique power bloc in the Nigerian firmament.

    INEC recently released updated voter registration data showing the distribution by age group. The data revealed that 37,060,399 registered voters constituting 39.65%, are youth between the ages of 18 and 34; 33,413,591 (35.75%) are middle-aged persons between the ages of 35 and 49; 17,700,270 (18.94%) are elderly voters between the ages of 50 and 69 while 5,294,748 (5.66%) are senior citizens aged 70 and above. If you chose 39.65% or 75.4%, assuming you extend the definition of youth to age 49, it is a demographic you must recognise. Nonetheless, we shall restrict ourselves to ages 18 to 34 as a youth for this conversation.

    This age group still made up about 40percent of the registered voters and, if properly mobilised, can tilt the balance of political election outcome to whom they choose. The key to achieving this lies in mobilising youth to participate in voting. And articulating their voices into one coherent voice in support of a political ideology and ideologues who they believe will not only stem our slide into perdition but will also radically change our fortunes – repositioning Nigeria into a country that harnesses its great potential for the benefit of all.

    Judging from historical antecedents, achieving this is a herculean task requiring more than any candidate or party is doing now in their campaigns. Our youths are more open to the political process than we have thought of in the past. They have always participated in the political process by joining political parties, participating in election campaign activities, engaging with parties and government officials, and engaging in communal activities with political ramifications.

    Political candidates recognise the nuisance value of  some young people that during elections, the de facto youth leaders are the toast of every candidate and mobilising them into a dangerous and sinister team ready to die to do the bidding of their masters by scattering the electoral process or defending it depending on what their transducers require of them. However, the youth participate less in the most critical aspect of the electoral process – voting. Herein lies the conundrum, how can youths influence the country’s leadership when there is enormous voting apathy among them, and the few that vote are not coordinated to vote en bloc to influence the outcome of elections? What a waste of political power. Little wonder youths have no say in the governance structure and the dictum “youths are leaders of tomorrow” seems nonsensical in the Nigerian parlance because the past leaders are still the present leaders, with youths refusing to fight for power.

    The political landscape has indeed changed in the past 3-4 years. This change has been perpetuated by the combined forces of technological determinism brought about by the deepening of the internet and its effect on online participation in political activities; the harsh economic conditions of the country that impacts negatively in a significant way on the youths, the higher civic enlightenment, and a massive appetite for change in the country. These forces are unleashing a great revolutionary spirit among the youths and opening them up to becoming interested in the political process.

    The 2023 election campaign is quickly becoming a social media event where a bulk of young people have seized the narrative and are forcing their voices on all and setting the agenda for a political campaign in most instances. Although very pungent to youths’ political emancipation in Nigeria, such engagement in social media among the youths is not seen outside the social media in the real political space. However, it is generally too early to conclude how this will affect youth voter turnout and voting patterns. Many of our youths are outside social media which is dominated mostly by urban youths. How are these youths mobilised and sensitised when they are cut off from the active and vehemently visceral social media youths?

    What is known is that enthusiasm has been high among the youth since the “EndSars movement” period, but political consciousness to drive change is insufficient. This may be disappointing to candidates whose electoral thematic thrust and strategy are to galvanise the youth to vote for them. The youth are still not united by consciousness but mostly by poverty and social malaise in the land .  We  only have a few weeks before the elections so it seems to be a tall order to turn the tide, but in politics, nothing is impossible. Only time will tell how the pendulum will swing regarding youth voting and its impact on the election.

    Harnessing the enthusiasm among the youths is easier now than ever. The reason is that they are getting the brunt of the critical issues plaguing Nigeria. They feel the heat and understand now why it is essential to rescue the country from the brink of collapse. They are beginning to link their myriad of problems to poor leadership. These problems include mass unemployment, but critically massive youth unemployment is crippling many young people; national insecurity; poor quality education from primary to university with ASUU strike a common feature of university education in Nigeria; endemic corruption; and dearth of economic opportunities. These issues stop people of all ages, primarily youths, from fulfilling their potential.

    Unfortunately, but true, youth issues are not on the front burner in the discourse leading to this election. Youth issues are given secondary attention or mention and do not constitute key campaign issues. The campaign has been mainly about personalities and less about issues. Youths seem to have fallen back on their default setting of political party, religious, and ethnic affiliation. After the “EndSars saga”, Nigerian youths seem to have lost the Patriotic spirit that defined them.

    Because of the fallback affiliation mood, the tendency to vote en bloc is minimal or completely lost, and this is my fear that the youth demographics may mean little after all. They are incurably fragmented along different lines to the benefit of the orthodoxy, which is not about their interest. And they are not making a demand on the candidates and political parties on issues of concern to them.

    A dichotomous pattern between youths in the south and those  in the north, informed by varying levels of education, different levels of opportunities and civic culture, is evident. This divide has meant that although there may be a commonality of experience between youths from both divides, their modus operandi in electoral and political engagement differs. This difference also exists between youths in urban areas and rural communities. How to bridge these gaps has been a nightmare. This is more so for those championing youths’ ascendency in the political firmament of Nigeria. Most urban youth in Nigeria are using social media networks to engage in political participation. However, it is known that there is a weak or no correlation between online and offline political participation. The only way  the Nigerian youth can translate their demographic advantage to tangible influence is to come out and vote, and vote in a way that will shape the kind of future they want. Youth in other countries have done it at different times. Young people must take advantage of this opportunity to reshape their country.

    Voting gives youth the power to influence decisions. Youth disenchantment with governance in Nigeria will become an empty threat if a critical mass does not vote and does not express a clear preference for a secured future. Disjointed participation by Nigerian youth will dash the hopes of those who wish to see fundamental changes in the landscape.

    Nigerian youth can significantly impact the outcome of the 2023 elections if they are intentional about what the future means to them. There are instances in other clime when youth influenced electoral  outcomes. Perhaps the most well-known is former US President Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign and election , which was driven by young people. In another example, the term “youthquake” was used in the United Kingdom after young voters saw British Labour Party deny the Conservative Party an expected majority win.

    Since it worked elsewhere, we hope it will work in Nigeria too. I call on all youths to roll their sleeves and get to work in this 2023 elections. Get your PVC and vote for the candidate of your choice.

  • NDDC: Fractured but unbroken – By Dakuku Peterside

    NDDC: Fractured but unbroken – By Dakuku Peterside

    The inauguration of the Management Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) last week, the second under President Buhari, was greeted with mixed reactions by the people of the Niger Delta and most Nigerians. The people’s response is rooted in many issues, most of which are connected and straddling. I list them here in no hierarchy of importance: a feeling of relief  that finally, the jinx of interim management has broken, a seeming sweetener for politics and the political season we are in, at last hopes of assuaging  the reign of mismanagement that has dented the image of the organisation and  dashed hopes arising from the inability of translating good intentions to practical results, and the general belief that the intervention agency has turned to the feasting ground of an insensitive elite.

    It is relevant on hindsight to understand the wisdom that led to the setting up of the intervention agency and its broad implications for the region and the Nigerian economy, to situate the concern of a broad spectrum of Nigerians. It is common knowledge, that the idea of an interventionist agency for the oil-producing Niger Delta region was premised on three critical pillars: the first is the well-acknowledged challenge of developing the Niger delta, which was adumbrated in the Willinks Commission Report of 1958, predates the country’s independence. The second is the urgent need for environmental justice on account of pervasive damage inflicted on the land, flora and fauna arising from oil production and gas flaring. Third reason was to address the insecurity prevalent in the region, cry of marginalisation and related restlessness of the oil-producing Niger delta which was negatively affecting the country’s revenue.

    The introduction of the NDDC bill by the Obasanjo administration and its dramatic passage by a veto of the National Assembly offered some hope that the country was now ready to remove its knee on the neck of the Niger Delta area. From 2000 to 2008, the government appeared prepared to chart a new path of accelerated sustainable development of the region. Without dwelling much on historical details, that ray of hope evaporated with subsequent leadership of the country. Succeeding leaders of the country and many who managed the organisation, saw the NDDC not from the premise of its founding vision but as a pot to service an insatiable elite at the expense of the area’s development.  It suffices to mention that lack of accountability, impunity and corruption cases became frequent at the agency, and leadership changes without following the law setting up the agency became, sadly, the norm instead of an exception.

    However, the NDDC derailment got egregious and offensive in the past six years leading to a massive outcry and moral panic. The Commission was literally in a coma, yet its resources were vanishing without let up. To respond to the outrage of stakeholders, the Federal Government rightly set up a forensic audit which later turned controversial. Revelations of the forensic audit were both stunning and shocking. Amongst other findings, NDDC got some N6 trillion in its coffers from inception. 13,777 contracts amongst other contracts awarded between 2001 and 2019 valued at over N3.3 trillion Naira, cannot be fully accounted for. A few of the projects are ongoing, and some are abandoned. More serious organisations have taken others over, and many others still need to be made available to be verified. The forensic audit also discovered that so much money ended up in the pockets of the rich and powerful.

    Surprisingly nobody has been prosecuted to date for malfeasance revealed by the forensic audit. Umana Umana, the current minister of the Niger delta ministry, recently revealed that contracts worth over N250 billion were awarded during the forensic period without due process. The findings of the forensic auditors are consistent with earlier findings by NEITI, which underscored that the mismanagement of resources and corruption in the Commission was alarming and embarrassing.

    Related to the gross mismanagement of NDDC and resources accruing to the Commission is the bazaar that the Amnesty program, also designed for the Niger Delta, has come to represent. It leaves those interested in the Niger Delta with the impression that either a section of region’s elite is not serious about the area’s development or that Nigeria always foists the worst to lead the agencies to prove that the people are incapable of driving the growth of the region. No one can tell the truth with certainty.

    Some stakeholders believe that the Federal Government is complicit in the disaster that NDDC turned out to be. From funding deficit, undue interference, and weak oversight to the appointment of incompetent and visionless leadership. It conveys the impression that it is set up deliberately to fail. The reality also came to light that NDDC became a contract awarding entity controlled by the great and powerful in Abuja.

    Similarly, some of the region’s elite, who have been directly involved cannot extricate themselves from the looting of resources meant for its development. These individuals from the region have been enmeshed in contract scandals of bourgeoning dimension, thus losing the moral right to hold those in charge at NDDC to account.

    Indeed, at a time, the deluge of malfeasance has led to calls for the scrapping of NDDC. This has far-reaching socio-political and economic implications, which, when examined extensively, will have little benefit. The challenge has nothing to do with the beneficiaries of the intervention, the people of the Niger delta or the justification for this special intervention but rather the current structure, processes, administration, and quality of leadership of the agency.

    In a general sense, underdeveloped societies are often societies where there is poor leadership and where poor management of public resources is prevalent. Niger Delta communities have become prime examples of the “Resource Curse” phenomenon where abundant natural resources often translate to negative net development, especially when we add environmental degradation to the equation. The accruals to NDDC have not maximally benefitted the region’s people. The NDDC has been unable to impact in any structural manner or reverse the appalling human capital development trajectory of the region despite the enormous resources it has commanded in the past 22 years. The serial lack of visionary and accountable leadership in the Commission has left the region in ruins and fractured the people’s dream.

    Therefore, the burden of history has shifted to the new NDDC Board and Executive management. The only option open to the new leaders of NDDC is to break away from that inglorious cycle and restore hope by deliberate positive and inspiring leadership actions that translate good intentions to development results. It is a no-brainer that we expect a lot from the new NDDC regime. It can never be business as usual, and any attempt to continue in the ways of past administrations will attract unwavering condemnation, if not reprisals, from Niger Deltans. And there is justification for this.

    If anything undermines the relative peace in the Niger Delta region presently, especially given the global energy crises orchestrated by the Russian/Ukraine war, the international community will not look at Nigeria favourably.

    The new board came at a time hope was badly needed in the region. They have two options: join in the conspiracy of those raping the area or stand on the side of history as the harbingers of hope. The new NDDC team must seize the moment and put their names on gold. This will only happen through positive transformational leadership that is action-oriented, and that will stay focused on the original mandate and vision of the Commission.

    I am aware that the forensic audit report recommended far-reaching restructuring and reorganisation in the NDDC, and any attempt to delve deeply into them will go beyond the purview of this piece. However, I will recommend that quickly after taking office, they should do the following:

    First, the new team’s immediate mandate is to ensure no restiveness in the region. When the Niger Delta coughs, cold catches the international oil market. Such instability in these very fluid economic realities post covid 19, Russian/ NATO grandstanding, and global economic and political tensions will not be a welcome development. Global energy security is paramount presently.

    The next most important challenge to my mind is to study and restudy the comprehensive Niger Delta development master plan which was funded by the Commission. This will enable the new team to identify cross-cutting areas of priority.

    The third is housekeeping. That is to do things differently from the immediate opprobrious past of the Commission and chart a part for visible and tangible development impact in the region to erase the impression that the people of the area are incapable of driving development. This will demand a complete overhaul of the NDDC structures and processes to make them fit for purpose. The management should adopt a strategy that will make NDDC lean, flexible, dynamic, and able to adapt to the changing external and internal conditionalities shaping our nation whilst still bringing about massive development to the region.

    The next overriding demand is to embark on massive re-orientation amongst the youth and elite about a certain sense of entitlement to share the region’s resources at the expense of actual development. This has been the bane of NDDC. And the perception of NDDC as a cash cow must change at all costs.

    Finally, the worst tragedy that has happened to the Niger Delta region in the past years is the squandered opportunities to lift the living standard of the people. It is, therefore, a no-brainer that the only motivation for the newly inaugurated NDDC leadership should be to make a tangible difference and leave legacies that would be a reference and not extrinsic self-reward. It is time to improve the life of Niger Deltans through the instrumentality of NDDC. It is time that all Niger Deltans will see positive change in leadership approaches, accountability, and probity in the Commission. Although our NDDC dreams are fractured, they are not broken.

  • 2023: The paradox of choice – By Dakuku Peterside

    2023: The paradox of choice – By Dakuku Peterside

    2023 for Nigerians is about choice and with choice comes consequences. We face critical decisions on many issues that will define our future as a country and as citizens. The most obvious and consequential of this choice and consequence effect is the general elections.

    We will be voting at various levels and constituencies to elect leaders that will pilot the country’s affairs for the next four years. The presidential election is the zenith of these elections, and its significance has far-reaching consequences for the country. On its face value, unlike earlier presidential elections where we had two real options, Nigerians have many options in this one comparable only to the 1979 presidential race when we had to choose from five candidates.

    At a closer look, you will see the practical application of American psychologist,Barry Schwartz’s paradox of choice theory. The paradox of choice stipulates that while we might believe that being presented with multiple options makes it easier to choose one that we are happy with and thus increases citizen satisfaction, having an abundance of possibilities requires more effort to decide and can leave us feeling unsatisfied with our choice.Many citizens think the options before us make us more frustrated and less happy overall.

    Three or four Presidential candidates are of note, depending on your perspective and depth of understanding of the political landscape . Each possesses unique attributes as well as shortcomings.

    Candidates may only embody some of our aspirations and reflect some of the values we want to see in our country’s future president. However, it is still our responsibility to analyse all the information presented to us and chose a candidate we are convinced will lead Nigeria for the next four years and set us on the course to economic, social, and political growth.

    The choice before Nigerians by February and march next year is not essentially only about candidates but about the outcome of the socio- political and economic realities, we like to see post-2023 elections. The contest is also about unity of Nigerians versus triumph of regionalism or ethnicity, security versus insecurity, unbridled corruption versus good governance. Each presidential candidate represents a shade of this, but none embodies all the positives. Here lies our dilemma.

    We have historical antecedents to rely on to unravel this dilemma. History provides a few lessons that shed light on how we dealt with similar situations, what outcomes we had, and how they affected our past and present. In the 1979 elections, which best represented multi- party elections, each presidential candidate represented a distinctive offering. Shagari was pro-establishment, nationalist and free- enterprise economy advocate. Awolowo was the symbol of the welfare state or socio democrats who believed that government should do the greatest good to the most significant number of citizens hence his pursuit of free education and free healthcare for all. Azikiwe was a nationalist who believed in free enterprise. Aminu Kano was pro- masses and pan-socialist. Waziri was also a man who believed in free enterprise. Nigerians voted in Shehu Shagari as president and lived with the consequences of that choice . Many choices of presidential and gubernatorial options  did not necessarily translate to the best outcome.

    Subsequent presidential elections in 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007, and 2015 followed the binary option where we had two dominant candidates to chose from . However, these options were only binary in the sense of having two different candidates but not binary in ideology, or leadership approach to solving our socio-economic challenges . In all these cases, the options before Nigerians had nothing to do with policy or ideas but about personalities.

    The current presidential election presents a unique setting – we have many options but fewer ideas and values to chose from. Ordinarily, the assumption is that as the number of options increases, so will citizens’ utility from voting also increase. But this is not true. We may have four contenders for the presidency; however, it is clear that we have options of personalities and not ideology, value proposition or ideas on how to solve Nigeria’s hydra headed challenges.

    Tinubu and Atiku represent pro-business, pro-establishment tendencies with strings of promises to inject fresh ideas to build a better country. Peter Obi and Kwankwaso, on the other hand, represent different shades of anti-establishment, pro-masses, and social democratic tendencies with a commitment to disrupt the existing system.

    Peter Obi and Kwankwaso are products of the establishment and beneficiaries of pseudo capitalist order, having served as governors in the past and have been prominent members of the PDP and APC parties. Running their campaigns on how bad the two dominant parties are and how they destroyed Nigeria, they portray themselves as repentant former PDP and APC members that have seen the light and have adopted a messianic triumphalism in rescuing Nigeria from PDP and APC Satanic claws.

    This situation sounds hypocritical but resonates with some citizens who are discontented and disgruntled with the existing orthodoxy. Peter Obi seems to have successfully appropriated the masses who are dissatisfied with the two political parties due to past failures, and has taken advantage of the youth anger against a system they feel has a stranglehold on their necks. We know that come 2023, either an establishment presidential candidate will emerge winner or an anti-establishment candidate will. However, no matter who wins, his job is cut out to transform Nigeria.

    We are living in unprecedented times in our history. We are facing an economic crisis of a magnitude never seen before: unemployment is embarrassing, tension among different ethnic groups is at an all-time high, and insecurity is alarming. The world is watching whether we will fall off the cliff or we shall triumph. This unique era makes it imperative that we be deliberate in getting citizens to understand the importance of our choices in 2023. If we get it wrong, we will move from socioeconomic purgatory to socioeconomic limbo in a relatively short period.

    It is time we examined and interrogated policies, projects and activities candidates have in their manifestos, the character and personality of each candidate, and their professional experience to ensure that the candidate fits the person specification for the presidency of Nigeria. It is time we do not allow parochial religiosity, ethnicity, and politics  of financial gratification to influence the candidate we choose. The consequences of doing business as usual are dire even to contemplate.

    This juncture is critical and constitutes an elite dilemma. Nigerians need to watch out for red flags among the candidates and allow their knowledge of the candidates to determine their vote choice. If a candidate does not have a track record of outstanding performance in previous work or profession, we must expect them to stay the same when elected president.

    The  broadly unenlightened masses all share the same concern: mass poverty, ethnicity, and hunger. Unfortunately, some citizens do not care about the long-term outcomes of the electoral process and are bent on jeopardising the whole process. It is the duty of enlightened and patriotic citizens to engage continuously so ordinary citizens appreciate that there are consequences for whatever choice we make this year.

    The choice dilemma is not peculiar to presidential election. The quality of National Assembly members and Governors at the subnational level is also essential. A critical factor that determines economic growth in a democracy is the competence, capacity and commitment of elected representatives. Somehow, though not empirically proven, the quality of our representatives seems to be degenerating with each cycle of election. In this forthcoming election we have multiple options but not essentially better options. Citizens must vote for candidates with the knowledge and passion for serving in the Assembly rather than turn it into a retirement home for ex-governors and retiring politicians.

    More worrisome is also the calibre of persons elected at the sub- national level as Governors. The bulk of citizens’ lives is best improved at the state level. States are closer to the people and have consequential decision-making powers on crucial development issues that affect the poor. From infrastructure, electricity, education, healthcare, and land administration to agriculture. States which have tremendous influence on local government administration are responsible for expenditure of a lot of national revenue. In practice, states combined with LGA, account for almost half of all federal revenue expenditure (current revenue formula is FGN 52.68%, and State and LGA 47.32%). The import is that the quality of governance in the states significantly impacts national development.

    We are experiencing stunted growth because of the poor quality of government at the state level, which is getting worse with every cycle of elections. At this subnational level, serial failure of governance, which is a product of mediocre leadership, has led to poor socioeconomic outcomes, widespread poverty, weak healthcare and educational system, insecurity, and lack of trust in governance. Our choice in this election will determine the quality of service at the state level – the strength, unity and prosperity of our country going forward.

    Happy new year to all Nigerians and may 2023 offer us the best in leadership for the good of our country.

  • Five lessons 2022 taught us about politics and nationhood – By Dakuku Peterside

    Five lessons 2022 taught us about politics and nationhood – By Dakuku Peterside

    The year 2022 is winding up. High-level political activities characterised it – from the dramatic to the absurd . Highwire political manoeuvrings and abracadabra were prevalent. On the eve of a crucial general election in Nigeria, 2022 is ending with a cacophony noise of optimism, cynicism, and ambivalence. This year has put all our assumptions about democracy, nation building and good governance to the test.

    But we can reflect – that is, assuming we learn from our experiences and we use the lessons. Reflection helps us understand our country better and the emerging world around us.

    There are five major lessons we can learn from this year.

    The first lesson is that money politics has come to stay in Nigeria. Money was consequential in determining the success or failure of political office seekers during the party primaries at all levels and in all political parties. The gale of defections from one party to another was instigated and cemented with money.

    The momentum and depth of electoral campaign so far has been shaped by the quantum of cash available to candidates, and the dominant underlining strategy of some of the parties is to buy votes. The recent off- cycle governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States were characterised by vote buying.

    It has been empirically proven that vote buying tends to be more prevalent in poorer societies, although a distinction has also been made between programmatic and non-programmatic distributive politics. The electorate is mostly poor and their vote is a ready commodity which they can transact and earn something to fund the next meal.

    There is every indication that the 2023 general election will be marred by the negative influence of money on our politics. Even the recent CBN redesigning of the Naira is considered a ploy to reduce the monetary impact on the 2023 general election. INEC chairman recently bemoaned this ugly situation by positing that “The negative role of money in elections goes to the very heart of democracy as it destroys the very basis of democratic elections, which is that citizens should freely choose those who exercise power on their behalf.”

    Reducing or eliminating monetary inducement is vital to the success of the 2023 polls. The government and INEC owe it as a duty to Nigerians to conduct a credible, free and fair election next year. All measures must be put in place to discourage vote buying and other forms of clientelism. Presently, politicians and their agents seldom get punished for this dastardly act of buying power.

    I expect INEC to ramp up citizens’ education on the destructive effects of negative monetary influence on the democratic process. An informed citizenry will negate the evil acts of politicians planning to rig elections through vote buying. We must ensure that democratic principles and tenets always permeate the fabric of our democratic elections, and 2023 will showcase the pinnacle of electoral probity and fairness.

    The second lesson is that insecurity has become a part of our national life. Nigeria is fast becoming the crime centre of Sub-Saharan Africa, where kidnapping for ransom, banditry, terrorism, cattle rustling, armed robbery and arms trafficking have assumed a feature of everyday living . Criminality is so pervasive that we seem to have accepted it without qualms. It is now part of our national life and economy. Politics, business, and society must mainstream insecurity and adapt. Nigeria has recently been among the countries with the ‘least peace in the world’, and the Global Peace Index ranked it the world’s 17th least peaceful state.

    The government seems to be fighting the symptoms of insecurity while the root causes deepen. The reality is that Nigerians who live in rural areas and on the fringes must develop mechanisms to live with insecurity since obviously government has failed in its primary duty of protecting them.

    And unless the government prioritises security and fighting crime, we assume that 2023, an election year, may even be worse than now and insecurity is not going away soon.

    The progressive degeneration of security across the length and breadth of Nigeria has far reaching implications for citizens growth and economic well- being. Evidence abound that there is a relationship between rise in criminality and economic climate . In this case, insecurity and economic climate is pushing citizens to the brink.

    The third lesson is that technology is changing our lifestyle as a nation and as individuals . Our way of life is rapidly evolving and is influenced more by technology and artificial intelligence. The old ways are being quickly replaced by new ways anchored on technology. We now have e-banking, e-politics, e-healthcare, e-learning, and e-communication, and they are pervasive. 2022 witnessed an unprecedented increase in the adoption of new technologies in our national life than previously seen. Nigeria is now the 38th largest market for eCommerce globally and it is projected to grow by 16.30 percent annually.

    The adoption of the cashless society principle is fuelling a change in cash regime, money distribution,and reliance on banking technology to control financial transactions more now than ever.

    Technology is changing the way we act and think as a people. If our leadership does not keep pace, it will lead to widespread discontentment by an enlightened citizenry getting more impatient with an analogue decadent ruling class. We are nearly there.

    The electoral campaign we are witnessing may be the most social media election campaign ever in the history of Nigeria.

    Young citizens in Nigeria are not shy to fight for their political interests online, and the social media space is almost the most militant political space in Nigeria. The democratisation of the public space has allowed the voiceless to be heard. Many people who hitherto may not have had access to traditional media are constantly spewing their political views and consuming other people’s opinions on social media. The ultimate lesson is that this wave of technology-driven change can only continue and would not slow down soon.

    The fourth lesson is that mass discontent is gathering momentum. In the past few years, we have witnessed many Nigerians disaffected and discontented with the political orthodoxy. Rather than being apolitical, these people have become active and are creating new loci or finding appropriate loci to coagulate and form a critical mass to agitate for change.

    We see this group in the secessionist movements of IPOB and Sunday Igboho groups, the EndSARS agitation group, and other non- state actors’ groups that challenge the state, the elite class, and the socio-economic and political space. When each coalition fails, they re- group and quickly emerge in another group. The transmogrification of the vocal secessionist movements and other social agitators into the ‘Obedient movement’ is worthy of mention.

    The lessons from a phenomenon called, “The Obedient” is the emergence of a discontented majority who find appeal in the anti-establishment rhetoric of Peter Obi. Whether Obi-Datti wins the presidential elections or not, this anger will snowball into something more significant that a different sort of social organising agent for change for sinister outcome could harvest. The Nigerian bubble may soon burst! My concern is that mass discontent is gathering momentum without corresponding shared consciousness for change in a positive direction which may lead to anarchy. Any new government must try to douse this palpable national tension and bring about change that will reverse the trajectory of Nigeria. It cannot be business as usual in Nigeria.

    The fifth and final lesson is that there is a near national consensus on restructuring but differences in meaning and understanding. All major presidential candidates are promoting and committing to restructuring, but they understand and interpret it differently. The form of restructuring will depend on who wins the presidential election and what brand of restructuring he advocates.

    However, any restructuring exercise must be holistic, physical, promote greater productivity and in line with Nigeria’s historical antecedents. Anything short may touch the fault lines of the diverse multi-religious, multi-ethnic, and multi-language society. I will advise any new government to attempt severe economic, political, or physical restructuring in the first year of administration. That way, it will take three years before another election and people may either be used to the new normal or may have started seeing the inherent benefits of a well thought through restructuring for all.

    Finally, I expect everything not to be the same again in the world and Nigeria come 2023. We either embrace change in its different dimensions, or we perish. The signs are not ominous, and there is hope. The hope is that the new government has its job cut out from day one .. No one is under the illusion that the task of resetting the nation on the path of safety and growth is going to be straightforward. Far from it.

    But to make meaningful progress, we must strive to accomplish worthy goals and build on our progress, if any, in 2022.

  • US-Africa summit: In whose interest? – By Dakuku Peterside

    US-Africa summit: In whose interest? – By Dakuku Peterside

    The US – African summit has come and gone. The US President, Joe Biden, and a group of US business leaders met with 49 African presidents and  many business stakeholders. He made promises to improve the US bilateral and multilateral relationship with Africa.

    He has spent much of his first two years in office trying to assuage doubters on the international stage about American leadership after four years of Donald Trump’s “America First” foreign policy. With this summit — a follow-up to the first such gathering held eight years ago by President Barack Obama — Biden has an opportunity to assuage concerns in Africa about US commitment to the continent.

    This rapprochement comes at a difficult moment; at a time when China is increasingly bullish about closer ties with Africa. The need to counterbalance China’s strategy is evident.  The Biden administration made it plain that it believes that Chinese and Russian activities in Africa could have negative long term consequences for the continent. He believes that the Chinese and Russian investments and military projects in Africa present an opportunity for these countries to challenge the rules-based international order, advance their narrow commercial and geopolitical interests, and undermine transparency and openness.

    To its credit, the summit  produced an MOU with the new African Continental Free Trade Area Secretariat that spurred more than $15 billion in new deals, which will turn, lift, and improve people’s lives across the continent. These investments will deliver tangible benefits to people; create new, good-paying jobs both in the US and Africa, opening the $ 3.4 trillion African market to the US.

    Some of the highlights of the projects include investments to support small-and-medium-sized entrepreneurs and enterprises – especially lifting an opportunity for women-owned businesses, diaspora-owned businesses, and businesses owned by members of historically underserved communities. Investing to facilitate more significant regional trade within Africa, especially an investment of about $500million, is expected to significantly improve roads, reduce transportation costs, and ease sea cargo traffic.

    However, some critics are sceptical and cynical about these investment promises by the US to Africa. They have argued that the trade deal of $15 billion and other paltry sums promised is insufficient given that Africa has fifty-four countries with different developmental needs. Though not related, this investment promise, compared to US aid to Ukraine, shows how low it is.

    Currently, the US alone has invested over $50 billion in Ukraine. Besides, even the AfDB AFRICA Investment Forum last year syndicated $15.56 billion just for the Lagos-Abidjan highway, a corridor of six lanes. By all ramifications, $15 billion is a drop in the ocean of the type of investment Africa needs to leapfrog its development. Africa needs huge investment to lift it from its current economic quagmire, not tokenism. Therefore, we must take these promises with a healthy dose of scepticism and caution. Africans must rely on themselves and work together to advance their cause.

    The global powers are wooing Africa because of its natural resources, the size of its market and geopolitical reasons . But one thing is clear: they are all wooing Africa to achieve their national interest first. Do not be deceived. This reason is why African leaders must be circumspect in reaching some of these agreements and fighting for the good of Africa. We know that any financial assistance or even investment  from the west including the  US always comes with interest rates tied to IMF and World Bank regimes, and US trade or economic concessions will always have diplomatic conditionalities. You cannot enjoy US help without aligning with their global strategic interests.

    The Chinese, on the other hand, seem to prefer investments in infrastructure, deploying “soft power” to achieve its objectives. The critical question is: where is Africa’s interest in these agreements? It is not what the US promises to give that should concern Africa, but what it plans to take from Africa. Historically, we know that what the superpowers eventually take from Africa far outweighs any immediate benefit they presented. There are no free lunches, even in Freetown, and the US gives a little with one hand and takes a lot with the other.

    Why are African leaders always excited whenever invited by any of the developed economies for these types of summits? It is either the US- Africa summit, UK- Africa summit  or China-Africa Cooperation  forum. And when they attend these summits, the discussions are pretentiously about how they can work together for the benefit of all sides. However, we know the side that will benefit more – the convener. The conveners always set the agenda and not Africa. Naturally, the agenda will reflect the interest of the host nation. There has never been an Africa-led agenda in these bilateral forums , but the discussions always centre on Africa.

    Why can’t Africa leaders convene these types of Summits, as eloquently argued in a viral video by Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame? When will Africa convene a meeting of leaders of the most developed economies on African soil, with Africa setting the agenda? When Africa starts taking the initiative and control of its narrative, it will start making noticeable progress among nations. The charity narrative has not worked and will never work. When the rest of the world feels it is its responsibility to save Africa from itself and has a mindset of planning to benefit maximally from the abundant natural resources or the market, Africa is both the victim and casualty.

    The sole responsibility for Africa’s economic and political emancipation rests solely on African leaders and their citizens. China, with a population of over 1.3 billion people, has grown economically and politically in the past four decades. This is not because of US or Western-based intervention from summits. But because of outstanding leadership that galvanised the people to become productive.

    Now they deal with the rest of the world on their terms. Today, it is negotiating with Africa on its terms, with Africa still maintaining its charity stands. The US feels threatened by China’s exploits in Africa and wants to solidify its relationship with Africa, which has gone wrong over the years due to a lack of mutual trust.

    Africa needs its strategy for growth. At the core of this strategy must be the increase in productivity through industrialisation and innovation. African leaders must look inward and efficiently harness the abundant human and material capital within it. Even when inviting or allowing outsiders to participate in this development strategy, it must be on the terms of Africa and nothing more.

    African leaders must always protect the national interest of countries in Africa. In situations where an individual nation or group of nations are weak to negotiate, Africa must have a forum to negotiate together and protect the interests of these countries. Therefore, I welcome the proposal by Biden that Africa must have a permanent seat in the G-20. In supranational forums where no single African country can qualify, Africa can represent all countries as one entity.

    I must note unequivocally that the US – African Summit, in all good faith and intention, is nothing more than a US summit to consolidate and solidify its national strategic interest with and in Africa. Africa must know what the US interest in Africa is and how to leverage this to negotiate a better deal for itself. It must do the same for other global powers trying to go to bed with it. Africa is the new battleground of economic and political diplomacy. It is time we take advantage of this position and benefit from all suitors maximally for the continent’s growth.

    Africa must be non-aligned in the ensuing global power tussle between agents and proponents of the existing international order, where the US, UK, and the West, in general, are waking up to the threat to that global order by the rise of China, India, and Russia. Africa’s interest must be how to harness the situation for its benefit and not allow any group to take advantage of Africa, as has been the case historically through slavery, colonisation, and neo-colonialism.

    The time is for action. This is a time for a change in thinking and strategy . It cannot continue to be business as usual, and we remain little pawns in the hands of any global power that wants our natural resources or market for their benefit. Africans alone can do this, and no one, with all the good intentions in the world and all the summits in this world, will do it for us.

    About 300 African stakeholders and 49 leaders attended the last summit. The combined cost of attending this summit by all these people will be a sizable percentage of the amount Biden pledged at the summit!

  • Dakuku tasks experts to monitor likely threats of bioterrorism

    Dakuku tasks experts to monitor likely threats of bioterrorism

    Turnaround Expert and former DG/CEO of Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Dr Dakuku Peterside has advised biosafety professionals to keep an eye on the possibility of terrorists in the country resorting to bioterrorism to achieve their wicked objectives.

    Dr Dakuku was speaking as the chairman of the annual conference of Nigeria Biological Safety Association (NIBSA) held in Abuja.

    While appreciating the work being done by the association in building capacity for biosafety and bio security in medical science and laboratory practice, particularly in response to emerging diseases,  he noted that it is also important to look at other areas.

    Peterside argued that biotechnology has applications in agriculture, veterinary medicine, industries, warfare and the environment, while stressing that emphasis should not be on medical science alone.

    He commended Nigeria for being among the few African countries with regulatory framework for managing biosafety and biosecurity, in addition to being party to a number of international conventions.

    The former NIMASA boss charged practitioners to collaborate with regulatory agencies and society at large to ensure the safe use of biotechnology applications as biosafety by its nature requires teamwork.

    “We as practitioners owe ourselves, stakeholders and society as a whole the duty of preventing and mitigating hazards associated with our work in handling biological materials.

    “This responsibility extends to enlightening and educating citizens on possible risk associated with biotechnology and handling of biological materials,” he stated.

    He also advocated the deepening of biosafety in drug manufacturing, agriculture and industrialization to boost the economy.

    Equally important is the threat of the next pandemic, he disclosed, saying it is an added reason to build capacity as practitioners.

    Dr Dakuku commended NIBSA for the good work they are doing and wished all participants successful deliberation at the conference.

    At the conference were Dr Oliver Manijart of Prolab, working with World Health Organization who joined online; Hon Daniel Nanbol of Plateau State House of Assembly, Representative of Dr Adetifa Ifedayo of Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, Dr Ahmad Waleed Joyan, Representatives of Federal Ministry of Health, Medical Laboratory Council of Nigeria, Nurses and Midwifery Council of Nigeria and Representative of Commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.