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Tag: Dakuku Peterside

  • PDP presidential primary: Peterside congratulates Atiku, laments Wike’s waste of N30bn of Rivers’ money

    Prominent political leader in Rivers State, Dr. Dakuku Peterside has congratulated Alhaji Atiku Abubakar on winning the presidential ticket of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the 2023 election.

    Dakuku Peterside, who said the outcome of the PDP presidential primary on Saturday, in Abuja, was a proof that Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, was only a ‘local champion’ who lacked the requisite experience to compete in national politics, expressed sadness that despite spending not less than N30bn  of Rivers’ funds, PDP delegates still rejected him.

    “Wike has shown lack of requisite experience and depth to compete in national politics”, the former Director General, Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, stated.

    He advised the defeated presidential aspirant to submit himself to Atiku to be tutored on how hi-wire politics is played.

    “I suggest that Wike quickly returns home, shades off his toga of pride, and submit himself to Atiku to be tutored on the dynamics of national politics and the angles to hi-wire deals”, he added.

    While lamenting that Rivers State would be worse off now that Wike has suffered this crushing defeat in the hands of Atiku, Peterside noted that giving away about N10bn of public funds in unsolicited charity to states, and about N20bn  pursuing his ill-fated presidential bid, confirm his earlier stance that Wike’s governorship is among Rivers States worst era since 1967.

    “That Wike could dip his hands that deep into Rivers’ treasury to pursue his vaunting ambition is a confirmation of my earlier assertion that Wike’s governorship represents our all time low moments since the state was created on May 27, 1967,” he said.

    Continuing, Dr  Dakuku Peterside, a former member of the National Assembly, wondered how, in order to pursue personal ambition, Wike turned deaf ears to the daily cries of pensioners and other workers who are being owed their entitlements in the state.

    “I wonder how Wike sleeps at night with Rivers’ pensioners going to bed hungry, and sizeable number not waking up again out of frustration. For his personal ego and ambition, he preferred to lavish billions of naira on delegates than attend to those senior citizens.”

    The opportunity cost of Wike’s circus presidential pursuit is the abandonment of education, healthcare and human capacity development  in the state, the turnaround expert argued. “Rivers state is so blessed yet our people are leaving in untold hardship and experiencing underdevelopment because of Wike’s visionless administration of state resources,“ said Dr. Peterside.

    Dakuku Peterside advised Wike to come back home and begin to prepare for PDP’s presidential primary to hold in 2031. “Let Wike return home and begin early preparations for PDP’s presidential primary to hold in 2031 which might hold at the Rumueprikom Playground.”

  • 2023: Prospects for a third force – By Dakuku Peterside

    2023: Prospects for a third force – By Dakuku Peterside

    The political evolution of party systems in the world follows a binary trajectory. We see this political evolutionary trend in most democracies where although multiple parties exist, two dominant parties emerge, dominate the political space, and compete as alternate power wielders that form governments as government and opposition at the centre. These two parties appear either by subsuming other minor parties or controlling a more significant part of the electorate through broader appeal.

    Advanced democracies have shown that party systems often evolve to fit in with a natural affinity to binary options. Everywhere globally, the electorates (educated or not) seem lazy to contemplate and analyse multiple possibilities, and they prefer to make decisions based on two defined options, either A or B.

    Most matured and stable democracies of the world have binary party options. Labour versus conservative parties in the UK and the US have Democrats versus Republicans. Kenya has two grand alliances or coalitions- Azimio la Umoja Coalition and Kenya Kwanza, and two major political parties, the Orange Democratic Party of Kenya (ODM), whose party leader is Hon Raila Odinga and the United Democratic Alliance, whose Party leader is Hon Dr William Ruto. Nigeria, at various times, has followed this trajectory of binary party options: NRC and SDP (1991-1992), PDP and APP (1999-2003) and APC and PDP (2014-date).

    The attraction to binary party system options in most democracies stems from its merits to the democratic experience. Primarily, it reasonably discourages discrimination  against minorities and encourages integration in the political ecosystem. The two-party system hardly allows for ethnic colouration of the party since people from various ethnic groups, religions and ideologies pull together in the party.

    Besides, it moderates animosities and ethnic jingoism. Also, the fact that these two parties have relatively  equal strength is good for competition. Competition for power is foundational to democracy, and it is anchored in the belief that with stiff competition, good leaders emerge that  meet the aspiration of the electorate , without which they lose power in the next circle of the election.

    It also has its demerits. In less matured democracies, it sometimes leaves the electorate with only two options with no other option viable in the power struggle, and this is even worse when it turns out that the two parties are sides of the same coin and there is no credible alternative. The two parties can become oligarchies, controlled by a tiny clique of the political elite to the exclusion of others. This anomaly is our situation in Nigeria now. A coterie of the well-resourced political elite who do not bother much about the alternative views and interests of others outside the mainstream controls the two major parties.

    As more persons are getting disgruntled with Nigeria’s political system and political developments, the prospect of a third political force is gathering momentum. A sizable political force is beginning to form with the hope of upsetting the system and creating a new order. Like in other climes, a third force is usually a protest movement, people who are disgruntled and aggrieved coming together not based on ideological considerations or shared vision. But in the Nigerian case, these dissatisfied and discontented people within the two-party systems are conjoining with outside voices within the periphery of the political space to orchestrate a third force movement to challenge existing political orthodoxy.

    The current tidal movement resembling a third force may rise from one of either Labour Party, APGA, SDP, ADC, NNPP or PRP Coalition. This groundswell of fringe parties is beginning to form a third force. Some consider it late, but I am afraid I must disagree. There are many reasons why a third force may spring up now and have credible chances of surviving and affecting the political landscape.

    The first reason is that many politicians with grassroots support but not favoured by the leadership of the two major parties are frustrated and looking for viable and credible alternative platforms. Besides, there is a general perception that the two major political parties have failed Nigerians in core development programmes, and people are fade up with what they consider party shenanigans and disconnect with grassroots politics and electorates.

    The economic hardship is hitting hard, and the people are blaming the two major parties for this situation, given that both have ruled the country at various times without improving the standard of living of people. So, the ground is fertile for a clamour for a third force, but whether the movement is sufficient to create a political storm is yet to be seen. Again the viability of a third force will depend on the internal capacity of the two major parties to self repair after their presidential primaries.

    The  possibility of a third force phenomenon gives some Nigerians hope. At least it widens the scope of options for more credible and viable candidates for election, especially given the general feeling that some candidates in the two major parties are not credible enough for the electorate to choose from but are forced on them by the parties.

    Also, some of the electorates who are disgruntled with the two main parties and would not have participated in the electoral system have an option of an alternative platform to engage in the elections that may give their vote meaning and not leave them with a sense of wasted votes on parties that cannot win elections. These voters hope that the Third force will be different and meet their expectations. Therefore, a third force will benefit the Nigerian people as it will widen the options and deepen competition with the outcome of a better deal for Nigerians.

    Unfortunately, as much as people want the Third Force, the political exigencies and realities may not allow it to change the political or development landscape but can be likened to the changing of furniture of elite dominance in the house. The Third Force is engineered by figments of existing parties with engrained political attitudes and culture that created the two-party system failures and impunities. The same unrepentant elite whose major push for a third force is to have a platform to grab power because they were not allowed such in the two major parties.

    The litmus test is this: Is there a politician in the Third Force given a platform in the two main parties to get the power that will decline? So, the third force is neither ideological nor a movement to change the existing political sphere, but a new platform to contest for power by the same politicians disgruntled with the system that did not allow them a platform for power in the main two parties.

    Besides, the  Third Force will have to overcome barriers to the movement. The first barrier is time, and the 2023 general election is seven months away. What time does the Third Force have to build itself and mount a credible challenge to the big two? The emergence of APC before the 2015 general election came early enough to allow them time to consolidate.

    Moreover, APC came as a second force and not a third force. Even then, it took time to form a nationwide structure capable of winning elections in Nigeria. This Third Force has only about seven months to position itself well for the election. Although this is possible to achieve, it will be a mean fit to accomplish.

    The second barrier is the financial muscle to fight the election in Nigeria. There is an excessive monetisation of the political space, and elections cost so much in Nigeria. We play money politics in Nigeria, and how can the Third Force raise the war chest to mount a challenge to the big two. The big two parties will outspend the third force and dominate the media sphere and public sphere to the detriment of the Third Force.

    The third barrier is the difficulty of the Third Force to have the national spread and national organisation it needs to create political structures to compete in the 2023 election. This problem is made worse by the brief time left for all parties to conduct their primaries and submit lists of candidates to INEC.

    The next few months will clearly show the blueprint of the new party systems and players in the political firmament. The role of the Third Force will be apparent. Historically, we know that Third forces either create a political storm in a teacup and eventually disappear after elections or grow to become an alternative force and replace one of the big two as the opposition force, or in rear cases, win elections and form government.

    This last situation happens when it is a proper movement that blows away the political firmament through mass action to change the status quo. Will this be the case in the novel Third Force in Nigeria? I doubt it. But it is not impossible. It is more a function of people’s reaction and acceptance of the third force and a movement for political change than what members of the Third Force do.

    I reckon that the possible rearrangement of the political climate occasioned by the Third force in Nigeria will eventually lead to the death of the third force or the end of one of the existing two parties, or a realignment of all existing parties’ structures. But the elite stranglehold on party politics and the entrenched attitude of godfatherism, impunity, lack of ideology, politics of self-interest, intrigues and manoeuvrings will still be dominant. The electoral pattern that will emerge after the 2023 election will not engineer a sea-change, but it may sow the seed of electoral alignment and realignment that will birth a new political order outside one of the dominant APC or PDP. In absence of ideological appeal of the new coalition , the third force is likely to remain an ideal whose time is yet to come .  This is the evolutionary nature of the two-party system in Nigeria.

  • There is no N6bn judgment against Dakuku Peterside – Legal Team

    There is no N6bn judgment against Dakuku Peterside – Legal Team

    Against the judgment reported earlier, the Supreme Court of Nigeria did not enter into a N6 billion or any such judgment against former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, Dr. Dakuku Peterside.

    In a terse but legal position of what transpired at the Supreme Court today, Friday, May 27, 2022, the legal team explained that what the apex court dismissed was an appeal by Peterside challenging the decision of the Court of Appeal to sustain an earlier dismissal of his preliminary objection to the service processes adopted by the litigant.

    It further explained that the origin of the matter was Suit. No. PHC/810/2016 between Hon. Dakuku Adol Peterside V. Dr. Peter Odili, brought against Peterside by a former Governor of Rivers State, Dr. Peter Odili, before a Rivers State High Court, in Port Harcourt, presided over by Hon. Justice Iyaye Laminkara, who was then Chief Judge of the State.

    Not satisfied with the processes of service, Peterside had filed an objection through a notice of preliminary objection challenging the service of the originating processes. In her ruling, Justice Laminkara dismissed the objection ruling that the services were properly instituted. But dissatisfied with the court’s stand, Peterside approached the Court of Appeal, Port Harcourt Division, which, however, dismissed his appeal, ruling that the lower court was right after all.

    Peterside, still not satisfied, filed Appeal No. SC. 667/2018 before the Supreme Court which was determined today by the Supreme Court. So by today’s decision of the apex court, the Port Harcourt High Court can now hear the substantive case.

  • Defamation: Supreme Court affirms N6bn in damages against ex-NIMASA DG, Dakuku Peterside

    The Supreme Court on Friday dismissed a suit by former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Dakuku Peterside seeking to set aside a six billion naira damages awarded against him for defaming the character of Dr Peter Odili, former governor of Rivers State.

    In a judgment delivered by Justice Adamu Jauro, the appeal by Dakuku Peterside was dismissed for want of merit.

    The apex court upheld the decisions of the lower courts which imposed a fine of 6 billion naira against Peterside to be paid to Odili as compensation for his defamed character.

    Odili had in October 2016 dragged Peterside to court demanding N6 billion as damages for character defamation.

    In the suit, the former Rivers State governor had claimed that Peterside during a press conference in Port Harcourt defamed him in his allegations that Governor Nyesom Wike’s Supreme Court victory was hatched by him.

  • Spread of mob justice in Nigeria – By Dakuku Peterside

    Spread of mob justice in Nigeria – By Dakuku Peterside

    There is an epidemic of mob justice in Nigeria today, and the frequency at which they occur shocks our shared sensibilities. The ubiquitous nature of jungle justice across all parts of Nigeria leaves any discerning mind to wonder how low we are falling as a nation. Every week, we are served on social media with images and videos of an angry mob killing and desecrating the bodies of citizens who are victims of this madness sweeping through our society. It enrages any civilised mind that people will pull out their phones to record such atrocities and man’s inhumanity to man with glee and the effrontery of a witch in a horror movie scene.

    Often, the images of the mob of young people excited and jubilant in the atrocity of lynching an innocent person hunts us and makes us wonder what the future of Nigeria will become with these types of young people in our midst. Life almost has little or no value on our streets, and it seems no one is exempt from the cold hands of jungle justice if you are at the wrong place and at the wrong time. A mere accusation of blasphemy or a shout of “ole, ole, ole” may mark the end of the life of a Nigerian. Recent examples will demonstrate the prevalence and spread of mob justice in Nigeria.

    Commercial motorcyclists lynched a sound engineer identified as David Imoh in the Lekki axis of Lagos state a few days ago. David and his friends were attacked by a mob of okada riders over a misunderstanding concerning a N100 balance. Some motorcyclists present at the scene joined their colleague to beat up David and two of his friends resulting in David’s demise and his two friends in hospital fighting for their lives. The mob of motorcyclists who, at the slightest provocation or altercation with any of their colleagues, meting out jungle justice is becoming a common phenomenon in our big cities.

    In a similar incident, at least eight persons were killed during a clash between traders and commercial motorcyclists in the Dei-Dei market area of Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). A trailer killed the passenger of an “okada rider” due to reckless driving, and the traders in that area of Abuja set ablaze the motorcycle. The other okada riders formed a mob, killed and maimed many people, and burnt down houses and stores of many traders.

    Nigerians recently woke up to the news of the gruesome killing and burning of a student of Shehu Shagari College of Education, Deborah, by a mob of her fellow students because they accused her of blasphemy. The whole scene was a wild orgy that negated any form of civilisation. The satisfaction derived from taking a life that was known to some of them could only come from psychopaths. The ensuing rioting and public disorder because of the arrest of the perpetrators of the act demonstrates the depth of the rot of acceptance of jungle justice in Sokoto and is worrisome because youths were the vanguards. The riots led to more killings, burning of houses and destruction of religious buildings.

    Furthermore, a pastor was injured, and many houses were burnt by irate youths who went on the rampage over alleged blasphemy in the Katangan area of Warji Local Government Area of Bauchi State. Trouble started when some people circulated a message on social media that a Christian girl in the town allegedly engaged in the blasphemy of Islam.

    Nigerians are disturbed about these incidents and are rightly so. The fundamental element of a democracy is to protect the life, property and liberty of the people, but today, in the most populous black nation of the world, the life and freedom of the people are almost worthless. Citizens take laws into their own hands, which results in the death of other citizens with no consequences. This resort to jungle justice by people is symptomatic of broader issues that plague our society. What are some of these issues?

    First, there is a growing malaise of social angst, frustration and discontent with society and social systems in our country. People are losing faith in society and are easily provoked and resort to self- help even in criminal and social justice issues. The reason for this may be the constant and ongoing degradation of most Nigerians’ quality of life which leads to frustration , and they are ready to unleash their anger on anyone or anything that causes slight irritation to them. We have a huge youth population that is unemployed, or completely unproductive. These angry youths are the catalysts of such mob actions and enjoy the frenzy of destroying lives, property, and social institutions as if they have no stake in society. We have a generation of young people that we must be quick to make productive and help channel their energy to improving society rather than destroying it.

    Second, our ethnic and religious fault lines are sharp and edgy. Increasingly, issues are dichotomised on ethnic or religious lines and based on the side of the divide one falls, one interprets and acts towards social and religious matters. Little wonder why when a case that demands complete condemnation of all Nigerians of various hues and cues arises, some shamelessly defend or even condone it based on their narrow ethnic or religious sentiments. No civilised society will allow, tolerate or accept jungle justice and mob action. Our “Nigerianness” needs to be worked on and improved. The Nigerian project since 1914 has seen a battle to create national cohesion and blur our ethnic and religious lines. Institutions like the National Orientation Agency, NYSC, and Federal Character Commission, among others, have been working hard to make us Nigerians, to no avail.

    The real danger of rising incidents of lynch mob is in the proven power of spontaneity . When the sudden eruption of mob violence feeds into existing ethnic and political divisions , they could engulf a wider spectrum and become a national security concern .

    Third, Nigerians increasingly are losing trust in our law enforcement and criminal justice system, and are resorting to self-help to deal with what they perceive as a crime against society. Our law enforcement system is almost in shambles, and many are not relying on it any more, to enforce law and order. The corruption in the system is palpable, and everyone knows that. Some Nigerians believe, albeit rightly or wrongly, that cases that go to the law enforcement agents may not receive proper prosecutorial attention or be bought or sold to the highest bidder. Until law enforcement officers pursue a zero-tolerance attitude in dealing with mob justice, this will continue to show an upward trend.

    Our judicial system is slow, clumsy, and sometimes ineffective. Justice delayed is almost the same as justice denied. The time it takes to conclude cases is so long that sometimes the victims have forgotten about their ordeal before the court punishes offenders. Sometimes, the victims are unaware of when the offenders are punished.

    Fourth, normalization of violence in our society has become a cultural resort. There is a growing insensitivity to acts of violence because of too much exposure to violent acts in our society. Terrorism, banditry, secessionism, “unknown gunmenism”, riots and social unrests, and high- and low-level criminality abound and are bombarded to our senses through social media, digital images,and traditional media that we are “unshockable”. The number of videos of gruesome killings, burning and destructions I have seen lately leaves me traumatised. Some are so disturbing that they hunt me for days after watching them. Most Nigerians are the same.

    The unintended consequence of exposure to such gruesome authentic images of an orgy of mutilation and death is that society becomes narcotised to them, which lowers our sense of decency, humanity, and value of life. As a society, we must shun all images that cheapen the value of life, regardless of the intention of recording or sharing such images. We must not allow ourselves to continue to be inured by these images.

    It behoves us to improve the situation and reduce mob justice in our country. It is an anomaly that people provide tacit legitimacy to such “mob justice” under all sorts of excuses, and it reflects the larger malaise of loss of faith in law enforcement and the judicial systems. It is the truth that we have barely functional and fractured law enforcement and judicial system, where it takes years before one can hope to get justice. But does it mean we should encourage sidestepping of the system? We must realise the gravity of the danger it poses to us as individuals and society. In some cases, innocent people may be targeted based on rumour, misinformation, or suspicion. Mob justice may spark an ethnoreligious conflict capable of inflicting indelible damage on our society if we do not curb it now.

    As a people, we must remove the inertia in our judicial process and make the system practical for delivering justice as quickly as possible to restore public trust in the criminal justice system. This will eradicate the excuse of people’s impatience that leads to extra-judicial killings, which are illegal and a violation of the fundamental human rights of Nigerians. We need a complete police reform to gain people’s trust in the law enforcement system in Nigeria. People who engage in mob justice must be arrested and prosecuted and punished by the law to serve as a deterrent to others. If people know that such actions may have no consequences and there are few records of perpetrators receiving due punishment for their actions, they are encouraged to carry on with impunity.

    The rioting in Sokoto shows that some people do not see anything wrong in mob justice and do not see why any person should be punished for it. Our public enlightenment agencies must find ways of limiting the spread of gruesome images in all media, and our national orientation agency must educate the masses on the dangers of engaging in mob justice and the consequences of such actions. We must “save ourselves from ourselves” on this road to perdition.

  • Education sector crisis: A future that is ruined – By Dakuku Peterside

    Education sector crisis: A future that is ruined – By Dakuku Peterside

    Nigeria is at a tipping point regarding security, human capacity development and economic growth. However, the biggest challenge we face as a country is not about the challenges of today but a bleak future stirring Africa’s biggest economy and the most populous Black nation in the face. Looking beyond the 2023 general elections, one sees our leaders’ deliberate insensitivity and indifference at various levels to the destruction of one sector that offers us hope to safeguard and recover the future. That sector is the educational sector.

    In the last month, Nigeria’s education sector crisis has become more evident – ASUU, which has been on strike since February 14, 2022, has extended the same by three months. ASUP, the Union of Polytechnic lecturers, have commenced strike action. There is zero public school registration for WAEC in Sokoto and Zamfara states, and some candidates in some southeast states cannot participate in UMTE examinations due to IPOB sit-at-home orders. There are other horrendous developments in the education sector. What is freighting is the inability of our policymakers to connect the monumental rot and negligence of the education sector today to our bleak future.

    Nigeria seems to be retrogressing in all aspects of education and skill acquisition. The net quantity and quality of education in Nigeria compared with past decades, given our population and economy, is negative. The products of our education system cannot measure against their opposite numbers in India , China or the EU.

    The education sector crisis has been made worse by the intractable insecurity in various parts of Nigeria, the girl child education inequity, and poverty that has made quality education unaffordable to many Nigerians. There is total loss of confidence by stakeholders in our education system.

    Loss of confidence in Nigeria’s education is led by the political and other elite class . Over 95% of the elite leaders in government, business and technocratic professions are educating their children in tertiary institutions in Europe and the US. Consequently , there is hardly any serious policy discussion about education in Nigeria.

    Despite notable interventions of the UNICEF and the Nigerian government, we still have 18.5 million children out of school in the country, the second-largest number in the world.

    Neglecting the education of the present generation of Nigerians would, in many ways, endanger the prosperity of the future. But does anybody care? Educating young people today will determine how much progress we make as a country. It is evident that with the neglect or near-total collapse of education, the future of our society is uncertain or may be gloomy.

    Our education sector needs quantum overhaul that targets educational outcomes. We need improvement starting from primary education, where we see many children out of school. Secondary education needs a total overhaul, where we see declining standards and low attainment in national exams like NECO and WAEC. The complete collapse of the higher education sector, where workers have incessant strike actions, leading to half-baked graduates who are grossly untrainable and unemployable, needs immediate attention.

    Education has suffered from insecurity at the basic primary and secondary levels in most parts of the country. The “unknown gunmen” and IPOB agitators have terrorised the southeast and forced a Monday sit-at-home. This problem has affected schools in the five southeast states where 20% of education is not provided each week . Students in southeast states missed examinations scheduled for Mondays nationally during necessary national examinations like WAEC, NECO and UMTE.

    As if this is not shocking enough, in Sokoto and Zamfara states, students in public schools did not register for the WAEC examination this year either because the government did not pay, or they are not writing the examination because of various mitigating factors. This anomaly indicates retrogression in teaching, learning and examination for certification.

    In other parts of the North, the uptake of the WAEC examination is minimal, even with some state governments paying for the students. Students in IDP camps are worrying more about survival than getting an education. Government poorly funds most government schools, and they owe teachers’ salaries.

    Most government schools in the south of Nigeria are overcrowded and always attended by children from poor backgrounds who could not afford the prohibitive cost of private primary and secondary education for their children.

    As the crisis in the education sector deepens, the attention of our political leaders swings between elections and politics. Elections and politics are essential and must receive due attention, but that must not detract attention from the education sector, which is undergoing decay and needs urgent and immediate attention.

    It is disturbing to note that the generation that had good government-funded basic education in the ‘80s and ’90s is struggling to function productively nowadays; how much more will the children of this generation with poor education or no education in some cases, become productive at all. The irony is on all of us.

    The rich and middle class have insulated themselves from this problem. Children of people in these classes go to private schools abroad or private schools at home, which continues to widen the gap between the poor and the rich and invariably creates inequality.

    The children of the poor are hard done. In the past, education was the greatest leveller. Children of the poor often meet and outcompete children from affluent backgrounds in schools. They learn the confidence that comes with knowing that they are as good as anybody with hard work and intelligence, no matter their family background.

    Our tertiary education sector is comatose with ASUU, and ASUP strikes. The students are unproductive at home or sometimes a nuisance to their communities. Imagine the impact on the quality of education of these students.

    Governments at all levels have an indifferent attitude towards the educational crisis in the country. They have not articulated better ways of managing education to provide needed quality education for our children. Education policies are either not fit for purpose or not yielding the desired results, and education monitoring institutions are moribund at best where they exist.

    It is disheartening that private education providers buy and sell quality education in many states. In some middle class and working-class families, tuition fees and other school-related charges take a chunk of their income.

    The recommended average percentage of GDP on total government and private expenditure on education is 5% of the GDP. Most countries in the developed world spend even more than this average on education. For example, “among the 34 OECD countries reporting data in 2015, 17 countries spent more than the average percentage (5%) of GDP on total government and private expenditures on education institutions for OECD countries. Norway spent the most on education as a percentage of GDP at 6.4%, followed by New Zealand at 6.3%, the United Kingdom at 6.2%, and the United States at 6.1 percent,” according to UNESCO. However, data from UNESCO also shows that education expenditure (% of GDP) in Nigeria was 0.85% as of 2017. This statistic shows the crass negligence our education sector is facing from all sections of the government. This must change!

    Two futures are possible with our political leaders’ indifference to education issues. The first is where we continue to relegate education to the rear of our development agenda; our youthful population, which ought to be a demographic advantage, becomes a burden. We will entrench and reinforce generational inequality and possibly poverty, insecurity, and most importantly, dismantle the building block of the future. Conversely, we are setting our country up for endless, perennial crises because of the collapse of essential building blocks of a functional society. Either way, we cannot win.

    We know that the growth of the human mind and the broadening of the human intellect reflect his immediate environment’s physical development. Therefore, the development’s physicality is just a reflection and reification of the extent of our mental and intellectual development. This idea underscores the importance of training and education as a key to societal growth.

    We see this in what happens to a developed environment when undeveloped minds are allowed to inhabit them, and they trash them and reduce the place to the extent of the level of development of their minds and converse is the case too. This fact underscores the importance of education to the development of Nigeria.

    The children we do not educate today will pose a danger in the future, and they may fuel insecurity, criminality, and total dependency on the state for survival, not to mention the lost opportunity cost in productivity they would have given were they educated. Now is the time to pay attention and call for a “state of emergency” in our education sector.

    We must bring all ideas, talents, skills, and resources to the table to resolve some of these crises threatening to mar the future of the next generation of Nigerians. It is not just a policy and monetary issue. We need to focus on teacher education to improve the quality of teachers and periodic testing and retraining. Teachers’ promotion will be tied quality of their teaching, personal development, and impact of teaching on students. We need to provide them with the teaching resources and incentives they need to do a good job. Individual states should set independent standards for teachers’ accreditation in their jurisdictions.

    We must provide all forms of financial and psychological incentives to teachers. We must ringfence their benefits and emoluments in both federal and state budgets and never allow a situation where the government owe them salaries. Teachers’ reward must be here “on earth and not in heaven.” We should pay them wages when due and pay them a living wage. We must review teachers’ pay based on current economic realities and attract the best to the teaching profession.

    The future we want to build for our children will be worse than what we have now if we do not prioritise education. A stitch in time, they say, saves nine. We must focus and refocus all our physical and intellectual energies to rescue our education from total shambles and, that way, safeguard the future we desire.

  • 2023: Opportunistic aspirants and the gullible public – Dakuku Peterside

    2023: Opportunistic aspirants and the gullible public – Dakuku Peterside

    The holy grail of democracy is the widespread participation of people in the business of power, legitimised by the representation of elected leaders. Participation is so meaningful that the noun derivative of democracy, democratisation, means “the action of making something accessible to everyone”. So, on face value, the democratisation of “presidential aspiration” seems to be a good thing, and one may argue that this might throw up a pool of aspirants for the primaries for the people to choose, but the reality may be more sinister and a bad omen for our democracy.

    The presidential aspirants’ field is getting crowded – the good, the bad, and the ugly are throwing their hats into the ring. In the past few weeks, more and more persons have indicated an interest in running on the platform of the two major political parties against all odds, including outrageous Expression of Interest and Nomination form fees.

    The statistics of the aspirants for the two leading parties keep changing each day. APC has 23 Presidential aspirants with a possibility of getting to 25 by the close of nominations. 241 Senate aspirants with a chance of getting to 300 at the close of nominations. 821 House of Representatives aspirants with a possibility of getting to 1,000. For PDP, about 17 presidential aspirants, 301 Senate aspirants and 1218 House of Representative aspirants have declared their interest in the various posts for the 2023 general election and have already presented themselves for screening.

    Never in the history of our democracy have many aspirants, at short notice, declared interest in occupying the highest position in the country than in this run-up to the 2023 elections.

    The rash of aspirants is a symptom of too many negatives. Let us grant that democracy entitles every citizen to aspire to any position. Let us also concede that a democracy cannot put a ceiling on how many citizens aspire for elective offices. We can even further concede that the sheer volume of aspirants to various elective positions could indicate a deepening of the popularity of democracy in our country. Yet the sheer number, nature and character of most aspirants give us a cause for concern.

    A few pertinent questions come to mind: What socio-political context is pushing this new phenomenon, and what does it portend to our democracy in general and the 2023 general elections in particular? How is this affecting the public? What must the public do to stem the negatives of this novel political phenomenon?

    Three major issues are working in tandem to fuel the rush for nomination for the presidential ticket and other elective offices. The first is the commercialisation of political offices in Nigeria. Politics is big business, and everyone knows that. For the majority, the most accessible means to inexplicable wealth and power in Nigeria today is to hold a political office. Before taking a political office, people with no known means of wealth suddenly become so rich beyond the imagination of many, with no one asking why and how? Businessmen and political jobbers are now “investing in politics”, intending to reap significant profit, albeit at the expense of the people. Related to this is elite joblessness, making politics the most lucrative openly available sector. The elite total engrossment in politics for economic survival is a breeding ground for rampant corruption.

    The juiciest of these political posts are the executive offices of the presidency and governors. This transactional nature of politics means that no matter the outrageous cost of nomination forms and electioneering, the political elite is hard done, doing whatever it takes and at all costs to have access to these offices. The first step is declaring an interest and getting a form for the primaries. Everyone wants a piece of the cake, fuelling corruption to unprecedented levels in Nigeria.

    The second issue, especially for the offices of the president and governor, is what I will refer to as the demystification of these hallowed offices. Pre-independence and during the second republic, the people revered the president’s and governor’s offices. We expected only people of a certain calibre, political dexterity, and intellectual integrity to even dream of applying for the office; much more to attempt to do. Political sages like Awolowo, Azikiwe, Aminu Kano, Abiola, Obasanjo, and Falae summoned the courage to ask the public to trust them and vote for them to become the president of Nigeria. This time seems to have changed, especially in the past decade.

    Unfortunately, recently, each election cycle inadvertently produces a declining quality of political leadership, which lowers the bar for those aspiring to occupy the office and causes public mistrust of officeholders. The bar is so low now that people with no pedigree or experience in leadership, even in their homes, are aspiring to the president’s office. It is common knowledge that most aspirants will not get any executive position in any reputable private company. How can a man who cannot be employed to manage a conglomerate with about 1000 workers think he is qualified to manage Nigeria PLC?

    The third issue is deliberate positioning to profit from political consensus. The two major political parties in Nigeria lack a deep culture of internal democracy, cohesion and unity, and this anomaly is because they are not ideologically driven, and there are intraparty frictions among party members. There are party godfathers’ factions, ethnic and regional factions, and other factions of interest pulling the parties in different directions.

    It is becoming common for political parties to resort to a democratic consensus to adopt candidates and avoid the ensuing brouhaha. Therefore, negotiations, deals, and rewards are given to those candidates at the table to arrive at this consensus. To be among these candidates on the table to negotiate an accord, you must have declared your interest, buy, complete, and submit the nomination forms.

    So, the rush to purchase the N40 million or N100 million nomination forms may mean some aspirants buying a ticket to the negotiating table, where some would be asked to step down and promised rewards. And to be relevant, you must purchase your way to that table where the final act would play out before the convention, which may end in consensus or affirmation.

    Another plausible reason for the proliferation of aspirants is not unconnected to a strategy by a tiny clique of serious aspirants to weaken the delegates’ base of their co-competitors. Political entrepreneurs around the presidency and commanding height of the two major political parties may also be manipulating the internal process of the parties to enable them to achieve a predetermined outcome.

    These happenings have grave consequences for our democracy and the 2023 general election. The Presidential aspirants’ field in the two major political parties has thrown up what I refer to as opportunists. Some of these aspirants had earlier indicated an interest in Senate, Governorship or were hitherto not interested in the office but now are presidential aspirants. They are opportunists who just saw an opening to take advantage of for varied reasons.

    A critical analysis of the character and qualities of some of these opportunistic aspirants shows traits that are worrisome to any true lover of democracy. These traits include being reluctant; emphasising ethnicity, region, and religion; twisting facts, manipulating the truth, ignoring their failings, take credit for what they know nothing about. They have no deep critical thinking, no personal values, self-centred, do not see good in other people: lack character and integrity; and have plenty of swagger and arrogance. Realistically, opportunist aspirants lack vision, discretion, and wisdom, putting the country under enormous pressure.

    These opportunists come in various shades and colours. Kene Obiezu described them as “consummate liars whose ageless ability to describe white as black have retained their relevance in the corridors of power”. He postulated that “there are the career sycophants whose lack of revulsion at licking any kind of boot as long as a powerbroker wears it keeps them gainfully employed. There are the perennial underachievers who though inept at everything else are adept at manipulating the levers of power to perpetuate themselves in office. There are the serial opportunists for whom survival is the name of the game no matter who has what baggage. Then there are the heinous hypocrites.”

    These people put our democracy at risk. We can easily deduce the enormous implications of these on politics and society. If those who always put themselves out to take up public office are so utterly bereft of character and the courage of conviction, what will be the fate of those public offices when they eventually get in?

    One unintended fallout of this crowded field of aspirants is that this may be the most expensive party primaries in our political history. Too many aspirants for each party indicate a trust deficit in the two leading political parties and come with a transactional mindset that is ready to negotiate. Some may play a spoiler role – as intermediaries prepared to deal and sell their delegates for peanuts. Some hope to emerge as compromise candidates. In the case of the presidency, some adopted this strategy of having many aspirants kill the idea of presidential endorsement.

    Whatever their motive or intensions, their actions may throw up mediocre aspirants who are not prepared as compromise candidates. These opportunistic aspirants are there for their interests and will destroy the country for their greed.

    Typically, the democratisation of aspirants should be good for the various parties and society because it gives us broader options to choose from and quality leaders. However, in this Nigerian case, it is evident, based on our political context and antecedents, that the ongoing muster parade of aspirants is a signal of a political locust invasion whose ultimate impact would be to sack the national treasury and ground Nigeria. This has broader ramifications for our development as a nation and people.

    Nigeria needs quality leadership now. Any actions that jeopardise that must be resisted by all. The public must not be gullible and allow the political class to play ping pong with their future. This is the time to engage actively with the political process. Failure to do this may leave us with a decade of wasted hopes and dreams in the hands of charlatans, and political jobbers bent on holding our future and that of the next generation to ransom. In a democracy, the people are the last hope for good governance. The people must choose the right leaders to make the change they want. Getting this wrong will undermine everything good about our collective existence.

  • 2023: It’s not about myself or ambition – Dr Dakuku Peterside

    2023: It’s not about myself or ambition – Dr Dakuku Peterside

    Former lawmaker and Director General of MIMASA, Dr Dakuku Peterside on Tuesday said the Rivers guber race is not about himself or his personal ambition.

    Peterside made this humble submission when his Rivers people welcomed him home in his state.

    Hear him: “My dear Rivers People, and especially members of our great party – APC.

    I want to thank you all for coming out in your numbers, in solidarity, to welcome me home .

    “I truly appreciate your support over the years. I will never take your loyalty to our shared vision for granted.

    “A lot has happened in the last couple of days. There have been a myriad of actions and reactions and many of you have been troubled.

    “Most of you who know me, and I believe the majority have followed my decisions in the past, acknowledge the fact that the greater interest of Rivers State will always guide my actions. It has never been about my self or my ambition.

    ” I am a team player and a result of the moral, material, and spiritual contributions of family and friends.
    Conscious of the place of history and posterity in political choices, I have come back to the people to consult since it is the people who gave me impetus to aspire in the first place.

    “This is a critical phase in my aspiration because I know that I carry the dreams and aspirations of many with me. One thing I can assure you is that I will act with the best interest of our party, our state, and our nation at heart. It will not be about my personal ambition.

    May God bless Rivers State.

  • The state and the train hostages – By Dakuku Peterside

    The state and the train hostages – By Dakuku Peterside

    It is no longer surprising that Nigerians hear or read about insecurity in various parts of the country. We have become so narcotised and insensitive to the news of insecurity that when kidnapping, bombing or attacks on villagers by bandits, terrorists, or other non-state actors happen unless people were killed, maimed, or taken hostage in their hundreds, it hardly makes news, and if at all it does, it will be back burner or minor news with little significance. Neither does it shock us nor cause moral panic as it did in the past. These days, we have priced insecurity into our daily lives that it is almost becoming uncommonly common.

    Nigerian citizens have no place to hide, and they have no actors to look up to for protection and solace. The state seems to have failed in its primary responsibility of protecting the lives and properties of the Nigerian people, and worse still, we live in limbo without any hope. Bandits and terrorists attack at will, destroy lives and property, and cart away unlucky victims into exile, with little or no consequences. People are resorting to self-help to protect themselves and their loved ones, and gradually, Nigeria is snowballing into a Hobbesian state of war of every man against every man. Events prove that we are on a precipice, waiting for a slight push into the abyss each passing day. It is frightening that those whose responsibility it is to salvage the situation are playing Russian Roulette with our collective existence.

    It has been a slippery slope to damnation. Nothing much has changed from the kidnapping of Chibok girls that shocked the world to the recent attack on the Kaduna train. The Nigerian state has not risen to its responsibility to protect and defend its citizens. Some of the Chibok girls are still in captivity, and so are some other victims of these heinous crimes against humanity, with no definite actions from the Nigerian state.

    It is deplorable that 35 days after the terrible train incident, over 168 persons, including pregnant women, abducted and their families, are still crying for action from the state to help release the victims and bring justice to the perpetrators. The train hostages are not the first and may not be the last set of hostages that present the Nigerian state as helpless and hapless in combating insecurity in the country.

    Statistics reveals the growing trend in kidnapping since 2013 and ranked Nigeria among the top five countries known for kidnapping for ransom. By analysing data collected through the Nigeria Security Tracker (NST) between 2015 and June 2021, Hum Angle observed a growing trend in the number of mass abductions and the total number of victims of kidnapping in Nigeria. While in 2017, there were 484 kidnap victims, the figure grew to 987 the following year, then 1,386 in 2019 and 2,860 in 2020.

    Between January 1 and June 30, 2021, at least 2,944 people have already been kidnapped — making 2021 the worst year yet based on this security index. These numbers are higher if communities along the border areas in Cameroon, Chad, and the Niger Republic are considered. We can easily speculate that data for 2022 will even be worse than 2021.

    Furthermore, political induced conflict , citizen alienation, terrorism and violence define the Nigerian insecurity scene. According to the Global Peace Index, Nigeria is included among the countries with the least peace globally, and it is the 17th unpeaceful state in the world. Besides, the Global Terrorism Index reports that Nigeria is the third country most affected by terrorism. Same report says there is a substantial risk of mass killing or genocide in Nigeria, and Nigeria is the second country in Africa with the highest risk of genocide and the sixth worldwide.

    This risk is influenced by over two hundred million people, a high child mortality rate, ongoing battle-related deaths, a history of mass killing, and ethnic agitation “. These disturbing facts are apparent, yet we do not see serious actions from the state to change the narrative and stem the decent to anarchy we are witnessing daily. Nigeria seems to have failed its citizens and is watching while insecurity becomes a permanent feature of our country. Nigerians are screaming for more effective and efficient tangible actions to radically reduce or eliminate our land’s insecurity.

    In a recent statement, John Campbell, a former US Ambassador to Nigeria, notes that the inability of the Nigerian government to keep its citizens safe and secure is one of the signs of a weak or a failing state. The state’s inability to defend citizens against robbery, natural adversity, and economic vagaries is a symptom of failure, and worst is its failure to protect its citizens from non-state actors from within and outside the country.

    Going by Ambassador Campbell’s statement and other definitions of failure of the state in its responsibility to citizens, the question to ask is, has the Nigerian state failed its 168 citizens kidnapped in the last 35 days ago? To these 168 Nigerians, “Nigeria has happened to them” – a statement that characterises the rising hopelessness and an uncanny acceptance that Nigeria connotes terrible things, and when it happens to you, it is the worst thing you can face.

    “Nigeria has happened” to one of the kidnapped women who had the unfortunate situation of having her baby in a dungeon amidst terrorists and kidnappers. What a way to enter the world for the new baby! This incident makes a mockery of the many excuses of the state. The terrorists and kidnappers brought doctors and medical supplies into the forest to get the baby delivered. Yet our security operatives have not managed to fish them out. The kidnappers successfully managed labour delivery, contacted the family, broke the delivery’s news, and sent photos of the new baby to the woman’s family and the world.

    Where are our intelligence operatives with all these happening? If the kidnappers interact within the community, why can’t the intelligence operative track them through those means? The state must take this issue of insecurity more serious than it does now. The minister of Information, Lai Mohammed, claims that the state’s actions to release the kidnapped victims are confidential. He expects Nigerians to trust the government and believe that the victims will be released soon. But history is not kind to such expectations. Similar past events have shown that such hope in the government may be misguided. “Once beaten, twice shy”.

    The average Nigerian citizen has expectations of the government – that it will secure citizens’ lives and properties in most cases. This expectation aligns with all citizens’ social contract with the state and expects the state to abide by that creed. The situations where non-state actors cross boundaries and attack unarmed civilians in their villages are unacceptable. Similarly, when citizens going about their regular businesses are terrorised and kidnapped by internal non-state actors, and 35 days later, nothing meaningful seems to have been done by the state is against decency and good taste.

    Nigerians have the right to demand security and safety of their lives and property, and the state must act quickly to fulfil that. Erosion of trust in the state to protect citizens will lead to anarchy and mayhem.

    The international community has expectations of the government too. It expects the government to maintain and protect its territorial integrity and monopolise control of all instruments of coercion within its territory. Nigeria is a regional power and has a history of keeping regional peace in the sub- Saharan region. This history earned it the respect of the world in the past. How the giant of Africa faltered to the point that non-state actors are constantly challenging and sometimes outmanoeuvring it beggars belief.

    Security-wise, Nigeria is almost becoming the butt of jokes among countries within the region who hitherto rely on it for security. This anomaly must be contained very quickly. The Nigerian state has no business competing for control of territory with non-state actors, and where this is the case, it must do whatever it takes to restore its control over all its parts and deal decisively with all forms of local banditry, terrorism, and secessionist rebellion with its might.

    Nigerians and the international community have been expecting this for a long time, and this is the time to make it happen. The pertinent question here is, how can Nigeria solve the insecurity crises facing it?

    Among the many apparent solutions to the problem of insecurity is the most practical one – the state must rein in its security forces and give them everything they need to succeed. It is crucial to empower the security forces and provide them with the mandate with clear deadlines to wipe out bandits and insurgents. Adopting effective kinetics and non-kinetic approaches in tackling criminals will improve the situation.This is time for action and not statements or declarations.

    The state should optimise intelligence and involve the people in intelligence gathering. By the way, the bandits are humans and live and interact within communities. Good intelligence gathering will help the security forces efficiently deal with insurgencies, including banditry and kidnappings.

    The insurmountable nature of insecurity in Nigeria is heart-breaking. It is time for a change in thinking in tackling insecurity. There is no sense in doing the same thing repeatedly that gives the same results. We need to change tactics and resolve to deal a decisive blow to non-state actors terrorising the citizens and our way of life. We should start with the perpetrators of the train bombing last month. Government must make it a duty that it owes Nigerians and the victims of the train terror attack to rescue the 168 victims of the ordeal, plus the new baby, and bring to justice, the criminals who committed the crime. It is now or never!

  • Party nomination cost; tickets for sale? – By Dakuku Peterside

    Party nomination cost; tickets for sale? – By Dakuku Peterside

    The people are the bedrock of democracy. The supremacy of the people and the democratic institutions over and above individuals, no matter how well placed or wealthy, is at the core of democratic principles. Behind this democratic collectivism lies the individual’s inalienable rights and privileges that assume equality of all before the law, equality of all votes (one man, one vote) and equality of opportunity for all to seek elective positions of power in the country. In a true democracy, the struggle for power and the right to serve is not in the hands of the elite or the wealthy who can afford the election process. This anomaly goes against the principle of democracy and tends towards aristocracy.

    In advanced democracies, all efforts are made to, structurally and procedurally, create an enabling environment and easy access for many, irrespective of their social and economic background, to aspire for power and to serve. Based on this principle, most countries limit the cost of electioneering campaigns and the electoral process. Although it has been challenging to implement such financial restrictions, there have been attempts to limit campaign costs in Nigeria.

    Recently, parties in Nigeria put out information on the cost of expression of interests and nomination forms for various elective positions in the country, including that of presidential candidates. The figures mentioned have not followed the reality of economic conditions in the country nor the basic principles of financial restriction in elections and, in the views of many, are considered exorbitant and only affordable by the wealthy, thereby shutting out average Nigerians who have the capacity and ability to serve in various capacities but could not afford the party’s nomination form to participate in the primaries.

    There is a moral panic regarding the outrageous cost of these party nomination forms, especially with the two major parties of APC and PDP. The PDP and APC pegged their presidential nomination forms at N40m and N100m respectively . The APC charge has resulted in a 370% increase from the cost in the 2019 elections. The APC Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, on national television, have posited that though the cost of N100m may seem high, it is vital to charge that much to raise funds to cover party expenses for the forthcoming elections because the party has little or no funding sources. He further argued that capacity to raise funds, overall, is a critical measure of acceptability and viability of aspirants for office . As noble as this idea seems, N100m for nomination form has a psychological tipping edge for most Nigerians who see that amount as huge and outrageous, especially in a country where the minimum wage is N30,000 per month, and still people are not paid for months.

    The costs of these nomination forms for APC and PDP, the two major political parties in Nigeria, are beyond the reach of more than 90% of Nigerians. This cost comes across as “party tickets for sale”. Over 90% of the electorate cannot afford these amounts, especially for the presidency and governorship nomination forms, which shuts them off the election process. Inadvertently, this cost bars the middle class and working-class people who have something to offer from participating in the electoral process to the best of their ability and interest.

    Besides the cost of the nomination form, data on campaign expenditure in Nigeria is not available, and money spent on the electioneering process is top secret and just left for individuals to conjecture. What is known is that with each election cycle, the cost gets higher, and inversely the value office holders deliver in-service drops. The inference is a relationship between the prohibitive cost of running elections to get elected and the quality of governance. We may not capture the consequences of the excessive cost of securing a party ticket and getting elected in numbers, but citizens feel it.

    The argument that aspirants from less privileged financial backgrounds should solicit funds from party members or family and friends to raise money to buy nomination forms and fund elections is not tenable and goes against the spirit of democratic service. Aspirants should not be indebted or beholding to anyone or persons to avoid problems of the rich and powerful hijacking the election process and, ultimately, political leaders that will emerge.

    One of the significant reasons candidates compete for elective posts is that they want to serve. Sometimes, some candidates know that the financial reward for serving may be little compared to the rewards from their private ventures, and they often will be willing to bear a minimal cost for this privilege. Nevertheless, with the prohibitive cost of electioneering, from getting a party ticket to running a campaign, the venture becomes monetised and transactional. The more money it costs to win an election, the more candidates become Machiavellian in their approach to pursuing it—the prohibitive cost of securing party tickets and conducting election fuel corruption and undermines democratic values. Cerebral Felix Morka also countered this, that there is no direct correlation between cost of fees and tendency for corrupt enrichment .

    Little wonder to some candidates, winning is a do or die affair and must be done at all costs. After running huge costs, they become corrupt to recover their “investment and make a profit” when they eventually win. This problem makes many politicians loot the treasury with impunity when in power. If they borrowed the funds or their “godfathers” sponsored them, they would become puppets in the hands of these financiers or special interest groups.

    Even with the candidates’ noble intentions of serving the people, the financiers force them to compromise in situations where the candidates’ values and that of their financial sponsor conflict. He who pays the piper dictates the tune is a famous saying that readily comes to mind in this regard. In the recent past, we saw political actors in massive conflicts with their financiers and godfathers over how to administer state activities or even how to share allocations of funds. We can still remember how a governor was kidnapped by his sponsors and forced to compromise on financial and appointment decisions he must make in the state.

    The state was held captive by these unscrupulous power mongers and money bags who wanted to control the state apparatus of power and money. Often, this degenerates into moral decadence and even to the loss of lives in the pursuit of power. Our elections witnessed a wanton display of money (in bullion vans} and shameful buying of votes and bribing of electoral officers as a continuation of overspending that started with buying party nomination forms for the elective position. During party primaries and elections in Nigeria, the amount of money awash in the system is mindboggling. Elections become a game of who has more resources to outspend the others to win party tickets or elections.

    Besides, how many middle-class people with integrity and competence can afford the sum for APC and PDP Presidential nomination forms? By the cost of party nomination forms, many working-class people and middle-class politicians cum technocrats who cannot afford these party nomination forms are shut out of the process. Also, young people are discouraged from participating since they may not afford even the 50% reduced rate for nomination form for the APC. Effectively it makes meaningless the “not too young to run“ affirmative action.

    This issue may cause a total lack of interest in seeking political office by middle-class and working-class people in Nigeria. Compared with developed democracies, Nigeria fares poorly in middle-class and working-class participation in elective positions. For similar positions, for example, in the US, the cost of party nomination forms for primaries is less than that of Nigeria, especially when factors like per capita income and other economic variables intervene.

    The cost of a party nomination form (filing fee) for primaries for state governors and US Senators ranges around $5000 and $3500, respectively, and that of an APC governorship ticket is about $85,000, which is about sixteen times more, whilst the per capita income in the US is more than twenty times that of Nigeria. An average middle-class American who earns about $3000 will have to save his two months’ salary to pay for the party nomination fees, whilst an average Nigeria middle-class that earns about N500,000 will have to save about one hundred months’ salary (almost ten years) from raising N50m to buy a governorship party nomination form. The contrast is shocking.

    The exorbitant cost of our elections, from the party nomination to primaries through to the elections proper, forces a mercantilist ideology on our political actors. It becomes a quid pro quo situation where financiers, whether candidates themselves or external people, change officeholders’ priorities to suit those who funded their elections. In situations like this, special interest groups and other external power players shifts focus from governance and leadership to achieving and accomplishing their pecuniary interests and often hold the system hostage for their distinct advantage. The people, Nigerians, lose on all fronts.

    Nigeria is at a crossroads. Only a credible general election in 2023 that ushers in the people’s choice as leaders in all true democratic sense will push the country in the right direction. All should jettison anything that will inhibit popular participation. Structural hindrances to popular participation across all social strata and groups will be a desideratum to our collective political loss.

    Every political party in Nigeria should open itself up to allow for more democratisation of the system by allowing for popular participation by reducing the cost of participating in the electoral process. It is time parties operationalise the idea of membership dues and contributions by members. The current huge nomination fee structure distinguishes between party members and party owners. I hope that, even if not the 2023 elections, subsequent elections must benefit from lowering the cost of buying the party nomination forms for interested candidates. We need to keep deepening our democracy and stabilising core democratic values that all players must abide by. The party institutions in Nigeria are the microcosm of the more extensive Nigerian state. Any disempowering impunities and structural boundaries, whether intentionally or unintentionally, create confusion and discord, and these must be uprooted and replaced with better democratic core values and ethos.