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Tag: Dakuku Peterside

  • When ghosts vote; voters register, and credible elections – By Dakuku Peterside

    When ghosts vote; voters register, and credible elections – By Dakuku Peterside

    There is some optimism, founded or unfounded, that Nigeria will be witnessing credible elections in 2023. This air of optimism is hinged on many factors, including the recently signed electoral act amendment bill with clauses that will ensure that votes count and electronic transmission of results. Even though this amendment was not in place then, the deployment of technology in the electoral process ensured a free and fair election in the November 2021 governorship election in Anambra State. This is not the first time we have witnessed this level of optimism, and Nigerians are said to be among the most optimistic people on earth. However, it appears the optimism this time is founded on solid grounds. The electoral reforms seem real, tangible, and credible. The mood in the country is such that there are high expectations that our democracy is deepening to the extent that we are getting closer to having a free and fair general election.

    However, this optimism is tainted with the reality that Nigerian politicians always found a way to circumvent the electoral system through the instrumentality of manipulation. An optimist assumes that election rigging is surreptitious, accidental, opportunistic, and circumstantial. He further assumes that although there may be some semi-level planning and execution of electoral malpractice, most rigging is operational and procedural. However, recent events show that this view may be overly optimistic and jaundiced. The reality is that election rigging is more structural, heavily articulated and orchestrated than we ever think. As a case study, we will critically examine one structural factor that may undermine the “freeness and fairness” of the 2023 general election.

    Registering voters may seem like the most mundane task in the electoral process. It is a simple task that involves registering all eligible voters on the voters’ register that acts as the basis of confirming voters during the conduct of the election. Getting this task right is fundamental to a free and fair election. However, INEC recently revealed that 44.6% of voters registered in the ongoing continuous voters registration exercise is either “ghost” or invalid voters. INEC further posits that it is as high as 60% in some states. This is also reflective of the true state of the existing voters register used for previous elections. There is no denying the fact that the existing voters’ register is riddled with cases of double or multiple registrations, underaged persons, a high number of dead persons, inaccurate assignment of polling booths, and deletion of names of eligible voters. These scenario pictures are mindboggling, and beggars belief.

    The issue of voters register is not just peculiar to Nigeria. In most developing countries, voters register irregularities and manipulations have affected their democratic elections and outcomes. In Ghana, the case of irregular voters’ register reached the supreme court and forced a judicial settlement of an electoral issue, which often affects the legitimacy of the outcome of elections. In India’s recent elections, the names of an estimated 120 million eligible voters were missing from the voters’ register. Furthermore, most of the victims were women and people from minority ethnic groups, which suggests that it was deliberate and targeted. In the Gambia, the challenge is the high number of dead persons on the voters’ register. In Guinea recently, there was an inflation in the number of people in the voters’ register who come from specific districts to favour the ruling party. The list goes on.

    Winning or losing elections can structurally depend on the content of the voters’ register and how it is used during elections. Politicians know this, and they have started to influence the voters’ register to reflect their intended outcomes. There are hypothetically a few ways voters register can become a weapon of structural rigging of elections.

    The most obvious is that the more the number of voters in the voters register from a particular area, the more likely a higher number of votes from that area. Little wonder politicians in some areas influence the registration of “ghost “, ineligible, and sometimes under-aged people on the register. Political actors also try to get people supporting them or their parties to register en masse whilst suppressing voters registration from opposition strongholds . The impact of 60% invalid or “ghost” voters on the forthcoming elections can only be imagined.

    There are two main reasons for politicians’ interest in manipulating the voters’ register. Other than their apparent desperation to win elections at all costs, politicians negotiate political power and advantages based on the voting strength of their constituency. The higher the number of voters on the voters register in your constituency, the more bargaining powers you have on the power-sharing table. The second and more pungent reason for manipulating the voters’ register is that politicians rig elections by writing the results, which often does not reflect the actual voting during elections. Voter’s register becomes a limitation to the number of votes they can award to themselves or their party. A state with 2 million registered voters cannot have above 2 million votes, but if it has 7 million registered voters on the voters’ register, the result writers can write up to 6 million votes for themselves or their party. This anomaly is even worse because we have judicial precedence that shows the almost impossibility of proving that elections are rigged based on manipulating the voters’ register. So far, there are no consequences for writing fictitious results other than the violence that it generates. However, as the new electoral law and technology makes it difficult to write fictitious results , analysts may interpret electoral numbers as voters apathy when in reality it is a case of “ghosts “ who are unable to vote.

    The second way voters register can become a tool for structural rigging is when information or data is skewed or disorganised to make it difficult to verify a voter. If information about the address, age, and other personal information is inaccurate, it becomes time-consuming and even challenging to accredit voters, thereby disenfranchising them. In some cases, people voting for a particular politician or party are discredited, and time is wasted in the accreditation process, making some voters not vote because it never got to their turn to vote or leave in frustration thereby tilting the outcome of the elections in a predetermined direction. Therefore, it is vital to update necessary and verifiable information of voters on the register before elections, and INEC must never allow politicians to influence that process. Fake and multiple registrations are a clog in the efficient and effective voting process.

    These reasons have given rise to questioning the integrity of our voters register. Stakeholders, political parties, and civil society all know and acknowledge that our voters’ register is not credible. Moreover, the voters’ register is key to free and fair elections and is at the root of manipulation and rigging of elections. The system has undergone reforms to make our voters’ register credible, from manual voter registration to biometric, bimodal voter accreditation system (BVAS) to automated biometric identification system (ABIS). However, these reforms have not wholly guaranteed the integrity of our voters register. This is not peculiar to Nigeria or developing countries. Even advanced democracies face a similar challenges with broad implications.

    Politicians are desperate to win elections for economic gains, and voters register manipulation is at the root of rigging elections in addition to basic dishonesty among political elite. Therefore, INEC must do all it takes to stop them by protecting the voters’ register. INEC must make sure that its staff do not collude with politicians to rig elections by manipulating the voters’ register and anyone found guilty must face the wrath of the law. There must be consequences for aiding and abetting voters register manipulation and by extension election rigging . Political elite and their accomplices found guilty by a competent court of law of rigging elections must face the punishment as a deterrent to others. People rig elections here with impunity and get away with it. The pertinent question is: what can we do now to end structural and even procedural rigging of elections in Nigeria, especially when it comes to manipulations of the voters’ registers?

    I recommend that INEC in the near future starts merging the voters’ register with national identification number (NIN ). The NIN has given us the opportunity of creating a national database of Nigerians. Using the NIN to help verify and complement the information on the voters’ cards will help reduce the number of “ghost voters” on the register. This is even more pertinent given the dearth of reliable data on death, birth, and population generally. There is currently a data mayhem in the country . It is also vital that INEC performs regular audits of the voters’ register using other parallel biometric registration systems and databases (such as the driver’s license register). The voters’ register must be a live register and must constantly be updated to make it current and relevant.

    INEC must hasten to move away from analogue practices and embrace automation and digitisation technology. INEC must combat the high level of voter ignorance and illiteracy that leads to multiple registrations or some voters becoming pawns in the hands of greedy politicians . An information campaign using social and traditional media, digital, and analogue, to reach and educate voters before registration is necessary.

    The problem of credible voters’ register is real and with us now. It may be the bane of the 2023 general election if nothing is done now to improve the situation. Politicians are already capitalising on some of these loopholes mentioned to undermine credible elections come 2023. I must acknowledge the progress in improving our electoral systems and alleviating election rigging in Nigeria. We are moving in the right direction.

    Nevertheless, more is needed. The impact of voters register manipulation and election rigging is enormous. Not only that it subverts the people’s will but forces on the people unscrupulous, morally bankrupt, and inefficient leaders Nigerians do not want. The result of their leadership also moves the country backwards and into the abyss of underdevelopment, and poverty. It is crucial to our democracy that votes count, and people can choose to vote in or vote out any politician or party that is not delivering dividends of democracy in line with the people’s hopes, dreams, and aspirations. Anything less than this may lead to a total breakdown of our democratic system in the long run.

  • Rascality of political parties and 2023 election – By Dakuku Peterside

    Rascality of political parties and 2023 election – By Dakuku Peterside

    Democracy thrives with the rule of law. The fundamental principle is that the law is always supreme and must be the guiding spirit of all actions in public life. Those who fail to abide by the letter and spirit of the law get punished. If a law is found wanting or repressive, using the instruments of the legislature or judiciary, the law is interpreted, amended, or repealed. The constitution is the bedrock of the law, and any rule or law that conflicts with the constitution is null and void and of no effect. These are the foundations on which our democracy is built. Instead of abiding by these principles, politicians, political parties, and power wielders act rascally and abuse the laws with impunity. Little wonder, the INEC recently warned all political actors and parties to comply with the constitution, the electoral act, the provisions of their own constitutions, and the guidelines issued by INEC.

    Is there anything in our genes or nature that says we cannot obey rules? From historical antecedents, Nigerian political parties and political elite have little or no room for compliance with rules, laws and statues, and I mean any law at all. Nigerian political parties can pass for a good study in lawlessness and rascality. Partly, this may be why there is increased judicial intervention in our politics, both in internal party affairs and in electoral outcomes.

    In our democracy, political parties are supposed to be vital institutions that provide the platform under which people participate in politics. Using a football analogy, political parties are like football clubs where all members share the same hope and aspirations that the club succeeds in football games and tournaments. The club creates its brand, ideology, and essence and puts in place the administration to select, coach and mobilise a team to compete effectively in football tournaments. So, the club is not just a vehicle for winning football games but an institution that represents an ideology, a way of life and the collective vision of its members and supporters.

    Likewise, political parties are not just vehicles for winning elections, but critical institutions of democracy built on solid values, ideologies, and visions. As a critical democratic institution, a party must allow rules and laws to guide the power struggle. When this is not the case, anarchy is inevitable.

    Parties must never cherry-pick which rules or laws to comply with and which ones to jettison. This flagrant disregard for the rule of law, even parties’ own constitution, has led to great distrust by the people and is part of our perennial leadership malaise. No matter what political party leadership says, Nigerians are sceptical that there is no place for rules in this part of the world. At least, this is what the political actors have sown in the minds and heads of citizens. Nigerians now believe politics is a game with no rules, not fit for anybody with a modicum of moral foundation.

    This lawlessness and impunity exhibited by parties force the exclusion of capable leaders from joining politics. It is disturbing that whenever I discuss with great private sector leaders the importance of joining politics to increase the quantity and quality of leadership in our political space and enrich our democracy, and better the lives of our people, they often come back with “this your Nigerian politics is too dirty and uninspiring for us”. The famous social scientist Professor McKenzie probably had Nigeria in mind when he warned several years ago that “if the rules limiting the struggle for power are not observed more or less faithfully, the game will disappear amid the wreckage of the whole system”.

    However, Nigerian parties are victims of society’s rascality, which started in the military era, but they have gone ahead to perfect the lawlessness and rascality with impunity. Our political parties and stakeholders chose to borrow and adopt a military culture of impunity where a tiny clique of influential party leaders believes their interests are above the party rules and the law of the land. The rules and laws make no meaning to these political overlords, and they breach the rules and laws, and political parties expect that there will be no consequences. The rascality of political actors have led to the emergence of judicial rascality especially on matters of political dispute.

    Political rascality is an open invitation to anarchy which we are yet to realise because the political elite often got away with it. The established norm is that the rules to which we collectively subscribe guide the right of the individual members of a political party and citizens.

    Recently, INEC also called on parties not to conduct primaries outside the constituencies for which parties are nominating candidates in line with Section 84 of the Electoral Act 2022. This rule is clear, and all parties know about it. However, it will not surprise anyone interested in politics in Nigeria when some parties flagrantly begin to break this rule and conduct primaries outside the constituencies for which the parties nominate candidates. In the past, we had examples of party primaries happening entirely outside of the constituencies or sometimes in “unknown” places for the interest of some selfish leaders within the party.

    Also, INEC has provided a nascent timetable of political activities. We expect the parties to follow this timetable and abide by the procedural and operational guidelines stipulated by INEC. Some parties neglect this timetable and dictates of the procedures and rules as stipulated by INEC and superimpose their own on the party for various ulterior motives that may be anti-democratic.

    In the internal processes of some Nigerian political parties, the personal interest of the leaders dominates the collective interest and good. Personality cult, blind loyalty to individuals, opportunism, personalised rule triumph over generally accepted rules and laws. They trivialise respect for laws and rules and popular participation. Some leaders foist candidates on the party based on parochial interest that is not in the interest of the party or the country.

    This anomaly has led to a situation where people with no proven record of leadership or people management occupy sensitive positions of authority with no knowledge or skills to perform and no moral standing to do what is right other than doing what the leader wants. In this circumstance, democracy and the people suffer. Following the party’s rules as stipulated in the party’s constitution, the electoral act and the constitution will only strengthen democracy and attract quality and suitable people to take leadership responsibilities.

    This rascality of parties has led to increased intraparty conflicts and pre-election litigations. In the past, such intraparty conflicts and pre-election litigations were a rarity. Since this current democratic dispensation, there has been a phenomenal upsurge in such matters, significantly impacting Nigeria’s electoral process. Some of such matters have reached the supreme court. Furthermore, the judicial decisions at the apex court on these issues have re(shaped) our electoral ecosystem for generations to come.

    I must state that there is a need for our country to move back to the period when such intraparty conflict hardly existed, much more occupying the precious time of our justices to adjudicate matters that they would rather not venture into at all.

    There are many examples where the rascality of parties has cost the parties and their members dearly. The example of Zamfara State APC is still fresh in our minds. In the Zamfara case, the supreme court’s decision significantly impacted the electoral system and allowed another incursion of the judiciary into our politics. The parties are still reeling from the consequences of the intraparty conflicts that led to the problems.

    I hope all stakeholders must work hard to avert such conflict and minimize judicial intervention in electoral outcomes. The basics of most intraparty conflicts are the impunity and rascality of the party and the party leadership, and they must reduce this to the barest minimum. They are, in fact, the bane of our democracy.

    The rascality of parties is heinous in three significant ways. It is wishful thinking to expect a group of lawless individuals to lead a peaceful and prosperous country based on law and order. No group of individuals, be they a political party or otherwise, can give what they do not have. Besides, if the political parties can disregard their constitution, ignore INEC guidelines, breach the electoral act, and assault the country’s constitution, then democracy is in danger. Furthermore, a political party lacking internal cohesion and discipline cannot successfully administer the state or the people even if it succeeds in winning elections.

    We expect parties to have mechanisms for internal discipline, internal self-correction, and internal protection of the rule of law. Nigerian political parties must follow the laws. They must provide platforms credible enough to form governments that are peopled with individuals who agree with and abide by the ideology and principles embedded in the party, have the leadership qualities to deliver dividends of democracy to all and have an overwhelming desire to obey the rules and laws of the parties, INEC, the Electoral Act, and the constitution of the country. Intraparty conflicts which often lead to pre-election litigations are bad omens that do us no good, and they subtract from our democracy and are distractions from the serious business of leading and serving the people.

    In the end , I recommend that political parties set up mechanisms to ensure that the parties abide by all the rules and laws guiding internal party systems and external party activities regarding pre- election, election, and post-election. Leaders in political parties should stop any actions or inactions that are undemocratic and unlawful, which is the basis of conflict within the party. The personal and selfish interests of leaders must be subsumed whilst the collective interest of the members must dominate. Nigerians are becoming politically savvy. Recent events show that Nigerian youths are waking up to their responsibilities and are mobilising to make an impact. Any party that neglects this fact and goes back to “business as usual” may be creating its doom. In the 2023 general elections, let us say no to party rascality and impunity!

  • Kaduna-Abuja train attack; troubling times for a nation – By Dakuku Peterside

    Each passing day, terrorists and bandits are getting bolder and more strategic in their attacks in Nigeria. Nigerians are so used to the terror that it takes a terrorist’s act of great intensity and maximum impact to get our attention. Recent events mark a watershed in terrorists’ activities in Nigeria. Terrorists invaded Kaduna International Airport and killed a security guard attached to the Nigerian Airspace Management Agency, NAMA; an attack by scores of armed terrorists, who invaded an Abuja community, Gurara, bordering Niger State and the FCT; and a terror attack on Abuja- Kaduna train, which left at least eight passengers dead, 41 injured and scores kidnapped.

    These few weeks have witnessed these gruesome attacks that have deflowered our collective sense of security and peace. Attacking our critical transport infrastructure will affect our economy and people’s movement and alter our way of life if we do not stem the tide now.

    Persistent attacks on trains and rail infrastructure is only symptomatic of a nation in distress. These attacks have been increasing in frequency and intensity, and citizens’ lives and rail assets are in peril. Less than six months apart, we witnessed two attacks on trains and rail infrastructure. Last October, bandits operating on Kaduna- Abuja axis destroyed a portion of the rail track with explosives. Last Monday’s attack on a train by suspected bandits or terrorists left a sour taste in our mouths.

    We can no longer afford to play the ostrich; instead, it is time we admit the urgent need for sober reflection and step up our determination as a people to confront terrorism in all its ramifications. It is self-evident that the Kaduna- Abuja train bombing has brought a few issues to the fore. These issues need urgent attention by all stakeholders to make a meaningful difference in the fight against bandits and terrorists targeting our gateways and transport systems.

    Although new to Nigeria, terrorists have always targeted trains to inflict panic on the people. Madrid, London, and Mumbai are big cities that have witnessed ugly incidents of train attacks with devastating impacts. They have risen above those incidents and created a security system that has stopped further attacks in their cities. What can we learn from them?

    The first issue we must acknowledge is that trains and airlines are new targets for bandits and terrorists. Interestingly, they are focussing on Kaduna state for their operations. Kaduna is the microcosm of Nigeria. It is a melting pot for Nigeria’s ethnic and religious diversity and has historical significance. Its nearness and link with Abuja give it access to the seat of power in Nigeria. Little wonder, in recent times, Kaduna – Abuja express road is the epicentre of terrorist and bandits’ activities in Nigeria. The train travel was succour to many residents and visitors to Kaduna as it offers the safest route to enter and leave Kaduna.

    This terrorist attack on the train has tainted the only safe route to Kaduna for many people. Many people wonder what next to travel with if terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers attack the roads, trains, and airports. This is the strategic nature of these attacks to inflict much panic and alter people’s lives, even if momentarily.

    Like what people living in the big cities of London, Madrid, and Mumbai, who were affected by the train bombing, did, Nigerians should not allow terrorist to achieve their aim of disrupting our way of life. We should not be deterred from using trains and other forms of transportation to send a clear message to terrorists that we are united in defiance of their reign of terror. This is only possible when the government proactively puts in place, systems, structures, and processes that will militate against terrorists’ activities in the trains.

    The second issue is the need for a general concern for public safety. It behoves us to work collectively and collaboratively to ensure public safety. Security is not just the job of security officers; everyone should be involved. I do not believe in the conspiracy theory making rounds. It claims that security has become big business, and security personnel and their cronies are feeding fat on the proceeds of money meant for our collective safety.
    However, I believe that our security systems have not done enough work in convincing and mobilising all of us to be security savvy and engage in security surveillance and intelligence. People must be asked to report anything they feel is a security concern to the appropriate authorities. The slogan should be “if you suspect it, report it”. This intelligence-gathering helps the security officers to prevent such dastardly attacks. These terrorists are not spirits; they are humans and engage in various activities within communities. If everyone is vigilant and ready to play a role in the security ecosystem of our trains and railways, we will succeed in checkmating these ugly terror incidents on our rails.

    The third issue evident in this attack is the importance of data. When the incident happened, it was difficult to ascertain the actual number of passengers that boarded the train. Some media reported that about 970 people were on board the train when the incident happened. However, I must note that the train capacity was far less than that and the number of tickets sold was also less than the number of people on the train. The implication is that the data or personal information of most people on the train was not captured. It becomes challenging to know precisely how many people were rescued, kidnapped, or killed in this ugly incident. There was insufficient data to plan for an adequate rescue mission, and the challenge of data is real in our country.

    The fourth issue is our emergency response. In cases of emergency, time is of great essence, and it means life and death. We need to evaluate how long it took security officers to get to the scene of the incident. What about the medical emergency regime, is it fit for purpose? How many lives were saved because of medical emergency response process in place? This is a germane issue that requires greater attention now. The proactiveness of an emergency regime ensures a more significant percentage of survival and lesser serious health complications for the victims.

    The fifth issue is the government’s overall proactiveness to the train. Was the government response swift and adequate? The Minister of Transportation and the Governor of Kaduna state quickly went to the scene of the incident and condoled with the victims of this dastardly act. The minister made some remarks about how all Nigerians must work together to improve the security situation in the country. It also came to light that the minister of transportation initiated preemptive action against this anticipated terrorist action by taking a proposal to the federal executive council . The finer points and details of cabinet debate do not concern a public preoccupied with basic safety and security . It was unfortunate that this issue did not get priority attention it deserved at the cabinet level.

    The last issue is the porous borders, especially in Northern Nigeria. Many victims claim that the terrorists were not Nigerians but foreigners. They must have crossed into Nigeria through the various porous borders in many parts of the North. It does not help too that we have too many

    illegal immigrants who may have access to light weapons and explosives that are all over the place in these areas due to the security crisis there. It is time Nigeria took it seriously to enforce substantial border restrictions and monitor extensively the illegal immigration crisis the country is facing. It should also work hard to stop the proliferation of weapons all over the country.

    A critical look at the issues above reveals that we need to do a lot to curb this menace of terrorism, , especially by protecting critical transport infrastructures like trains, railways and our airports. It is crucial to have well qualified and better equipped armed guards on every railway couch. Based on the incident, the few police men in some of the coaches gallantly engaged the terrorists in a gun battle and at least repelled them for a while before help arrived. Imagine what would have happened if they were not there at all.

    The use of technology to drive security in the trains and railway station is essential. Last Wednesday, Nigeria’s transport minister, Chibuike Amaechi, said that the train services would resume “with aerial security from the Airforce” when the damaged rail track is fixed. This promise will help reassure passengers of adequate protection on the train. The collaboration with the Airforce is essential because repelling such terror incidents require multi-agency and multi-sectoral engagement at all levels to ensure the safety of passengers. I am in no doubt that if this had been in place before now, this attack would not have been successful.

    I will add that there is a need for electronic surveillance of the entire route to avoid terrorists hiding in some areas to perpetrate their evil acts without detection. This surveillance system will help detect the terrorists far earlier before they attack. It will also help the security team to respond in time and save lives . Globally , security is dependent on actionable intelligence driven by technology.

    Every thing considered , Freedom of movement is a constitutional right. The state must guarantee Freedom of movement, and it is a serious responsibility. Failure to protect lives and property by the state means that it has failed in its duty in the social contract with its people. I will assume this will be the last attack on trains because all must work to ensure it never happens again. If it happens once or twice, as it did this time around, it can be discounted, but it is not discountable when it happens a third time. People in authority must bear the responsibility and be accountable for all preventable terror incidents to the government and people of Nigeria.

  • APC convention, the night after – By Dakuku Peterside

    APC convention, the night after – By Dakuku Peterside

    It has been a long road to the APC convention, after 22 months of uncertainty and another long night at the historic and symbolic eagle square that ended the waiting game. At the end, the president and the conclave of governors triumphed. The fundamental tenets of democracy – freedom to choose candidates, individual conscience and conviction dictating the choice of candidate, and competition among candidates to demonstrate capacity and abilities for which they will get votes for in the quest for positions in the party administration – were all sacrificed for the stability of the party, marked by political horse-trading, high wired intrigues, reign of the oligarchs and permutations. This situation is similar to what transpired at the PDP convention last year.

    Unity List surfaced, endorsed by all the governors elected on the party’s platform. The emergence of a unity list, a product of behind the scene power-sharing arrangement, led all contestants to the party’s chairperson to step down from the contest and support Senator Abdullahi Adamu, the preferred candidate of Mr President for the post. Unity list is another word for democratic consensus and appears to be one of the Nigerian political class’s innovations offering to democracy.

    Although accepted as part of democratic practice, Unity List or democratic consensus may become undemocratic depending on its application. When people at the upper echelons of power orchestrate democratic consensus and force it on party members to deprive them of the opportunity to exercise their democratic freedom to choose the candidate of their choice based on their knowledge and conscience, democratic consensus becomes tyrannical and authoritarian. Its triumph, although expedient, may upend democracy and lead to political apathy.

    The big questions in dealing with Unity List or democratic consensus are: who determines the unity list and what criteria determine who is in the list? What is consensus about a Unity List, and who determines this consensus? How do we arrive at this consensus, and for whom? I must point out that when democratic consensus is reached based on broad base consultation of most party members and for reasons apparent to all that is germane for the development of the party and democracy, it might be a tool for growth and stability.

    However, when there is no broad consultation and the decision as to Unity List and the people in it do not have vast acceptance by members of the party but was decided by a few for selfish and parochial interests, it becomes a tool for oppression and dominance by power wielders – in this case, the tyranny of the governors and the president. Three key factors promote this tyranny of the governors; the first is unlimited access to state resources. The second is the lack of checks and balances by the various state houses of assembly, and the third is enlightened self-interest to protect themselves.

    I acknowledge the imperfections of our democratic system and our federalism, and I also understand the importance of the principle of fairness, equity, and justice in power distribution in our multi-ethnic and heterogeneous country. With utmost good intentions, we may resort to tinkering with the established western-style democratic ethos to achieve a greater good.

    However, we must exercise caution because the “road that leads to hell is paved with good intentions”. Sometimes, we can quickly lose the essence and purpose in tinkering with the tenets of established democratic practice.

    The fundamental principle of democracy is that power belongs to the people and that periodically, in a free and transparent election, they choose whom to transfer their powers to as leaders. Any process that takes away this power from the people, either in party or general elections, is an anathema to democratic progress.

    Although there may be a need to adapt our democracy to fit our local circumstances and needs, we must be careful that the democratic process is transparent and engages most people. It must be defined from ab initio in the political system and, most importantly, cannot lend itself to abuse by politicians and people who allow the fluidity of process to constantly achieve personal gains against collective gains.

    Two schools of thought compete for space on the issue of democratic consensus – those for it and those against it. Those against consensus argue that the democratic process is full of conflict and competition to decide whose ideas or views of how and who govern society triumph. Furthermore, they argue that the right thing is to allow all persons and ideas to compete freely. If there is a need for reconciliation, it should be after the people have made their choices. They also posit that it closes or restricts the democratic space for those who are not insiders.

    Those who support consensus believe it is the best way to preserve party unity in a fragile democratic system where democratic culture has not yet taken root. In the specific case of APC, the president needed to intervene for party cohesion and to forestall implosion. Those who are conversant with recent happenings in the party believe it was on the path of self-destruction.

    Each school of thought on democratic consensus has its pros and cons. However, mature democracies hardly rely on democratic consensus, and they have developed mechanisms to deal with democratic conflicts that emanate from a diversity of opinion, interests, and aspirations of members of the party or people in general. However, the current state of APC favours consensus. APC is in bad shape; the contention for the presidential ticket is taking a toll on the party’s health. This convention is too close to primaries preceding a general election.

    So, we hope that as democracy deepens in Nigeria (although some may argue that democratic consensus hinders progress to maturity), democratic consensus – be it in the form of unity lists, political zoning, or federal character principles, will reduce drastically, if not completely eradicated. They will only exist if we have adopted them now as part of our bespoke democracy that caters to our unique political circumstances and needs.

    One factor that drove the APC party’s decision to adopt a Unity List is the fear of the judiciary and the impact of the panoply of litigations and counter litigations that ensues as the aftermath of any conflict in the party. The judiciary is beginning to play a significant role in the parties’ internal affairs. Is this good or bad for democracy?

    Suffice it to say that the judiciary is the last hope of the ordinary person to seek redress and compensation when wronged. However, the judiciary is being weaponised to drag the party down or undermine the party’s unity. The fear is that if there is no unity list and there is an open competition and elections of the candidates for various posts in the party, losers may recourse to the judicial process to seek redress. Moreover, by so doing, this may cause distraction and tension just a few months to an all-important general election the ruling party are planning to win. The work needed now to achieve landslide victory for the party is enormous, and distractions from fights or conflicts from party elections will undermine this.

    Besides, all APC key actors agree that the stability of the ruling party is critical for the advancement of democracy in Nigeria, but their actions do not portray they know that. What is driving all key actors is positioning themselves to realise their political ambitions. This case is even more evident in the intractable “factionalisation” existing in most state party structures. These factions spill over to the national convention and cause disharmony and lack of cohesion. Little wonder proponents of democratic consensus felt that that is the only way forward to avoid mayhem.

    The convention was a success in some ways and had areas for improvement. The most important success is that it has voted in the “de jury” party chairperson and a national working committee to pilot the party’s affairs before and during the general election in 2023. About 46 NWC positions are contested and filled, including 21 NWC and 45 non NWC positions. Given the drama of party disunity prior to this convention, the party is better positioned to focus on the forthcoming election.

    However, I noticed that this convention was “game as usual”. The convention’s rhetoric and narrative toed the same line as the past and even mirrored the PDP convention. As was the case with PDP, much focus was placed on platitudes and niceties about the party’s progress, government, and areas they have done well throughout the APC convention. Speeches after speeches poured encomiums on President Buhari, and everyone seemed to be “patting everyone on the back” for a job well done so far. It is essential to state that the speeches of Gov. Abubakar Bagudu of Kebbi, Rt Hon Femi Gbajabiamilaand Vice President Yemi Osibanjo were outstanding and profound.

    However, conventions should be times for reflections and critical analysis of what the party and the government it created have done to improve people’s lives and democracy. I must note that there was no discussion about the situation in the country, no discussion about the ideological underpinnings and policy direction of the party or how to deliver dividends of democracy to Nigerians. Nobody talked about rising poverty in the land, perennial ASUU strike, inflation, insecurity, unemployment, and the many issues plaguing Nigerians, and the party stands on how to solve the problems.

    APC must ideologically and philosophically differentiate itself from other parties and be very clear about what it stands for, what it believes and what it is “selling to the people” – value proposition. This convention is a missed opportunity to deepen the core values of APC and instruct members of the unity of the “broom”.

    In the final analysis, the intractable APC convention for 2022 has come and gone. We have elected (selected) our party leaders primarily through democratic consensus. We do not yet know the effect on our democracy, and we cannot predict the impact accurately. Democratic consensus may either be an ingenious system that saved the APC convention from imploding or a knee jerk reaction that closed the political space and killed the democratic principle of the power of the party members to choose their leaders in a competitive party election without interference from any quarters. Only the future will tell, and political analysts and pundits will look back at this convention and pontificate on its impact on democracy in APC and Nigeria in general. Henceforth, Nigerians look forward to a peaceful APC that will focus more on the incoming general elections than political dramas within the ruling party.

  • Zelensky, Ukraine, and lessons for Nigerian leaders – By Dakuku Peterside

    Zelensky, Ukraine, and lessons for Nigerian leaders – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Leadership can come from anyone, anywhere, anytime, but this skill and attribute crucial in moving an organisation or nation forward is in short supply in Nigeria. Whenever we spot good leaders, it behoves us to find out why they got it right and use these to critically evaluate where we missed our way. In the past few weeks, the world has stayed focused on developments in Ukraine and Russia. The actions, inactions, and speeches of Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelensky is now of foremost importance to the world.

    Zelensky rose from being an actor and comedian to leading a country through one of its most challenging moments. Ukraine is facing an invading army of great military prowess, which is the nation’s cross to carry. However, other countries and sub-nationals are facing crises of different proportions and dimensions.

    Although dichotomously different in most aspects, Ukraine and Nigeria have parallels that allow us to compare these nations and explore ways leadership has been at the core of driving these nations forward. These parallels anchor on leadership in a time of crisis and uncertainty. Although not facing a superpower invading army, Nigeria is facing multiple existential and developmental challenges of epic proportions in its history. Apart from the civil war period, at no time has Nigeria been on a precipice, with an uncanny feeling that it may tip over as today.

    On the other hand, Ukraine is fighting the mother of all wars – a war of attrition with a nuclear superpower bent on stopping NATO and western expansion and global dominance. Ukraine has become the epicentre of the proxy war between Russia and the West. The way leaders of Ukraine are handling this war leaves lessons in leadership that will benefit Nigerian leaders. But first, let us try to conceptualise leadership and situate it in the Russian – Ukraine war context.

    Leadership is not about power, title or position. Vladimir Putin has vast power and all the adornment and paraphernalia that go with that power. And yet, as he sits at his ridiculously long table surrounded by opulence and “yes-men,” he does not lead. Putin is a symbol of tyranny and intimidation but certainly not a leader. While he demands deference, he does not earn respect. The highest calling of a leader is to unlock potential in others.

    President Zelensky has held the title and power of a President for several years, but it is only during this war that the world began to take notice of his attributes as a leader. He is a leader because he invests all his energy into unlocking potential in others. Zelensky is a classic small man pitted against a modern day Goliath. He is on the side of liberal democratic values of freedom and sovereign integrity fighting against a known autocratic leader. He has become a defender of liberal order against the authoritarianism of Russia and China. Inadvertently, he has built up the capability of his people for resistance, the potential of other nations for steadfast and significant support, the prospect of the world to remember that some principles and ideals are worth fighting for, no matter the cost.

    Leaders have the fortitude to ask of themselves what they ask of others. President Zelensky has done what he is asking his people to do, and he and his family have stayed in harm’s way and resisted the invading army. While he has a particular role, he knows that others’ parts are equally essential. He has not focused on himself, but on the outcomes he must achieve.

    While many others call him a hero, Zelensky always turns this attention towards others. He reminds the world of the courage and sacrifice of Ukrainians, and the vital role other nations must play in support of freedom. Despite all the enormous setbacks and difficulties, he points towards an aspirational future State: a free and sovereign Ukraine, a European continent and a NATO alliance with renewed purpose, and a contained rapacious Russia. He has not hesitated to challenge others to play their crucial role, and he is looking for accountability and results.

    Why has President Zelensky been so effective at rallying his people and the world? He displayed the courage to face reality and the candour to describe that reality. Because when the circumstances changed and Russia invaded, he quickly pivoted from a belief that this would not happen to fully accept the current state of war and the hard choices that were now necessary.

    Zelensky is gifted in communication skill, another attribute of great leaders. He has bluntly described this reality in a complete, candid, compelling, and consistent way so that no one can misunderstand where things are. He is endowed with charisma, character and courage, something lacking among the Nigerian elite and leadership class. He has displayed an elevated level of selflessness.

    People follow leaders who fight for them and place the group interest above personal interest. Corrupt leaders are driven by greed and self-interest and can hardly earn the confidence and support of their followers, and corruption is the bane of leadership in Nigeria.

    Unlike Ukraine, as a country, Nigeria does not have a critical mass of leaders who lead by example. The fuel crisis we suffer today as a country is simply a failure of leadership to rise to the occasion courageously. We need the kind of courage and sincerity displayed by Zelensky to tackle the fuel subsidy issue that has lingered for too long with no clear path to resolving it.

    Insecurity has festered because of a lack of commitment, sincerity, and leadership creativity among Nigerian leaders. No leader has rallied the people and institutions in Nigeria to eradicate insecurity by tackling its root causes and facing the criminals squarely. Nigerian leaders often allow ethnic parochialism to bottleneck any progress in tackling Boko Haram, terrorism, secessionist agitations and banditry. Our leaders have failed to find a lasting solution to the perennial problem of insecurity, economic hardship, and corruption. Our leaders must realise that these evils, like Russians, have invaded our country, and they must declare war on them.

    A few pertinent questions merit our thoughtful consideration. What does Zelensky represent in leading during chaos and crisis times? What lessons can Nigerian leaders learn from him? How can they apply these leadership lessons to the Nigerian context? Nigerian leaders have a few lessons to learn from Zelensky and developments in Ukraine. Every nation, subnational or firm will face its crisis at one time or the other. It may not be an invading army but a development challenge, governance or public health crisis, or just any unanticipated issue. How do our leaders react?

    Zelensky has, without doubt, rallied the nation behind the cause of defending Ukraine from an invading neighbour. He has, in diverse ways, inspired the Ukrainian army and citizens to stand up for the nation and its future. He has led by example. Nigerian leaders have no such paradigm. Nigeria leadership challenge is to manage a country at peace but faced with grave governance issues. The task is for our leaders to rise to the occasion. They should rally all Nigerians to work towards eliminating corruption, ethnicity, and insecurity in our country. They should create a vision of Nigeria post-insecurity and get Nigerians to visualise and envision it to get their buy-in to the “free Nigeria project”. Our leaders must change the narrative and force a “paradigm shift” on our collective psyche.

    Zelensky kept true to his belief and has walked the talk by staying back in Ukraine to fight, unlike the Afghan president who abandoned the country at the slightest threat of Taliban invasion. Zelensky has stayed to defend his country. He has become the symbol of Ukrainian resistance, a focal point for the pride felt by Ukrainian citizens. He embodies the risk, so many of his fellow Ukrainians now are taking. His courage has been as infectious as a virus, with far more positive results, and he has demonstrated total commitment to the conflict.

    Many Nigerian leaders will abandon their people at the slightest threat to their comfort. Nigerians feel abandoned by their leaders in their times of need. It is either that leaders did not come to their rescue during attacks, or never showed any interest in the plight. Even when they show interest, they do little or nothing, milk the photo opportunities for the press, and abandon the victims to their fate. Nigerians are fade up with the sirens and armoured vehicles with scores of security operatives guarding their leaders everywhere they are when millions of Nigerians are displaced from their homes and are in IDP camps, still afraid for their lives. Many Nigerian leaders play the ostrich instead of walking the talk with tackling insecurity. Zelensky has demonstrated courage, good humour, and grace under the storm. We cannot tackle some of our challenges, such as existential threats of ethnic agitation, insecurity, subsidy corruption, fuel scarcity and ongoing ASUU strike, because of a lack of courage by our leaders to face reality and devise ingenious solutions. Every government that comes to power promises to deal with the fuel subsidy problem and change our fuel regime. The gap is sincerity, courage , ability to communicate in a way that inspires trust.

    Zelensky has inspired loyalty from his people, and this loyalty is such that some Ukrainians outside the country are coming back to fight and defend its sovereignty. He gained this loyalty by convincing his people that he fought their cause through his words and actions.In Nigeria, most of our leaders cannot earn the loyalty of their constituents or citizenry because there is a mismatch between their words and actions, and quite often, their actions do not align with the ideals and aspirations of the people they lead. It is only through their commitment to group ideals and aspirations that leaders inspire loyalty.

    When President Zelensky was a comedian, no one would have predicted that he would become a historical figure and a leader who inspires the world. He reminds us of one last truth about leadership. Anyone can lead, and in the end, leadership is always a choice.

    Nigerian circumstances are vastly different from an invasion and ground war. But it is like Ukraine in the fact that we are fighting too many governance issues and anti- developments wars . You do not need to wait for an actual war to show extraordinary leadership. All that is required is for leaders to elevate a major national or subnational problem to the status of an emergency and use that emergency as a conflict and apply the same principles as Zelensky did. Authentic and creative leadership , inspired by common good is the catalyst to changing things for the better.

  • Women at war: Gender equality bills to the rescue – By Dakuku Peterside

    Women at war: Gender equality bills to the rescue – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Within the last three weeks, three significant events happened. First, during the constitution amendment, the National Assembly rejected five gender bills, and as expected, our womenfolk were enraged. The world celebrated women’s day, and this year the campaign theme was “Breaking the Bias”. Nigerian women from all backgrounds and social strata mobilised in their numbers to protest at the National Assembly in what they considered the mother of all protest, which signposts the new dawn for women. What is the significance of these events? Beyond the rhetoric of affirmation and striving for gender equality, what must Nigerian women do to confront the hydra-headed problem of the girl child and women in our society? Post gender bills, what real issues stop women from realising their full potential in Nigeria? These questions call for introspection and reflection on the urgency of social change in gender relations.

    These recent events and related responses demonstrate the acute sensitivity and sheer determination Nigeria women have about issues of gender inequalities. Their actions are galvanising a critical mass of voices clamouring for a change to the status quo, and the ring of these voices are reaching a crescendo in advocating for women empowerment and simply asking for our Nigerian women to enjoy just a few of the privileges Nigerian men have that seem ‘commonsensical’ and normal.

    I must unequivocally state that I stand with these women in their struggle for fairness and equity. I salute their resolute stand in fighting for what is right. I believe that a nation that neglects or sidesteps 50% of its population and workforce simply because of path dependency on patriarchy is a nation doomed to fail. Improving and harnessing the talents and gifts in our women is a no brainer, and it baffles most people that any institution will be insensitive or undermine this, much more an institution representing this 50% population in the national assembly.

    The five gender bills rejected at the National Assembly will not bring gender equality. But they are the first and foundational steps in the climb to gender equality. These bills request women to have a minor stake in areas historically dominated by men.

    These five bills include: first, a bill to create additional seats for women to increase women’s representation in the National Assembly – this bill will lead to a significant increase in the number of women in the Parliament, which currently stands at 5 per cent; second, a bill to enable Nigerian women to transfer citizenship to foreign husbands, a right that every Nigerian man married to a foreign spouse enjoys; third, a bill to ensure affirmative action of at least 35 per cent in political party administration and appointive positions across federal and state levels; fourth, a bill to provide a minimum of 20 per cent of ministerial or commissioner nominees are women; fifth, a Bill to allow a woman to become an indigene of her husband’s state after five years of marriage. The National Assembly rejected all these bills, and womenfolk primarily saw it as a marker of insistence on the old order.

    The broader significance of the rejection of these bills is that the progress of Nigerian women in the quest for a more egalitarian society seems to be momentarily truncated. All the proposed constitutional amendments were meant to end bias against women and ensure the minimisation, if not total removal, of barriers millions of women faces based on their gender. These rejections speak volumes as to the mindset of most people, especially men in power and male-dominated institutions. As products of patriarchy, the National assembly reified the dominant ideology prevalent in our society, which is sympathetic to the plight of our women but fights hard to stop any change to the status quo. This ideology is seen in culture, religion, and politics.

    Suffice to say that this is not a typical Nigerian problem andseem global. Still, most societies, especially developed ones, have made progress in improving the opportunities available to women and the quality and impact of women in their society. These societies are tackling these dominant masculine ideologies at the basic levels of family, community, and religion by creating an ecosystem to normalise gender equality.

    Any struggle for gender equity that neglects the battle for the minds and hearts of people and advocacy to make people understand the importance of gender equality at the micro-levels of society will not succeed. Little wonder many of the representatives, although paying lips service to the issues of gender equality, refused to vote for it in the constitutional amendment voting in the hallowed chambers. The bills succumbed to the intricate politics, intrigues, and horse-trading peculiar to the national assembly. The high-powered advocacy given to this bill by the wives of the president, vice president and all the governors in Nigeria is not enough to get both houses to pass some of the bills.

    This rejection was more poignant because it happened when women worldwide celebrated “International Women’s Day” with the theme “Gender equality today for a sustainable tomorrow”. This celebration is at the core of putting women and their issues at the heart of global politics and governance and the emerging global socio-political and socio-economic milieu.

    Women worldwide watched to see how the Nigerian Parliament would vote on those issues and give them something to celebrate this year. They were utterly disappointed. Little wonder our women took to the street and marched to end oppressive tendencies against them. Women in their numbers marched to the National Assembly to register their disgust at the parliamentarians’ actions that failed to pass the five gender bills.

    The protest acknowledges that in most countries, even in advanced democracies, better women representation came out of protracted legislative and civil rights actions. A price must be paid for change, irrespective of its low or high cost. Freedom is not free, and our women have shown they are ready to get dirty to win their freedom.

    These women are following in the footsteps of great women of yesteryears that marched against the colonial masters and specifically against their tax policies that resulted in the now-famous Aba Women’s Riot of 1929. Just like other famous women advocates of the past – such as Chief Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti, Hajia Gambo Sawaba, and Chief Margaret Ekpo – these doyens of democracy and gender equality crusaders are pushing hard to get the National Assembly to have a second look at the bills and reconsider their stance. Fortunately, The House of Representatives will be voting again on three gender bills – citizenship, indigeneship and 35% affirmative action in party administration. This step is crucial because it will give the bills a second chance and might upend consideration for change in the status quo.

    The realities of women’s political participation are staggering. Although statistics show that more women vote than men in our general elections, they are dangerously less represented in our government. The Nigerian Senate has only eight female senators out of 109; only 13 female houses of representative’s members out of 360, and 44 out of 991 state legislators are females. There are 15 State houses of assembly out of 36 with no women as legislators and no female governors. These disturbing statistics show a deep-rooted bias against women holding leadership positions, and if we do not take urgent steps now, these numbers will continue to slide from bad to worse.

    Beyond the gender bills, we need to do more to uplift girls and women in our society. A panoply of issues bedevils women’s progress in our society that men and women face but have the most devastating effect on women. These issues include the persistent and increasing burden of poverty on women, the inequalities, inadequacies and unequal access to education and training for women, and unequal access to health care and related services. Women also face violence against them, adverse effects of armed and non-armed conflict on women, especially with the emergence of Boko haram, banditry, and its likes. Prevalent inequality in economic structures and policies in all forms of productive activities and access to resources. Women are victims of inequality in power relations and decision-making, at all levels; insufficient mechanisms, at all levels, to promote the advancement of women; a lack of respect for, and inadequate promotion and protection of, the human rights of women; stereotyping of women amongst others.

    Advocating for higher representation of women in elective and appointive offices is critical. And it may potentially be attained through some form of legislative intervention, as seen in other parts of the world. However, a change in attitude amongst and towards women and massive education of the girl child will help advance the agitation of women to be considered equal within their homes and in Nigerian society.

    Educating our children from an early age about issues and the importance of gender equality, changing our attitude towards the girl child, and massive education of the girl child is viable, necessary steps towards addressing gender inequality. Representation is only one step and cannot be done in isolation of other essential steps.

    The issue of uplifting women in our society is for the benefit of all. Highly productive and engaged women in our society will add to our country’s development and unleash great development strides. Women are our mothers, wives, daughters, and sisters, and they deserve better than the men in Nigeria allow them to get. They need to be freed from the encumbrances of gender discrimination and inequalities, and the government must be leading this significant change in society. It is the task of everyone in our society to change the age-long practices and dogmas that have held women’s emancipation hostage for a long time.

    I will recommend that more sensitisation programmes and advocacy projects be carried out on this issue to get the buy-in of most people in the country. Also, in my experience of passing laws in Nigeria, I understand that lobbying for votes requires articulation, resources, and time to be successful. Our women need to mobilise and pressure the system for their rights per their demographic dominance. Rights are often secured, not handed on a platter. It is a fact that some men will not hand over male privileges simply because of little agitations and niceties from women. More work is required to bring about a complete change in attitude, orientation and actions that are anti-women in our society.

  • Ministers and their report cards – By Dakuku Peterside

    Ministers and their report cards – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Last week this column focused on the legacy of elected political office holders as we wind up a political era and transit to a new one. This week, we will focus on political appointees. After nearly three and seven years respectively of service to the nation, it is time to reflect on the performance and value addition of our ministers and heads of parastatals . To hold our ministers and heads of Departments and Agencies, appointees of the President, accountable is a fundamental element of participatory democracy.

    In our clime, the power these officeholders exercise, and the impact of their actions and inactions are too significant to be ignored in the power equation. This situation is more noticeable when you have a charismatic and efficient leader as a minister or head of parastatal. They galvanise their ministries or Agencies to achieve their mandates and improve the quality of lives of people and the country’s development.

    Three critical assumptions, though misleading, are common in our country. One, ministers are only accountable to the President and not the people. Second, only the President sets the minister’s target, and he alone can assess their performance.. The third is that whether ministers perform or not, the credit, blame or condemnation goes to Mr President, who appointed them to act on his behalf.

    Under proper scrutiny and contextualization, these assumptions are not the absolute truth in American-style democracy, which we copied without effort to adapt to our cultural context. Ministers are mentioned in the constitution, and they derive their powers from it, and the people approve them through the legislature to serve them. The third is that the fund they spend for all activities flows from a national purse or our commonwealth.

    The import is that they owe their primary loyalty to the country and the constitution from where they derive their powers before whoever appointed them. Ministers cannot hide under these fallacious and illogical assumptions to dodge the accountability responsibility distinct from accounting. Every Ministry exists for the public good; it is thus consequential that ministers and heads of parastatals explain and justify what they did with public funds to advance the public interest. Anything short of that is democratically unacceptable.Ministers and heads of departments and agencies are the instrumentalities through which government functions and performs its duties. The government implements all its policies through the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs)with their civil service structure that is supposed to be apolitical and designed to serve the government of the day.The minister’s role is crucial in shaping an efficient and effective ministry that is fit for purpose and delivers good dividends of democracy to the people. We can safely conclude that the sum of the output of government ministries, departments and agencies (headed by ministers and heads of parastatals as political appointees) roughly corresponds with the total productivity of government in terms of structures and infrastructures, policy creation and execution, and procedural and operational efficiencies of the socio-economic and political ecosystem. Based on the above, the principal function of the minister or head of parastatal is to organise, manage and direct all material and human resources available to the Ministry or agency to achieve their set mandate in line with the dominant ideology, goals and aspirations of the government in power. They must see themselves as the voices of the government they represent and, in a democratic society, the voice of the people and the voiceless.

    This present government appointed 36 and 42 ministers during the first and second term respectively . It also appointed heads of parastatals or agencies under each of these ministries. How have they performed in the past three or seven years, depending on when they were appointed? What indices of development have they credited? How have their works impacted the quality of lives of the people they serve? What are their scorecards? Answers to these questions will highlight the efficacies or lack thereof of the ministers and heads of parastatals and the ministries and agencies they supervised. Typically, the presidency that appointed the ministers ought to have a template for assessing the ministers at periodic intervals and at the end of their tenure. In spite of their political character, it might be better to assess ministers more like departmental CEOs with clear targets and performance indicators.

    The ministerial mandate challenges the individual appointee’s creativity, energy, and managerial capacity. In acknowledgement of this, at the mid-term ministerial performance review retreat held in October 2021, nine priorities and presidential legacies were identified and commitments made by the ministers. We are yet to see these commitments impact significantly on the macro economy, poverty reduction, food sufficiency, power, education and health outcomes. As leaders, ministers should start reflecting on the legacy they are leaving for posterity. This last year before the general election allows them time to complete whatever they consider legacy projects or programmes, concentrate on a few projects that will create significant impact, or change course and at least accomplish a good for the people. Failure to make good use of the time left may be tantamount to a lost opportunity, and history does not forgive mediocrity.

    Today, a cursory survey of our serving ministers indicates that a tiny percentage made a significant impact. Others are anonymous, and a few interested contractors remember them as ministers who are always sleeping on duty. The staff may remember a few others of their various ministries as passers-by who added no value but colluded with contractors to pillage our commonwealth.

    We still reminisce about ministers that did great work in Nigeria in the recent past. We have had ministers remembered for innovative policies and who made a difference; we remember Ngozi Okonji Iwela for securing debt cancellation for Nigeria and creative management of the economy, Akinwumi Adesina for innovative agriculture policies that served the poor, amongst others. So, if a minister wants to be in this league of much-loved ministers in Nigeria, now is the time to create the legacy, and history will be kind to them.

    The Heads of parastatals are not left out. That parastatals spend trillions of Naira yearly to provide services – regulatory, advocacy, projects and therefore deserve public scrutiny. These services are the backbone of the entire ecosystem and, if not correctly performed, will result in inefficiencies and non competitiveness across all the sectors of the economy and poor quality of life for all. The major sectors of the economy, from maritime, telecommunication to banking, are regulated by these agencies to ensure they function well and do not crash the system. Unfortunately, only a few of these parastatals and agencies are functioning optimally and fulfilling their mandates.

    Some of the Heads are performing exceptionally, and the impact of these parastatals are felt across board. We owe much gratitude to such heads, and history will favourably judge them. Some of these heads of parastatals are showing outstanding leadership in transforming an almost moribund administrative system they met when they were appointed into a modern organisational system that is technology- driven and vision-oriented. However, most of the heads of parastatals had performed below expectation and had not made any positive changes to the system they inherited; instead, they had left it worse than before they took office. To these heads of parastatals, I sincerely hope they will use this year to reflect on the tasks at hand and map out ways to improve.

    Based on my experience, the challenges of managing an MDA or parastatal in Nigeria is enormous. You are up against landmines and deeply entrenched interests. Any head of parastatal must be focused, determined ,proactive and have a knack for efficiency and achieving goals to make any meaningful improvement to the system. In some parastatals, the combination of unskilled and unmotivated human resources, an almost religious reliance on path dependency ,and nearly non-existent modern technology to drive the processes and increase productivity make it nearly impossible to achieve meaningful results. Transforming a parastatal is a science and an art. I have documented my own experience of changing NIMASA in the four years

    I was saddled with the responsibility of steering its ship in my seminal book with the title “Strategic Turnaround: Story of A Government Agency published in 2021. Waziri Adio , who served as Executive Secretary of NEITI, also did in his memoir,”The Arc of the possible” . If you need some new insight into strategically repositioning a parastatal in Nigeria, read these books and you may find useful lessons from them.

    Ultimately, the quality and effectiveness of Ministers and Heads of parastatals are critical to the government’s overall performance as all policies are executed through the instrumentality of Ministries, Departments, and Agencies. Ministers and heads of parastatals should admit as a reality that they face three assessments: the assessment of Mr President who appointed them and at whose pleasure they serve, the public who they are assigned to serve and history, which keeps records. Of all three verdicts, that of history is most striking and sticky. If the verdict is to be believed, Nigerians do not reckon with most of our ministers. But it is not too late to improve. This year will make a turning point in creating legacies for the ministers and heads of parastatals. A stitch in time, they say, saves nine.

  • Exit talks of political office holders – By Dakuku Peterside

    Exit talks of political office holders – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    The beauty of democracy lies in the transient nature of political power. The fact that power is contested periodically and those who wield power submit to such a contest in a free and fair election, where other candidates struggle for power with them, is the essence of democracy. This mechanism ensures that elected political office holders go back to the electorate to account for their stewardship. With the assent to the electoral act by Mr President, most political office holders in Nigeria are at the eve year of a general election and must be reflecting on their time in office and deciding whether they have done enough in line with their goals and aspirations before taking office, and how to use the last year before the election to accomplish whatever goals are left.

    It is time to reflect on the legacy they are bequeathing posterity and the name they are making for themselves. It is a time to reflect on how well they have served the people – for, in a democracy, power is mellowed by service, a service to the land, people, and country. On the 29th of May 2023, 13 months from now, most of the Governors and all legislators will be leaving office. Barring any unforeseen act of nature. This is the reality of life and public office.

    It is only natural that political office holders want to do something that will outlive them or that people will remember them for.

    Legendary Mahatma Gandhi can still be remembered for his pro-poor people policies. Lee Kwan Yew laid the foundation for a modern

    Singapore, a first-world nation, by investing in people. Paul Kagame ended the genocide and leads a United and prosperous Rwanda. Nearer home, Obafemi Awolowo is remembered for his legacy on education, which gave the southwest a significant advantage.

    These leaders mentioned above have one thing in common – a towering legacy that is their “lovemark”, and citizens of their countries of various generations adore them for their extraordinary leadership and commitment to the growth and development of their people.

    Legacy is born through unique individual actions and projects that positively impact peoples’lives and mark an epoch in the peoples’ history. Legacies are tangible, concrete and easily identifiable by all as remarkably changing the fortunes of a people. Great political leaders create grand visions for their people, galvanise all human and material resources available to them to actualise these visions and develop policies, projects, and actions that are catalysts to achieving the collective vision. The impact of these policies, projects, and activities become their legacies and often are as important as the ecosystem they build.

    In Nigeria today, there are three classes in terms of legacies among the Governors: Governors that point to essential infrastructures ,white- elephant projects, and projects for aesthetics rather than transformational value. Governors who did nothing but have enough excuses to fill the Atlantic Ocean as to why they did absolutely nothing for their people.

    Governors that have left their names in gold in the minds of their citizens based on articulation and implementation of transformational policies and programmes that bring about real impact and improvement in the lives of citizens. They built projects that impacted many people and different parts of the state and created pro-human capacity development ecosystems that improved the quality and value of human existence in their states.

    Based on the yardstick articulated above, any critical mind can determine where each state governor falls in these classifications. A self-appraisal by each governor of their leadership and contribution to the development of their states will help determine which class he belongs in the above typology. What the governor and his people do after such appraisal is left for them, but we hope this self-scrutiny will help every stakeholder use this last year before elections to push to achieve something. Granted, in most cases, the legacy of our Governors has been a mixed one and not necessarily what they would have wished. However, it is better to do something about it now than miss the opportunity to make an impact despite resource and environmental limitations.

    A cursory appraisal of most Nigerian Governors shows that some have done relatively well in improving the quality of life of their people in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, SDG. Although not meeting the target for development stated in the SDG, some governors improved education standards and outcomes, some healthcare outcomes – especially rural healthcare and healthcare for children and the elderly, and radically improved basic infrastructure that facilitates growth (roads, power,clean water, and basic sanitation system). To these governors, Nigerians and citizens of their states owe them immense gratitude, and we hope they will complete some of these impactful projects before their tenor ends. .

    To the governors who, although faced enormous security challenges and limited resources and yet worked hard to protect the lives and properties of people in the state, we owe them immense gratitude and posterity will not forget the excellent work they did. At the dawn of security and peace across Nigeria, posterity will remember and talk about your sacrifices and good leadership at a time of unprecedented uncertainties and risk.

    To the governors who have done little or nothing that significantly impacts human growth , we advise them to use this last year to remove their name from infamy by delivering impactful dividends of democracy to their citizens. It is time to rethink their strategy with the mindset of legacy.

    We also have three classes for legislators. Those who said nothing and may be attended a few sessions and were almost incognito in the hallowed chambers, and funny enough, legislators in this class are significant. Secondly, those who made hollow speeches and had no impact, perhaps, are more interested in contracts, which seems to constitute the majority. Third group are those who pushed for legislation that impacted the people and will be remembered for positive contributions.

    Very few Nigerians can convincingly link our current legislators with transformational bills. Unfortunately, Nigerians may remember them more for “budget padding” and other negative vices than consequential legislation. Even the Petroleum Industry Act and the Electoral Act amendment bill have been drowned by stories of budget padding and hollow presentations on the floor of the chambers. This is a period of self-reflection by my former colleagues, our esteemed lawmakers. What legacies have the “red and green” chambers collectively and individually made in the past three years? What legacies have they bequeathed their constituencies?

    Although one year may seem short, it is still long enough for the legislative chambers and legislators to leave a befitting legacy for the country. Are there aspects of our democracy that need fixing? Are there excesses of the executives that the legislature must curtail? Are there humanist laws that they can pass to improve our governance and benefit society? The legislature and the legislators must improve on the primary function of lawmaking and provide oversight on executives’ actions. The legislators are the true representative of the people and are the people’s voice. Democracy fails when the people’s representatives abandon the people and serve themselves.

    The appointed ministers and Heads of Agencies are not left out. This period of exit talks allows them for self and public assessment. What definable legacy has each minister and head parastatals provided? Have they been innovative and offered new ways of working that add more value to the people and the system? Or has it been a harvest of excuses and failures? Some ministers have spent up to seven years in office in this administration. Have they written their names in gold by the amount of positive impact they have made to the system?

    Verdict of history beacons – not skewed personal assessment, the chattering of praise singers or paid media promotion- will define the epoch of our times. The exit period affords all, for the umpteenth time,opportunity to sharpen their efforts and provide a tangible and concrete legacy for the people. It is time to critically look at the policies, projects and activities, decide which ones are viable and will have the most significant impact, and try and finish it within the year. Adopt the Pareto principle of focusing on the best 20% projects or activities that will provide 80% impact.

    It is not time to lose focus and engage in numerous activities that cannot be achieved given time and resource constraints or will not have any meaningful impact. Leadership requires focus and commitment to accomplishing the desired objective for the people’s interest. Now is the time to show leadership across the political spectrum.

    The truth is that exit talks have started. It is high time our political office holders reflected on their imminent exit and how they wish to be remembered – the legacy they are bequeathing. It is time for political office holders to ask themselves fundamental self reflecting questions: What achievements do I want to be remembered for? What stories do I want people to tell about me when I quit office, and what name do I want to make for myself and my children? If all public office holders did was the primordial accumulation of wealth and enjoyment of the perks of public office, they should hide their faces in shame forever. No leader has ever been remembered positively for bloated ego, selfishness, primitive accumulation, or corruption. Leaders are recognised for their values, trust in people, innovative solutions to problems, and the legacy policies and projects that benefit the majority. Leaders in the ilk of Awolowo had sleepless nights fighting for the good of their people. Today, his name is revered. Nobody remembers those leaders who enriched themselves at the expense of all.

    History will ultimately decide whether political office holders have a legacy or not, whether they are leaving their states and constituencies better or worse than they met it. They have 12 months to choose how they want history to record them. Nobody is remembered for filthy, mundane, ludicrous wealth but a real commitment to people. Leaders must use this exit talk time well, and everybody will be better for it.

  • Drama, reality and illegal refineries – By Dakuku Peterside

    Drama, reality and illegal refineries – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    The debate about politicians being among the best actors on earth is as old as humanity. What makes acting in politics so attractive is its subtle nature, emotional appeal and the interplay between human perception, real-life challenges, and human vulnerability. At the centre of all political drama is symbolic and connotative communication, where the unsavvy audience are fed, albeit subtly, messages that the subconscious assimilate, which concretises existing conceptualisations, create new meanings or re(shape) perceptions. Just as Soyinka’s seminal drama, “The Trials of Brother Jero” used an intricate web of plot, setting, and character to communicate the hypocritical nature of religious activists in Nigeria, political drama manipulate the plot and character to advance a metaphor of strength, growth, or decay.

    We get a glimpse of politicians’ political drama from time to time in Nigeria. Remember Chief Festus Okotie Eboh, Gov Ayo Fayose, Senator Dino Melaye and other respected leaders who are potential Oscar award winners., Recently, politicians and political leaders have acted more political drama than addressing the issue of crude oil theft and its corollary, illegal refining. Unfortunately, this issue for which we prefer drama to making hard leadership decisions profoundly affect the economy, environment, public health, and social cohesion. Let us x-ray this political drama scene by scene and identify the symbolisms of the drama, the characterisation of the political “Jeros”, and possible solutions to the problems of crude oil theft and illegal refining.

    Scene 1: This scene opens with the setting of the creeks of Niger Delta, littered with a network of pipelines and induced illegal tampering of oil pipelines from base to terminals by criminals who are bent on stealing crude oil. The protagonists are youths who blame poverty, unemployment and exclusion of their communities from tangible development initiatives as reason for their actions. These youths have collaborators and benefactors in these nefarious activities. We must confront pertinent questions whose answers have ramifications for Nigeria: What is the plot? Who are the heroes and the villains, and what is the impact of their activities on the oil sector by extension national economy? What is the actual volume of crude oil stolen every day and every month? Who are the thieves and their sponsors?

    NNPC figures for stolen crude from January to December 2021 and NUPRC (formerly DPR) figures for Jan-December 2021 differ. It ranges from 115,000 to 300,000 barrels per day(bbl/d). This estimate translates to between 42m to 110m barrels of crude oil per annum. At an estimated price of $90 per barrel, these amount to between $3.8b and $9.9bper annum. Stolen crude at its peak is more than the amount of crude oil produced in three African countries Viz Ghana, Cameroon and Chad . This oil is stolen from the pipelines linking wells to terminals. More baffling is the fact that billions of Naira is spent annually to protect this same network of pipelines. This volume of stolen crude implies that we cannot meet our OPEC quota and are losing trillions of Naira to some smart boys in the creeks with consequential impact on the economy. We were producing 2mbbl per day in the past, but today we are doing only about 1.3mbb per day due to crude oil theft. The unknown “thieves” have always gotten away with their loot from early 2000 to date. These raise multiple questions for which there are no answers yet. . Just imagine what $9.9b, if properly managed, could do in our communities – the number of roads, hospitals, schools, and other infrastructure that it would have built. This does not even take into consideration, the environmental degradation, associated risk and their impact on our livelihoods.

    Scene 2: The second scene opens with big foreign vessels/badges in the high seas carting away some of the stolen crude oil overseas to foreign refineries. It is estimated that eighty per cent of the stolen oil is exported, while the balance of 20 per cent goes into illegal refining in “refineries” dotting the landscape of the Niger Delta creeks. The vessels and the illegal refineries are very conspicuous and visible to be noticed yet, these illegal operations have been going on without any significant challenge from Government or governmental institutions including security agencies.

    It is noteworthy that all these areas this crime against Nigeria is perpetrated have naval and marine police presence, yet the thieving of crude oil has been going on in the past 20 years. It is alleged that some security personnel connive with and even protect the criminals and the gangs operating these illegal activities. The activities of these hoodlums have been known for a long time, but the political will to stop them has not been present. How can it be that in the past years, since these criminal activities have been in the public domain, not a significant number of criminals engaged in this have been caught, arraigned, prosecuted, and incarcerated if found guilty? Crude oil theft and illegal refining generate illicit wealth that fuels drugs consumption, arms proliferation, and criminal gangs.

    Scene three: It opens with the devastating environmental pollution and deadly soot caused by these illegal refining activities within the major cities and villages in Rivers and Bayelsa states. Soot is a deep black powdery or flaky substance consisting mainly of amorphous carbon, produced by the incomplete burning of organic matter such as crude oil. This phenomenon has been on for about seven years but has gotten worse from 2016 to date. I dealt extensively with this issue of soot in two editions of this column on 27 December 2021 and 3rd January 2022 under the title, soot and our collective conscience. Despite the enormous health implication and the damage to the economy of immediate impacted states and the country, both the federal government and the impacted state governments did little or nothing to solve the problem for over six years.

    The Rivers State government, a major impacted state, through its ministry of the environment, set up a technical committee to investigate the soot issue. It produced and submitted a technical report in 2017/2018, yet nothing was done about it. Local citizens set up a pressure group and campaigned both locally and internationally to get the world’s attention to the issue, yet nothing significant happened. The group, led by Eugene Abel sued the Federal Government of Nigeria for this monumental neglect of the lives of Rivers State residents because it has not tackled the soot problem. Local citizens and civil society organisations pushing to hold the Government responsible for solving this environmental problem are ongoing and exacerbating.

    Scene 4: Enter Gov Nyesom Wike. In his ecclesiastical and messianic approach to dealing with things suddenly woke from slumber after six years of doing nothing about the soot and swept in to rescue Rivers State from the danger of Soot, a consequence of illegal refining activities. Maybe spurred by the sting of our earlier articles on soot, Wike developed a burning desire to create an imagery of a working governor solving the problems of citizens of his state. The melodrama started. He marched into the Niger Delta creeks, like a Tarzan, with cameras rolling and journalists writing and security men brandishing AK47’s. The sudden haste to bulldoze down illegal refineries and blame the soot problem on everyone but himself as the governor responsible for the state will make one think that illegal refining and the soot problem started in 2022. Although I am happy that something is being done, at least for now, it is evident that these actions are not driven by altruistic intentions.

    The symbolism of Gov. Wike’s drama is not lost to us, such that even an uncritical mind can see through it. Swearing in front of the camera that he will deal ruthlessly with the people that steal and refine crude oil illegally, crisscrossing the creeks, physically pulling down some of the illegal refinery structures is drama taken too far by Wike. It begs the question, why now? Wike’s desperation to add to the false narrative and perception of the “action governor” and the dialectics of 2023 elections are very clear in the minds of the discerning, and the people cannot be fooled all the time.

    The truth is that the triumph of illegal refineries and the consequential soot plague is the product of criminal collusion between the Government, security agencies at many levels and the communities . It also has links with the collapse of our official refineries which has persisted for three decades .

    A responsible governor, prioritizing environmental stewardship and public health above political patronage and electoral conquests, would have declared an emergency on illegal refining and its related effect, soot in 2016. The problem of illegal refining and soot plague became aggravated in 2016, and the perpetrators were allowed to develop this alternative economy that was lucrative to locals. This economic boom feeds into the sense of entitlement to proceeds of crude that is predominant locally.

    This crime was an open secret, and everybody knew about it, including the governor. Gov Wike looked away as the boys doing this criminal business became wealthy, and he enjoyed their support. Even local people know it’s an intricate web of political interplay, economic interest and multilayer compromise by many actors.

    Having established the interplay of forces at work, It is now more critical than ever that the Federal Government shows real commitment to tackling the twin evil of crude oil theft and illegal refinery. A national roadmap with explicit definitive action is needed beyond setting up task forces that will not yield any result. A cocktail of actions is required and urgently, from awareness creation , surveillance, security, and regulatory enforcement to environmental remediation actions. Fortunately, the NIMASA Deep Blue project can be expanded and strengthened to take up the additional responsibility of tackling illegal refining,deploying technology. The Federal Ministry of Environment has been too silent and absent in the problem of soot arising from illegal refineries . Federal Government should deal with the issue of compromise and collaboration by security personnel and restore the trust of Nigerians in our security personnel and architecture.

    Affected States cannot pretend to be helpless. They have primary responsibility for the security and protection of the environment and land administration. States should enforce their environmental laws and must work in synergy with the Federal Government and local communities to tackle these evils and not play theatrics with them. They should start with a massive enlightenment campaign on the dangers of illegal refining within the communities, enforce existing laws and assure them of providing enabling environment for an alternative economy to replace the illegal economy created by illicit stealing of crude and refining. Impacted and affected communities need to understand that they have a role in tackling illegal refining. They should resist the temptation of allowing politicians to use their livelihood and environment as a chessboard.

  • Wike dashing off Rivers’ property to cronies – Dakuku Peterside

    Wike dashing off Rivers’ property to cronies – Dakuku Peterside

    The 2015 governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Rivers, Dr Dakuku Peterside, has accused Governor Nyesom Wike of being on a property acquisition spree.

    Peterside, a one-time Commissioner for Works, said that Governor Wike had cornered no fewer than 400 houses for himself and his cronies in ways he described as “ridiculous and undignified.”

    But in a swift reaction, the Rivers Commissioner for Information, Paulinus Nsirim has described Peterside’s comment as spurious, uncouth, spiteful petty, jaundiced and begrudgingly spiteful Mr. Peterside has sunk, in his unbridled obsession to discredit Governor Nyesom Wike.

    Peterside in his statement, reminisced with nostalgia the agony the same Governor Wike afflicted on some senior civil servants in 2021 when he ejected them from their official residence in the old and new Government Reserved Areas (GRAs) and other areas in Port Harcourt.

    Dakuku Peterside, the immediate past Director-General, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) expressed shock that Wike had converted some of those houses to his personal property, whilst others were sold-off at ridiculous market value to his friends and cronies.

    “Wike will go down as the most greedy and covetous governor in Rivers’ history,” he lamented, adding, “no governor has ever shown such crave for obscene wealth in Nigeria’s history as Wike.”
    “Wike’s house in his village, Rumueprikom, with all luxurious appetite that includes a helipad and bullet-proof gadgets, has become the official Government House of Rivers. And in his unbridled lust for estate acquisition, Wike is buying-off more property, including churches, schools, and private family houses, along Ada George area of Port Harcourt, either opposite, behind, or adjacent to his palatial mansion to expand his estate.

    “To intimidate his Rivers’ victims more, including the families he forced to relinquish their family legacies to him, Wike has mounted all calibre of surveillance equipment and armed security men to provide 24-hour security around his mansion. On top of all of that, Wike’s appetite to seize-and-acquire, like hell, is enlarging by the day,” he stressed.

    Peterside added that “from Diete Spiff to Chibuke Rotimi Amaechi, we had governors who showed humility and never turned their private houses to Government House; they never oppressed Rivers’ people with open displays of wealth as Wike has done.”

    The former House of Reps member accused Governor Wike of giving away over 50 houses he used his office as governor to seize from their rightful owners, located in the Old GRA, Amadi Flats, GRA Phases 1, 2 and 3, to his political friends within and outside the state.

    “Governor Wike behaves as if he is in control of the future, disregarding the culture of civility, equity, fairness, empathy and due process associated with the exalted office of the Governor; Wike is indeed a shame to Rivers’ people and all that the state represents,” Dakuku Peterside summed up.

    Countering Peterside’s charade, Nsirim said:

    “One cannot help but wonder, not for the umpteenth time, how low, petty, jaundiced and begrudgingly spiteful Mr. Peterside has sunk, in his unbridled obsession to discredit Governor Nyesom Wike.

    He explained that” his latest rant not only reeks of resentful bitterness and acrimonious slander, but has dangerously crossed the line of decency into primitive maliciousness, unbecoming of a man of his supposed intelligence and claimed academic status.

    “From puerile and unsubstantiated allegations of seizing property and dashing them to his friends and cronies, Dakuku Peterside betrays his shallow pettiness by crudely attempting a graphically salacious, yet tasteless description of a functional and operational building, located in the very heart of a throbbing capital city like Port Harcourt, in line with the urban renewal initiatives of the Governor Wike administration, which is transforming Port Harcourt in particular, into a capital city of picturesque beauty.

    “For the avoidance of doubt and with sincere apologies for repetition, we wish to appeal to the patience of those who may rightly recall, that we have explained and cleared the air on the recovery of properties, especially in previous rejoinders to this same Dakuku.

    “We want to state again categorically, that the Rivers State Executive Council took the decision to recover dilapidated government quarters from civil servants and illegal occupants within Old and New Government Residential Area (GRA), Port Harcourt and reallocate them to competent private individuals.

    “A task force was properly constituted by the Rivers State Government to carry out this mandate and the findings of the task force revealed that some of these properties were fraudulently acquired by retired civil servants through dubious processes of allocation and sale and some others also fell into utter deterioration due to the abject neglect and lack of maintenance by the occupants.

    “The properties were totally in uninhabitable condition and many were converted into commercial and business uses; in some cases, they were even subleted to private tenants, and some of these tenants used the premises for poultries, fish ponds, barbing saloons, and other unauthorized activities.

    “The Task Force also discovered that some of these properties were found to be under illegal occupants by non-civil servants, some of whom were even non-indigenes. This therefore, necessitated the recovery of these properties as part of government’s urban renewal programme.

    “The Task Force accorded the people the right to follow due process, even though some folks stubbornly toed the ill advised path of non-compliance, which had its well spelt out penalty. Notices were duly served in addition to series of meetings so that nobody was taken unawares.

    “The civil servant-occupants, who were affected by the recovery, contrary to the lies and misinformation by Dakuku Peterside, now have alternative private properties through financial support provided by the State Government.

    ” They are very comfortable in their new residences; a situation which would have been near impossible for them to accomplish at the time, on their civil service emoluments.

    “The recovery of these properties and their subsequent reallocation have been properly articulated as part of the first phase of the ongoing urban renewal programme of the Rivers State Government within the Old and New GRA, Port Harcourt, which is proceeding nicely with scheduled compliance.

    “So it completely beats the imagination to identify where Dakuku Peterside came up with the hallucination that people were ‘ejected in a ridiculous and undignified manner’ and the misleading rumour that the Governor had cornered no fewer than 400 houses for himself and his cronies and then sold-off at ridiculous market value to his friends and cronies.

    “Again, we have consistently declared that Dakuku Peterside does not live in his village, Opobo, the capital city Port Harcourt, or anywhere within and around the capital city territory, otherwise he would have been a little bit more circumspect and less flippant before describing Rumuepirikom, a bustling, thriving modern community, located in the very heart of the state, as a “Village.”

    “Governor Wike, unlike some past leaders in the State, who took Rivers wealth to build mansions in Abuja and develop other specific parts of the country, ostensibly to
    curry favour, is proudly and patriotically building at home, developing Rivers State and transforming the state capital into a beffiting metropolitan hub.

    “The urban renewal programme encompasses the entire state capital area, including Rumueprikom. By the way, if Governor Wike does not build his own house in his community, is it in a foreign land that he will go and build it?

    “Charity, they say, begins at home and the infrastructural legacies Governor Wike is setting down, especially the amazing, breathtaking flyovers, the state of the art unity roads and expressways and indeed the modern markets, the medical and academic establishments, amongst other excellent infrastructures both in the capital city and across the state, will remain in Rivers State and will continue to be used and utilized by Rivers people, long after his tenure would have ended.

    “Governor Wike has even hinted that as his administration gradually winds down, he would be spending quite a bit more time in his country home, interacting and fraternising more with his people and carrying out his usual on the spot inspections of the projects that are still ongoing in the capital territory and across the state, to ensure their completion on schedule.

    “This is in line with his pledge that he will not leave any uncompleted project behind for his successor.

    “That indeed is the hallmark of a visionary leader who is building in the present for the challenges of the future, unlike some leaders whose legacies ended in the past.