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Tag: Dakuku Peterside

  • A nation of adulterated fuel and adulterated stories – By Dakuku Peterside

    A nation of adulterated fuel and adulterated stories – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    For decades, Nigerians have been living in denial about the state of our country’s petroleum refining and distribution system. Even non- specialists without any training in elementary petroleum economics know there is something wrong with our petroleum products refining, importation, and distribution regime and regulatory systems. Unfortunately, even with enacting the protracted Petroleum Industry Act, Nigerian leaders have not mustered the political will to address the issue for reasons of political convenience and economic motives.

    One of the critical problems is that Nigeria, as one of the largest producers of crude oil globally and the largest producer in Africa, has been shamelessly engaging in importing petroleum products because the refineries are not in good working condition. Nigeria has a corruption-ridden and devastating oil subsidy regime, a poor and ineffectual regulatory framework that negatively impacts its economy. There is a need for systemic change to eliminate the importation of petroleum products, get the refineries working, and ensure a fit-for- purpose regulatory framework with little or no room for abuse. One issue that merits consideration alongside this envisioned overhauled system is total deregulation of the sector to attract private investment.

    Last week, as is the case with the pervasive substandard products – drugs, industrial products, cosmetics, drinks, and other consumables – imported into Nigeria, substandard petroleum product or, more appropriately called, off-the-specification product was imported and distributed across the nation with devastating implications on users of the products. This event sparked off a lot of fury and reactions. Typical of Nigeria, we have focused on the blame game, and nobody accepts responsibility, not even NNPC. This event is not the first time we imported petroleum products that did not meet national and international standards and will certainly not be last. The successful importation and distribution of “adulterated fuel” has vast implications, from economic losses, large scale deterioration in the performance of car engines, environmental pollution to most importantly, failure of regulatory enforcement.

    Now we face this monumental challenge; the critical issue is unravelling the truth, examining the lessons, proffering solutions on the way forward, and rejigging our supply and regulatory systems to make them more effective and efficient. The big question is, do we have the political will?Although ill-fated and hugely damaging to our economy and image, this substandard PMS brouhaha may be an opportunity to revisit our PMS importation and distribution system and the regulatory regime to get it right once and for all times.

    The usual reaction by Nigerians and the government is what we are witnessing now: the Federal Government will call for investigations, the Ministry of Petroleum will set up an investigation panel made up of the same people who should have prevented this from happening in the first place. The National Assembly will condemn and set up a committee of those with oversight responsibility to ensure this system failure did not occur ab initio. Investigators make a scapegoat of a few petroleum importing companies who acted on behalf of NNPC and use one “truth” to cover another truth until the truth becomes the casualty in the process of trying to unravel the truth. This process is cyclical and produces nothing tangible. Soon we will forget, like a collective that suffers amnesia, and new events will show up to overshadow previous ones, and we, as usual, move on as if nothing happened.

    This issue of substandard or adulterated fuel raises five critical questions that could lead us to the truth: What standards of refined PMS petroleum products are prescribed for consumption in Nigeria? Has the market regulator and regulatory process for importing petroleum products failed? Did the multiple quality control mechanism for imported petroleum products fail? How did the “off- the – standard” pass into the market and escape all checks by the regulator? Do the regulator, supplier, and testing laboratories have the requisite capacity? Why has the importation process of petroleum products been shrouded in secrecy for so long? As we transition to complete deregulation, what are the regulatory systems we are putting in place to ensure Nigerians do not suffer from consuming “adulterated products “? Why would a major oil-producing nation be a significant petroleum product importing country for over 40years? Why are our refineries refining little or no fuel inspite of billions of dollars in maintenance bill over a 25 year period?

    The specific infraction that sparked this instant reaction is that methanol, in unacceptable percentage, was found in premium motor spirit (PMS), otherwise called fuel, supplied to retailers. The product was traced to cargo delivered by Litasco, the Swiss trading arm of Russia’s Lukoil. NNPC ltd, in trying to explain its involvement in the matter, inadvertently caused panic, brought about a disruption in the supply chain, leading to long queues due to panic buying. MRS Nigeria, the retailer that raised the alarm, also issued a statement denying importing this specific cargo but instead received it through NNPC. MRS Nigeria further explained the steps she had taken to mitigate the situation.

    A consortium under the Direct-Sale-Direct-Purchase (DSDP) contract also issued a formal statement to explain her side of the story. This poor information management or miscommunication confused Nigerians about the truth about this adulterated petroleum product. Industry professionals have said that testing for methanol is typically not the conventional practice because it is a blending component for petroleum products. Methanol in acceptable quantity in PMS raises the octane level and minimises engine knock. However, PMS (fuel) with high methanol content harms car engines, leading to structural failure or the explosion of car engines. It is also highly corrosive to aluminium components and can easily cause damage to gaskets and rubber hoses. Methanol is used as various blends up to 5% in China, India, Europe, and America. More worrisome in this instant case is that this cargo with high methanol content was certified as meeting Nigerian PMS specifications by NNPC quality inspectors. Also, this product was approved by the Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDRA), the industry regulator. The import passed all regulatory scrutiny and was found fit for consumption. The net effect is that there was a clear oversight of requisite methanol content standards by the supplier and NNPC, authorized sole importer of PMS.

    I have read many knee jerk reactions from quarters, and it is evident that many commentators and “experts” do not have informed knowledge. Based on my background knowledge and experience as a former Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum Downstream, I think our focus as a country should be on the lessons in this saga to fix a seemingly intractable defective PMS importation and distribution regime.

    There are five lessons Nigeria must learn from this saga. PMS Products standards are essential for consistency and safety. First, the regulator should set holistic standards known to both suppliers and consumers, and enforcement of such measures should be sacrosanct and blind to all actors. I am not unaware that the Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) and Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), through its precursor organisation, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), have a single standard for PMS in Nigeria. Second, regulatory enforcement is vital. The regulator requires capacity, effectiveness, efficiency, and diligence. The profit motive will always drive businesses and, if not effectively regulated, will put their economic interest above public interest and safety.

    Third, technology is available in the market today to ensure the products supplied are consistent with prescribed standards. We need to optimise the benefit of technology throughout the petroleum supply and distribution network. Fourth, transparency and capacity are essential in authorising firms to bring products into the country. Lack of transparency breeds corruption compromises quality and is primarily responsible for substandard products. Finally, importing petroleum products for 200 million Nigerians, who produce crude oil, is not sustainable. Dependence on foreign refineries for petroleum products is not suitable for the price, product availability, and quality consistency, and it is susceptible to corruption. It is time we sell off non- functional refineries, license more private ones and end fuel importation and subsidy regime.

    The menace of bringing substandard fuel to Nigeria is a social, economic, and environmental monstrosity and an international embarrassment to Nigeria. NNPC ltd, on paper and face value, is the sole importer of PMS today, so it must accept ultimate responsibility for this infraction. It should ensure that it recruits only reputable and capable organisations to import PMS on her behalf, and the system must be made open and transparent. Besides, the fuel quality specification provisions need to be strictly aligned with international best practices to deter companies from cashing in on loopholes circumventing the standards and importing fuel with high Sulphur or methanol content.

    There is a need to strengthen the surveillance and monitoring structures so that regulators can easily detect such violations of standards before they enter the domestic supply chains. The ripple effect of adulterated fuel in the market is dire – the cost of recalling the products; the scarcity of the PMS product causes economic pain and hardship and damage to consumers vehicles and other engines that use the PMS. The bottom line is that Nigeria should transition from a net importer of PMS to a net exporter.

    Government and other stakeholders should do whatever it takes to kill this massive ‘elephant in the room’. They must summon the political will to crack down on offenders and to fortify the PMS regulatory regime to avoid such embarrassment in the future. President Muhammadu Buhari is leading the way by committing to getting to the bottom of the problem and setting up a high-powered committee to investigate and bring to book all found guilty in this saga. And he directed relevant government agencies to take every lawful step to ensure the respect and protection of consumers against market abuse and social injustice. All other stakeholders must align with the President’s actions and sort things out.

    This is not time for apportioning blames and pointing accusing fingers at various organisations and regulatory regimes affected by this saga, we must articulate the lessons and work hard to rejig the system to improve the situation. This development offers us the opportunity to re-examine our petroleum products supply and distribution regime and take decisive actions that benefit Nigerians. PMS is one product that all Nigerians consume, and anything affecting it impacts the lives of all Nigerians. Such a vital product must not be left to the vagaries of production and importation from abroad, and I think this must be considered an issue of national security. Fortunately, Dangote Refinery and other Modular refineries are almost at the stage of starting local refining of PMS. Hopefully, they will have the capacity to refine PMS to cover the demands of Nigerians and other African countries that depend on Nigeria for their PMS shortly.

  • Wike’s displacement of .1m Rivers people wicked, evil, inhuman – Dakuku Peterside

    Wike’s displacement of .1m Rivers people wicked, evil, inhuman – Dakuku Peterside

    Former Director-General of the Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Dr. Dakuku Peterside says Governor Nyesom Wike’s forceful ejection of over 100,000 poor and vulnerable Rivers residents from their waterfront homes is “wicked, evil and inhuman,” pointing out that it is part of the governor’s plans to convert the areas into personal ownership.

    The former NIMASA arrowhead was reacting to the recent ejection of residents from more than 10 waterfront communities in Diobu, Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital.

    Dakuku, who described Wike’s action against the residents as callous, said the spite with which the governor treated the waterfront occupants was cruel as there was no lawful quit notice or any compensation paid.

    “This commando-style of doing things always adopted by Wike has become the hallmark of his administration and its legacy,” he stressed.

    While noting that Governor Wike’s action against the waterfront residents is against all Universal Laws and Conventions on Human Rights and Habitation, including the United Nations Human Settlement Programme, UN-Habitat, United Nations Housing Rights Programme, UNHRP, the 1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and Nigeria’s Policy on Housing, Peterside stressed that shelter was a right and fundamental to the welfare, survival and health of man.

    “For Wike, who, in the over six years of his regime, was unable to provide any sort of housing programme for Rivers residents, to sack them from the little they had, shows how he holds Rivers’ poor population in disdain. Some of the residents of those demolished areas, most of whom are Rivers people, had lived there for over forty years. His actions have dislocated many families and ruined their economic survival, throwing them into the worst form of poverty. Gov. Wike’s action has created more nuisance than sanity or security,” he stated.

    Dr Peterside said in as much as he stood with and would support any urban renewal programme, such should follow due process and have human face.

    “I totally support urban renewal but it should follow due process that will respect human dignity and inflict minimal pains on the people. A responsible government would plan with inputs from all critical stakeholders, reach an understanding with residents of the affected areas on a workable timeline, and pay necessary financial compensation to cushion the effects of consequential migration.

    “Rivers people do not know the vision and development goals of the Wike administration for waterfront development other than primitive acquisition of land for the governor and his cronies” said Dakuku.

    He challenged Wike to make public his development plans for those sacked waterfront settlements if he had any.

    “Knowing Wike too well, he has no development plans for them. If he didn’t have any development plan for Rivers State since 2015, is it now that he is engulfed in the politics of his 2023 ambition that he would have development plan? The use of the left hand is not learnt in old age. By May this year, Wike would have spent 7 years in office but with absolutely nothing to show of how he has helped lift Rivers people out of poverty, or how he has helped Rivers youth develop themselves.

    “All he is interested in is transactions that will give him monetary benefits. Those sacked waterfront residents should not forget Wike’s wickedness against them and repay him and the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, come 2023,” he summed up.

  • Social media as the new political wrestling ground – By Dakuku Peterside

    Social media as the new political wrestling ground – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Society is constantly evolving, and nothing is ever constant. This constant change is a feature of human nature and endeavours. The old passes away, the new takes over, and the circle continues. For it is in this eternal change of ‘scene’ that humanity lives forever. In all facets of our existence, humans progress or retrogress to allow for change. This process is catalysed by our dynamic environment, culture, and biology. Even in our most destructive stance, war, strategy, instrumentality, and conceptualisation constantly change to fit the time’s mood, technology, and science. Change, therefore, is inevitable.

    The world had a period of global peace until the interregnum of the early 1900s. Between 1914 and 1918, the world witnessed the First World War. It was fought from trenches, supported by artillery and machine guns. For the first time, aeroplanes and poisonous gas were instruments of war. Twenty years later, in 1939, following the rise of Adolf Hitler and German intransigence, the Second World War broke out, but the weapons of warfare changed to the extent that firearms that served in the First World War were almost entirely irrelevant. Nations used nuclear power and missiles, submarines, and tanks heavily. The tools of war changed.

    Like in combat wars, weapons of political combat have changed drastically in recent times. Conventional media have always been the primary tool in politics and, for generations, to influence and shape public opinion and perception. Political discourse is transmitted through the media, especially, Television and Radio, to millions who rely on these media for political education. The newspaper was the voice and conscience of the elite and the primary source of political information for the literate in society.

    The role of media in politics and power struggle earned them the status of “the fourth estate of the realm”. It is almost as if there is no politics without the media. The media disseminate political information, frames messages, and interpret political events for their audience. However, “the media does not tell people what to think but what to think about”. The traditional media mediates and gatekeeps information to the audience. This gatekeeping function makes the media so powerful that they set agenda for society.

    Change has come. Social media is the new kid on the block, and it has radically democratised the public sphere. With one hundred Naira data on your smartphone, you can start a political storm that will have a volcanic impact. Social media is so powerful that any political actor discountenancing them does that at his own peril. Although it has not entirely replaced traditional media as the fulcrum of political activism, it is the melting pot of political debates and the crucibles of political wrestling in recent times.

    In Nigeria social media has become very potent as a weapon of politics. Statistically, there were 33 million social media users in Nigeria in January 2021. With a cell phone access figure of over 48% and internet access of 36%, Nigeria’s social media concentration is about 40% of the population, amounting to almost a 90million people. The total registered voter population is 89 million as of 2021. Therefore, most of the voter population has access to social media. That means that social and online media have almost replaced the combined mix of other media as a critical avenue of communication in social and political matters.

    Social media can be a force for democratic good and a bulwark against autocracy. It provides political actors with a platform for routine political communication between elections to provide unmediated and direct contact to connect leaders and citizenry and re-energise its political landscape. In line with the global trend, Nigerian politicians have increasingly used social media for routine political communication to link with their supporters directly. Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, under the supervision of Labaran Maku, then Minister of information, allegedly set up the “40-labtop crew” to influence voter’s choices through the instrumentality of social media.

    President Buhari had the Buhari Media Centre, once described by Farooq Kperogi as a Mind Management Centre and interactive platform set up to project the Buhari personae as well as counter the vitriolic attacks of critics of the government he leads.

    As we approach 2023, political actors and political parties are jumping on the social media bandwagon, and the landscape of political communication in Nigeria has never been so heterogeneous, fragmented, energetic, chaotic, creative, and equally polarising at the same time. Through regular, humorous, and strategic engagement with audiences on social media, political actors are (re)branding themselves as serious political contenders at both state and national levels. Some of their audiences are savvy and can distinguish between political razmataz and genuine political engagement and enlightenment.

    Social media has emerged as a pivotal battleground to mould public opinion and set an agenda. The jury is out on the role of social media in influencing political outcomes; however, the potency of social media to affect and determine voting behaviours may be limited but significant. The opposition party [APC] in the 2015 presidential elections used social media a great deal to de-market the PDP.

    Exploratory studies done in Nigeria during the 2015 elections indicate that social media played a significant role in turning popular support amongst young voters against the then incumbent federal government. By the 2019 presidential election, social media had come of age, and instead of the dominance of that space by young millennials and young adults, we observed that even older people were relying on social media for political information and political debates.

    News and messages quickly go viral with significant consequences. The government hardly controls the social media space, and the open space that results is a marketplace of ideas and opinions. Advocate for or against a political actor, party, and politicians, easily contend to win over people to their side.

    Social media afforded activists, whistle-blowers and opposition politicians, whose voices were stifled by the government in power, an opportunity to engage with the people. It became challenging to conceal potential harmful information. As discussed widely, the APC’s massive victory in these elections, in part, lay in the complementarity of its online and offline campaign strategies and its robust grassroots support base and organisational structure.

    The ethical implications of using social media in politics are clear. They stand out for new lows in public and political discourse – the pervasiveness of fake news and misinformation and a routine flouting of ethical norms relating to political communication. Social media was filled with fake news, half-truths, and malicious lies from all sides. Sometimes it was difficult to distinguish between fake news and accurate news. Character assassination and dirty language were rife. For example, one of the most prominent fake news in the 2019 election campaigns was that a certain Jibril, a Sudanese impostor, was standing in for President Buhari at public events, which he repeatedly and firmly denied.

    Besides, the rise of polarising and divisive content was a defining characteristic in the run-up to the 2019 general elections, with both the APC and the PDP highlighting communal elements in their campaigning, sometimes bordering towards hate speech. Social media enabled a style of populist politics that is combative and personal, allowing hate speech to thrive in unregulated online spaces, particularly in regional languages and within private WhatsApp and Facebook group chats.

    While name-calling, fake news, and other types of low-level discourse and unethical political communication have always existed, social media have undoubtedly exacerbated these problems to another level. Observers have lamented how political discourse in the country has plummeted to new lows, with misinformation, insults, and mudslinging becoming common even among seasoned and top political leaders. The routinisation of such political discourse in a social media age, where such messages are manufactured, shared, and replicated among populations with low-to-no levels of critical digital literacy, is undoubtedly problematic.

    Apart from ethical dilemmas, social media posts also lend themselves to the tyranny of Artificial Intelligence. Machine learning and extensive data collection have created new opportunities for governments and private companies to mount algorithmic influence operations across states and issues. Such influence activities are increasingly subtle and powerful.

    The implication is that the basis for individual judgment, opinions, perceptions, attitudes, and behaviours are influenced by non-human autonomous systems and can be subject to machine manipulation. With inadequate regulatory systems, social media and content curating companies have unlimited capabilities to control what Nigerian youths watch, read, know about, and consider essential.

    The consequence is that an unmonitored and unaccountable information-opinion ecosystem forms around the most contentious or hot-button political and social issues. An ecosystem of rumours and untrustworthy information diminishes trust in factual media. When trust in objective media or democratic institutions is reduced, people become more vulnerable to manipulation from malign actors. The opportunity for consensus becomes narrower as the basis for agreement – informed, accurate, and trusted information –diminishes. The EndSARS riot resulted from the tyranny of the social media.

    As we tweet, like, upvote, downvote, retweet, and post our way through our interconnected socially and technologically intertwined operating systems, we contribute to a mass trove of data on what we think, when and how we respond to ideas and arguments. Our collective social selves and digitised convictions and sentiments are collected per second, stored, analysed by commercially minded organisations, and made commercially available to anyone who wants them. This may be dangerous in the long run. This phenomenon is forcing the government to consider regulating social media, and the Twitter ban of the Nigerian government is a testament to the government appetite to exercise control over Big Social media platforms.

    The advent of social media has changed how politics is being organised and conducted and the nature of political communication in Nigeria. And they have allowed for a diversity of viewpoints and public engagement in a social-public sphere on an unprecedented scale. On the one hand, they have permitted democratising politics and re-energising the political landscape. Conversely , several ethical dilemmas arise with the involvement of political actors in the non- ethical uses of social media, compounded by the proliferation of social media among an essentially digitally illiterate population.

    Given the severe implications of unethical political communication in this 2023 election period, political actors need to introspect further and focus on bringing back ethics to the table. As routinised dishonest political communication has grave implications for politics, social cohesion , and national security, we must tackle the issue through a multi-stakeholder approach. Political parties have a crucial role of reining in their proxies and supporters and working with fact- checkers and civil society organisations to put ethical communication principles into practice in a social-media age.

    Social Media is a very competitive tool. Millions of political aspirants will jostle for the attention of the same audience. This poses the challenge of creative online crowdsourcing and increases the power of social media influencers. To a considerable extent, the outcome of the 2023 elections may be influenced majorly by social media.

  • Searching for Dan Amana of Nigeria – By Dakuku Peterside

    Searching for Dan Amana of Nigeria – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Symbols, like gestures, are central features of organised human society. They are crucial for constructing or interpreting meanings and ideations. Few universal symbols permeate all cultures and communities, but most symbols found their usage and resonance within specific societies. Humans across generations have used these symbols to communicate meaning and essence, shape and define perceptions and sentiments across vast territories. Besides, symbols and symbolism permeate all aspects of our social, economic, religious, and political existence. Symbolisms in politics are germane and powerful in negotiations and struggle for power. In the combat for power, albeit democratically, symbolic meaning is created and reified to achieve a given significance and help political actors make sense of the political ecosystem.

    But, despite this crucial role in shaping political perception and understanding, there is never a single interpretation of a political symbol that everyone within the community will accept, and how symbols can mobilise antagonistic political factions demonstrates that they are as much a central element for power struggles as they are avenues to facilitate processes of identification.
    One potent symbol across all human societies is the name. “What is in a name?” asks Juliet in Shakespeare’s famous Romeo and Juliet play. “That which we call a rose by any other name would smell just as sweet.” This quote emphasises the arbitrary nature of a name or label compared to the intrinsic qualities of the person or thing. Nonetheless, a name matters! It goes beyond identity and speaks to the divine and social recognition and acceptance markers.

    Names, titles, and other nomenclature are markers; pointers to our desires, expectations and in the case of titles reward for positive actions and attributes exhibited by the recipient of such titles.
    The immateriality of a name or title and the intrinsic value attached to it lends to its inestimable value. This is deeply rooted in Africa. In Ibani-Ijaw, Amaopusenibo as a title conveys a message of a statesman who is expected to live above board on matters requiring integrity . In Igboland , Ugwu Mba title symbolizes a man who has brought pride to the community . The Yoruba will honour a man with the title of Olu Omo if he is believed to be a distinguished son who has impacted positively on the community.

    In the common Hausa language usage, Dan Amana references a trustworthy man, a man of noble character and carriage, a confidant or, an honourable gentleman whose words can be relied upon. In almost all sub Saharan African societies ,whoever is conferred with any of these traditional titles has a responsibility to defend the meaning and import of the honour so done and live up to its significance . Over time and with huge western influence , there has been a lot of dilution and erosion of values and import but it has not diminished the cultural and society’s expectation of statesmen so honoured.

    Names and titles also have political connotation and creates perception which may be positive or negative , real or surreal. The late Moshood Abiola was literally honored by all major ethnic groups in Nigeria . Before his death, he was conferred with not less than 197 titles by 68 communities across Nigeria . Abiola was generally perceived as a generous and selfless man who was a unifer and defying tribe and tongue . He was generally seen as a war general some say from a financial capacity perspective but also plausibly from a philosophical perspective. This perception of late MKO Abiola influenced the titles he was conferred by the communities and explains his acceptability across all divides when he contested for the presidency in 1993.

    Despite what many consider the bastardization of traditional titles , traditional institutions have an obligation to recognize excellence , performance and selfless service to create incentive for citizens to aspire to deliver the highest level of service in all endevours of life . They can also validate the performance of officials in the executive and legislative arms of government , and by so doing complement the force of public opinion. It normally will take rigorous scrutiny and liberal view to arrive at choices that will match meaning with persons . I believe this is the idea behind the Daura emirate making a conscious but politically relevant decision to honour one of the outstanding sons of Nigeria . The emirate council has carefully chosen to confer the title Dan Amana of Daura Emirate on Rt. Hon. Chibuike Amaechi, the Hon. Minister of Transportation.

    The choice of Dan Amana Daura is significant for many reasons . Typically , your expectations is that the title will be reserved for sons of Daura from a narrow perspective of biology or filial relationship but this is not the case.

    Daura emirate understands that the problem in Nigeria today is not where any one is born or his/ her parentage, but that of quality leadership with character and competence .The new definition of “son” extends to any one who has right standing in character , exhibits unparalleled passion for promoting national unity , serves faithfully and has capacity to perform in any duty assigned to him/her. They found one from the deep southern part of Nigeria, shoved in between the creeks of the Niger delta and the hills of Igboland.

    Daura emirate, incidentally the home emirate of the President who has been accused by his unrepentant opponents as a symbol of nepotism and champion of northernization agenda , is displaying to the world it’s unassailable believe in the unity and oneness of Nigeria . Daura is also making a statement that when we see excellence , selflessness and principled leadership we can recognize one and celebrate same . It is believed that Amaechi’s recognition and honour by the Daura emirate comes in as an acknowledgment of his contributions to national development . That the honour is coming from far away from the minister’s home base of south south makes it more nationally significant.

    The honour’s national appeal clearly overwhelms its narrow immediate political translation. Beyond the rhetoric of the localism of Dan Amana of Daura is a broader need for a Dan Amana of Nigeria. At this stage in Nigeria’s political history, with all the overarching problems of insecurity, call for restructuring, secession, Boko haram, and economic quagmire, we need a trusted son of Nigeria to rescue Nigeria from this road perdition. This person must be a true Nigerian and have the experience and leadership qualities to lead Nigeria now.

    The ideal person will have the courage to stand for justice and fairness and the sagacity to command the loyalty and respect that the office of the President deserves. Nigeria PLC needs a proper manager and leader. A non-materialistic president who does not engage in primitive accumulation of wealth. A president that will delegate responsibility to capable lieutenants who will manage the Nigerian economy well. Nigeria needs a leader, willing to lead and sparing no cost for the common good. The 2023 elections allow us to search deep and find one. Our collective destiny as a people is involved.

    Nigeria needs a patriot who will live above tribe, class, and religion. A patriot who envisions Nigeria as a land of limitless opportunities for all her citizens in the shortest possible time and must have the proven capacity to deliver on assignments with zeal as seen in the railway revolution going on in the country. We need a trusted son of Nigeria who is energetic with a profound belief in the Nigeria project. One has proven records of delivery and understands the linkage between politics, policies, and economic growth. Our country is at a defining moment, and anything short of a leader with a large heart, big vision, track record, compassionate yet courageous, and relevant experience will amount to opportunity forgone.

    One trusted son of Nigeria who fits this bill is Rt. Hon Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, the current Minister of Transportation. He has defied tribal and religious consideration to earn a place as the Dan Amana of the north most emirate of Daura.

    Now, he is yet to declare interest in the race. The quintessential CRA I know will not decide to contest lightly. He will commune with his maker and associates to a great deal before stepping out. A man who understands the place of his maker in his growth and political career, he will only step out for the race when he is convinced beyond every doubt that it is the right thing to do and the right time to do it. He is not one for fanciful strategies and gimmicks. He is a goal-getter and relies on his gut feelings, experience, and God in his decision making.

    A cursory look into his political career reveals a man of destiny who, against all odds and political conflicts, has survived and thrived at the country’s upper echelons of power and politics. Power comes from God, and it is to whom He wants He gives it. If it is CRA’s destiny to lead Nigeria at this point in our history, he will surely triumph. An idea whose time has come cannot be extinguished. CRA is more than ably qualified to serve Nigeria at the highest levels. This honour bestowed on him as the Dan Amana of Daura is a testimony by a people who have no reason other than to be objective in their selection. He was chosen because of his leadership qualities, that he is the man of the moment.

    At a time, Nigeria needs unity, peace, and progress; at a time, Nigeria wants to take back its glorious position as the giant of Africa; at a time, Nigeria is clamouring for equity, justice, and fairness; a man of the people has been identified. A detribalised Nigerian, a true leader , and a man of conviction and courage who does hesitate an inch to make difficult decisions for the benefit of his people has been celebrated.

    An ancient truism states, “What a man can afford is not greed”. CRA is qualified in all ramifications to be the President of the federal republic Nigeria. I pray that he should transmute to Dan Amana of Nigeria – a trusted son of Nigeria who will lead us out of challenging moments to an era of glory like Moses or Musa. Daura Emirate reached out far-right through the streams and coasts of the Niger delta to gift us a son, and history is watching whether we will seize the opportunity or not.

  • 2023: Beware ye masquerade watchers – By Gift Worlu

    2023: Beware ye masquerade watchers – By Gift Worlu

    Last week, we metaphorically likened presidential aspirants to masquerades stepping out for the proverbial election dance come 2023. We tried to articulate the qualities and competencies candidates must have to gain the attention and trust of the electorate. We further, argued that this is the best time for us to start examining the candidates and demanding that they inform us about their vision for Nigeria and what they are bringing to the table in terms of skills, experiences, dedication, and knowledge that will benefit Nigeria when they are elected President. Today , we are yielding the column to my erudite friend and brother Dr Gift Worlu to expatiate on some of the issues raised in the last column and pontificate, in his unique, peculiar manner, on the “Moses, that will lead Nigeria out of Egypt”. I profoundly thank Dr Gift Worlu for adding value to this discourse.

    2023: Beware ye masquerade watchers

    By Gift Worlu PhD.

    I am a regular reader of my friend Dr Dakuku Adol Peterside’s weekly column. His interesting offering of January 17, 2022 titled “2023: Where are the masquerades” took me down memory lane to my childhood days when I wore and decorated masquerades in my Choba village as it then was, in the company of now entertainment icon Julius D’Genius Agwu and other young men. Dr Peterside, in straightforward language, discussed the socio-cultural importance of masquerades and shared his general knowledge of ‘masquerades’ as an Opobo-Ijaw man, and likened politicians to ‘masquerades’, vide: “As the drumbeat of the 2023 election dance started, we have seen big “political masquerades “coming out to declare their interest in the struggle for power and relevance. Across party lines, powerful politicians likened to big masquerades, and their cohorts are showcasing introductory and essential aspects of their election dance and using both old and novel gimmicks to make known their interest in the presidency of Nigeria.”

    This piece lends a voice to the pungent views of Dr Peterside on the qualities masquerade watchers (voters) should look out for in masquerades (politicians) before giving them gifts (votes) and deciding on the best masquerade (the President). Masquerades are useless without people watching them, and they enjoy their displays, cheer them up and present gifts, and choose the best masquerade for the season. And this is where this whole masquerade analogy makes much sense. As we watch the masquerades display on behalf of themselves and those that decorated them, we must critically assess them, cheer up those with skilled dance steps and then make up our minds on those that will get our votes. What follows are essential qualities that should guide our choice and why.

    President Buhari would have led or ruled Nigeria for eight years by next year. Opinion about his stewardship is dichotomously split into binary opposites. Some say he did well, but many, including yours faithfully, believe he failed so disappointingly and woefully. I feel Nigerians are more divided, hungrier, angrier, and hopeless today than in 2015 when he took the reins of power from a “clueless” President Jonathan.

    In a recent TV interview, the President admitted that he failed the nation, blaming his age and health. There is no doubt that the suffering of Nigerians worsened and continues under Buhari’s watch. Thus, Nigerians do not want excuses or blame games ever again. All they want is a good and trustworthy leader who, like Moses, will lead the children of Israel out of Egypt into the promised land of peace, justice, unity, and prosperity. They want to eat the fruit of the labour of their hero’s past – a land that is bound in freedom, peace, and harmony. The Nigeria of our dreams is possible if only we understand that “the fault is not in our stars but in ourselves, that we are underlings-”

    2022 is the best time for candidates to begin indicating their interest in running for the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and convincing the people of their capacity to deliver if given the job. Besides, it provides Nigerians ample time to ask questions and examine the candidates, dig deep into their personality traits, leadership experience, track records of achievement, and an unflinching desire to serve Nigerians for the good of all.

    I share the views of Dr Peterside that to lead Nigeria today, you must be a visionary who can guide Nigerians to articulate a national vision. Vision is everything, and it gives direction and ignites thinking about reaching the desired destination. With a vision, you can see the end from the beginning and everything in-between. The issue is, where do we want Nigeria to be in, say, the next 5, 10, 50 years, and how do we intend to get there? What challenges and opportunities lie ahead, and what decisions/actions must we take to get there? What will happen should we fail to redirect our path away from the dangerous road we have been traveling since independence?

    We urgently need a strong enough vision to permanently scare away men and women of little learning and questionable characters that ubiquitously dominate Nigeria’s political firmament. I mean men and women that know nothing but how to use the money to get power and then use power to get more money. Take or loathe it, the violence and indiscipline we see in Nigeria today is a direct consequence of the violence, indiscipline and all the shenanigans that successive governments reward, wittingly or unwittingly .

    Character, capacity, and competence are other qualities we require from the candidates. Nigeria is richly blessed with good people. Unfortunately, very few are in our dirty and deadly politics. Whereas politics is a fine art and democracy is one of humanity’s greatest inventions, Nigerian politicians have failed to deliver the dividends of democracy to the people. To lead complex Nigeria, we need a leader who can generate higher internal complexity to take advantage of the opportunities in an ever dynamic and uncertain world. Ross Ashby’s law of requisite variety states that as variety proliferates, “only variety can absorb variety.” “Eneke the bird,according to Chinua Achebe, says, since men have learnt to shoot without missing, it has learnt to fly without perching.”

    Nigeria faces many problems that pose an existential threat to our corporate unity and progress. So we need a leader who has the requisite tools, knowledge and skills. This period is no time for trial and error, as 2023 is a make-or-mar for Nigeria. We need a leader with the capacity to change the cultural landscape. Before we talk about infrastructure, economy, and insecurity, we need to address the issue of our culture and values. Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike see and describe the country with such derogatory words as a shithole, zoo, poverty capital, irredeemable, hopeless, useless, unhappiness capital, jungle, failed, ghetto, rogue state.

    Many Nigerians do not trust their leaders. This mental programming must change before anything else. Nigeria needs a Cultural

    Revolution- akin to what Chairman Mao Zedong did in China from 1949 when he became President of the People’s Republic. The leader must also love Nigeria, be mentally strong and emotionally stable, be ready to deny self and die for Nigeria.

    Nigeria’s next President needs courage and empathy for the people. These are unique qualities that only very few persons

    have. Principalities and powers in high and low places have long existed in Nigeria. We hear of cabals, cartels and untouchables that appear more powerful than government at all levels – not to mention drug barons, human traffickers, oil bunkers, kidnappers, armed and pen robbers, “yahoo yahoo”, separatists, economic saboteurs, militants, “agberos”, and bandits. They are in and outside government and literarily hold government and official’s hostage. President Jonathan said after leaving office that he was “caged.” Segun Adeniyi and Reuben Abati wrote about “spirits” in Aso Villa that turn “good men” into bad. Nigeria needs a courageous and audaciously bold leader to step on toes (big and small) and be able to rescue Nigeria from these principalities and powers. The president must connect with the people and empathise with their feeling and conditions in the country.

    It is time Nigeria elected a president with the requisite experience and education. Anyone who aspires to lead Nigeria needs real experience and proper education, up to at least first degree or its equivalent. I state this opinion without prejudicing the Not-too-young-to-run Act 2018 (that allows anyone that has reached 35 years of age to vie for the office of President and governor in Nigeria). And Chapter VI, Part I, Section 131 of the constitution (which states that a person may be qualified for election into the office of the President if educated up to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent).

    Education at the School Certificate level cannot give the knowledge and skills needed to function effectively in the most critical office in the country today. Experience also matters. By experience, I mean performance in, not tenure of office. In Nigerian politics, we reward bad performance with higher office.

    To make the much-needed progress in Nigerian politics, we must kill the excessive ego, greed, insensitivity, deceit, and ignorance that afflict leaders and the led’s ignorance, indifference, helplessness, and gullibility. Leadership is central to the success or failure of Nigeria. Leaders provide direction, make, and execute decisions, and inspire the people to reach their full potential. They do so through their thoughts, words, and actions. Leaders think about the past but worry more about the present and future. According to management guru Peter Drucker, “the best way to predict the future is to invent it.” Put differently, “you may not be able to predict the future, but you can create it.” We cannot do anything about our past, but we can create the future we want with determination and faith in ourselves.

    I have two major worries about 2023 and Nigeria. First, Nigeria is a multi-party democracy, and one must belong to a political party to aspire for political leadership. Sadly, our parties are not wired to field people because they have the vision and capacity to solve problems but because they can win an election. I pray that our two major political parties do not leave us with the devil’s alternative – where neither candidate has leadership qualities, but we must choose a lesser devil because our choices are limited. Second, our electoral processes are still susceptible to manipulations and money’s influence. That assumes that the people will not vote based on primordial sentiments like ethnicity, religion, sex, and age.

    We must not change failed leaders without changing the conditions that made them fail. Replacing one incompetent person with another equals what the late Afrobeat maestro Fela Kuti calls “perambulation”- moving but remaining in the same place. The good news is, the Nigeria of our dreams is possible. It only calls for Nigerians, especially the youth, to stop complaining and start acting right- join political parties and cause changes in their modus operandi by insisting on internal democracy and issue-based politics—enough of empty political rhetoric and demagoguery. We have the power in our PVCs, and let’s use it wisely.

     

    Dr Gift Worlu teaches at the University of Port Harcourt.

  • 2023: Where are the masquerades? – By Dakuku Peterside

    2023: Where are the masquerades? – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    There are masquerades in every culture and the life of every individual. The masquerades wear masks for different reasons – from prevarication, illusion, fantasy, fright, horror to protection. No matter the reason, masquerades thrive by covering who they are and taking up a persona unique to the image they want to portray. This image becomes the identity of the masquerade. And the persona behind the masquerade dies for the masquerades persona to live. In most cultures, it is a taboo to unmask the masquerade. Even at the threat of losing life, a masquerade will fight to hide the person’s identity behind the mask.

    In the past, masquerades were a rarity and often appeared on special occasions and festivities. Nowadays, both literally and metaphorically, we are all masquerades. We wear masks these days as a necessity. Facial mask existed before Covid 19, but Covid, at best, only heightened its usage. Mask during this pandemic era has become a symbol of self-preservation against a deadly viral infection. Aside from literal masks, we wear ‘symbolic masks’ to protect ourselves from emotional and psychological elements that we confront daily – financial secrets, relationship secrets, and privacy of life and family.

    As the drumbeat of the 2023 election dance started , we have seen big “political masquerades“ coming out to declare their interest in the struggle for power and relevance. Across party lines, powerful politicians, likened to big masquerades, and their cohorts are showcasing introductory and essential aspects of their election dance and using both old and novel gimmicks to make known their interest in the presidency of Nigeria. Some have visited the incumbent President to tell him of their ambition; some are still consulting with stakeholders; some are waiting for the call of God and their people to declare their intention publicly, while others have gone ahead to make public their presidential ambition via the mass media.

    So far, there are no surprises yet. Those who have declared or those rumoured to be on the verge of announcing their intentions to rule Nigeria are the same old political warhorses and, to a great extent, are known by Nigerians. We expect more to declare in the coming days and weeks. This is part of the political process, and any Nigerian is free to aspire to become the president and compete for the post through any political platform of his choice. In Nigeria, at least for now, only masquerades wearing the masks of APC or PDP are considered to have realistic chances of winning the presidential elections. But these are early days, and a third force political platform may challenge this status quo.

    It is about 12 months to the general election for Nigerians to choose the leader of the most populous black nation on earth at a time of significant political, social, and economic turbulence. Nigeria faces, on all sides, existential threats that will require a highly skilled, competent and charismatic leader to galvanise all the human and natural resources at our disposal to tackle the vast socio-economic challenges confronting us. Among these “masquerades“ declaring their interest, one will emerge as the leader. This underscores the importance of galvanising Nigerians with outstanding leadership and empathic qualities to step up to the arena and be counted. One must be in the race to win.

    Nigerians often complain about the same old leaders taking political offices and doing nothing innovative to develop the country but forget that it all starts with the calibre and quality of politicians coming out for the presidency. It is from that group that the president will emerge. Therefore, I implore all Nigerians to use this opportunity to encourage proven leaders with the proper knowledge and skills to come on board to compete for the presidency. Nigeria now more than ever before needs quality leadership at the highest level.

    It is a positive for democracy that so many citizens are stepping forward to lead the nation, indicating increasing political participation. However, nothing yet distinguishes one aspirant from another in terms of either ideology or public policy leaning. For now, we are stuck at the level of personality cults, geopolitical interests, and ethnic entitlement syndrome. Even where aspirants are from different party platforms, their utterances do not yet reflect the broad agenda of those parties. More disturbingly, there is nothing that indicates depth on specific national issues from any aspirant.

    So far, not less than six “political masquerades“ have declared their interest from the two main political parties – APC (Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, David Umahi, and Orji Uzor Kalu) and PDP (Abubarkar Bukola Saraki, Anyim Pius Anyim, and Dele Momodu). There are other candidates with near unassailable profile in the fringe parties . It is time Nigerians started examining all of them from the prism of our complexities. Let us look at ‘the stuff they are made of’, those who gave them the masquerade and are in their company. We want to know what they are offering and what vision they are selling to Nigerians? How will they solve the multiplicity of Nigerian problems? We should not focus on inanities like what their religion is. What geopolitical zone they represent and what financial muscle they have.

    Let the Presidential “masquerades” come forth and canvas ideas and proffer solutions. Twelve months is enough time to know which of these political masquerades we want to take seriously or ignore. For the political masquerades that have declared their intention, let us now hear their ideas. However, I acknowledge by trend analysis, that it is not the candidate with the most brilliant takes on issues that will win. As the factors that determines who wins elections in Nigeria do not have much to do with sound policy ideas.

    Unlike the previous election period, Nigeria is in a precarious situation; inexperience, vacuity, incompetence, lack of proven service record, absence of ideas to drive positive change among candidates will not be overlooked nor tolerated by Nigerians. Between June and August this year, the parties will present masquerades dressed in party attire. Our options will be limited to the masquerades presented to the electorate by the parties. To a certain degree, the party will shield the person behind the masquerade from Nigerians. We may be denied the opportunity of knowing what the one behind the masquerade said as distinct from what the masquerade said.

    The party-political machinery takes over immediately after primaries, and all forms of spin doctors and election pundits are engaged to convince the electorate of the rightfulness of the candidates. This powerful party campaign machinery will set out to use unfounded marketing tools, lies, half-truths, innuendoes, and propaganda to convince or confuse the electorate to vote for its candidate even though he/she may have apparent shortcomings that make him unfit for the presidency. That is why when a president is elected, there are lots of things the electorate assumes he said or stood for or championed that turns out completely different from what the president does. Maybe it is still too early in the day, but I strongly feel that now is the time to engage with the masquerades and try to figure out the man behind the mask.

    Our current crisis correlates with the electoral decisions and leadership choices we have collectively made in the past. All elections have serious consequences. This underscores the importance of careful consideration of the masquerades to eliminate the wrong candidates from the presidential race and have people with clarity of vision, proven leadership skills and a good knowledge of the Nigerian context vis a vis the complexity of our religious, social, and ethnic makeup.

    The only actual path forward is using the 2023 election to usher in good leadership with demonstrable capacity to implement a pan- Nigeria agenda . Nigeria is in dire need of positive change. But who will drive this change? More of the same masquerades — Nigeria’s political elite. Unpleasant and scary as today’s Nigeria has become, our present reality should force us to question our prior assumptions about leadership selection. We should not allow primordial sentiments to becloud our judgement in seeking out and choosing a competent and visionary leader as president.

    We have a choice now facing all Nigerians: we can make use of the next 12 months to put our acts together and engage in positive politicking to seek out good leaders for the 2023 general elections, or we can decide to play politics as usual without seriously considering post-election governance. Elections are a means to an end and not an end in themselves. If we do not elect good leaders, we will bear the brunt of the consequences – debilitating poverty, insecurity, unemployment, and constant internal crisis and call for secession.

    We are at the beginning of electing the president of Nigeria. We must get it right at this stage to have a realistic chance of electing a President that will make a difference. There is no doubt that the flawed election process in Nigeria is probably the cause of failed governance and leadership in Nigeria. I argue that we must reassess that process and start on time to get it right if we must make meaningful progress in getting the right president.

    The president derives his power from the people who vote for him and elect him to lead them in a democracy. So, the president rises and falls with the people. A government by the people, as represented by a voted president, contextually assumes responsibility for the success or failure of the people. Democracy affords the people an opportunity to hold the president accountable through periodic elections. 2023 is another opportunity for the people to get it right.

    Nigerians must carefully choose a leader with incredible qualities to take Nigeria to a new frontier. What are these qualities we require of the next president?The aspirant must have a clear vision of where he wants to take Nigeria to in terms of development and how he will achieve that given our current resource realities. The aspirant must have proven skills and competencies in management and leadership. He must have empathy for the plights of many Nigerians and must have a burning desire to work to ameliorate the sufferings. Based on association or ideology, the aspirant must be above board – not an ethnic or religious chauvinist, supporter of secession activities, or terrorism.

    Furthermore, the aspirant must love Nigeria and have a proven record of having links across the country. He must understand the economy especially productivity.He must have the strength, ability, knowledge, and intellectual capacity to carry the burden of Nigeria, manage our diversity and deliver dividends of good governance to all Nigeria, not just a section of Nigeria or the elites. Ultimately , the aspirant must demonstrate a clear understanding of how to tackle insecurity, poverty, unemployment, and a shambolic education system.

    After all is said, 2022 offers all Nigerians the opportunity to chose the kind of country we want by the quality of the President we vote for in the 2023 general elections. As political masquerades have started declaring their intentions to contest for the presidency of Nigeria, now is the time to engage them to find out the person behind the masquerade.

  • The year 2022: A peep into the political crystal ball – By Dakuku Peterside

    The year 2022: A peep into the political crystal ball – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    The year 2021 is gone. Political intrigues and manoeuvres were commonplace and soometimes deliberately stifling and exuberating. Political gladiators often played hide and seek games with critical political issues and gave undue attention to political inanities. Some of the key highlights of 2021 were the interests displayed towards the amendment of the Electoral Act, the emergence of the PDP novel National Executive, and the success of the Anambra governorship election that produced Prof Chukwuma Soludo as the governor-elect with high drama and national attention, to name but a few. These were only a dress rehearsal of what was coming. 2022 is here, and all pointers are that this year will define the choices before Nigerians in 2023. This is the year that will determine the outcome of 2023. This column will explore the critical issues in 2022 that will shape the political and economic landscape and define the trajectory of Nigeria in the short to medium term. The issues include the outcome of the Electoral Act amendment, the National Convention of APC, Ekiti/Osun governorship elections, National convention/Primaries of the two major political parties that will produce the flag bearers for 2023 elections, and the commencement of the presidential campaign.

    The Electoral Act amendment bill, which is expected to provide the legal framework for conduct of elections, is one of the intricate stitches to make the electoral system rig-proof, violence-free and protected against excessive monetization. Unfortunately, it has become as controversial as the loopholes and deficiencies it seeks to address. The fate of the bill and its outcome is a matter of conjecture, but there is no doubt it will define the nature and confidence of the people in the 2023 general election. President Buhari rejected the bill that espoused direct primaries and electronic transmission of results. The ball is in the court of the national assembly to overturn the President’s veto and promulgate the law. This looks unlikely as this national assembly seems not to have the temerity to push through this law. It is evident the clause requiring parties to mandatorily chose their candidates by direct primaries will be expunged. This is what President Buhari has said he wants to see before he signs. From what has transpired, the provision for electronic transmission of results will be one of the new features of the Electoral Act whenever the President assents to the bill. This will be a confidence booster and a source of optimism.

    The long-anticipated elective Convention of the ruling party is significant, not just for the party’s future but for democracy in Nigeria. The Convention has been shifted endlessly, giving room for speculations. There is the fear that the Convention will spotlight the deep internal divisions, entrenched powerplay, and contradictions in the party and set a significant crack. Another school of thought believe in the words of President George Washington that a “tiny clique of cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men may have sized the party and subverted the will of the people”.

    Whatever it is, there is an enormous responsibility on the shoulders of Mr President as the leader of the party. Not holding a convention to elect officers has both intended and unintended consequences that will not serve the party’s interest. APC’s error of judgement will be PDP’s gain. The President admitted this much in his media interview. The Progressive Governors, elected on the party’s platform, stand on the threshold of history as they have one more chance to rescue the party from the fatal error of poor judgment.

    Concerning the Presidency, the incumbent will not be running in the primaries or general elections, which will heighten the intrigues and horse-trading. Ethnicity, geopolitics, money, religion will all be in the cocktail that will determine the outcome of the primaries. Restraint may be thrown to the winds in the ruling party as the gladiators do not want to lose out. The opposition PDP will be the bastion of high wire horse-trading with the Governors playing an influential role, in the absence of a centre of ‘gravity’.

    The Governorship primaries of the two major political parties in the various states will be the natural battleground for presidential candidates, godfathers and power brokers. There is little reason to believe the primaries will be transparent, and that will be the foundation of internal rancour and crisis in the two major political parties. Fringe parties stand to benefit from poorly managed internal processes of the major political parties.

    The elaborate shadow boxing within and between the All-Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) will manifest. Each of the two political parties have enough ingredients for self destruction or survival and triumph. In the PDP, the issue of who emerges as the party’s presidential candidate will be highly contentious and may lead to the the implosion of the party. A PDP Governor recently posited, “The process of the emergence of our party’s (PDP) presidential flag bearer is going to cause a problem. But we will overcome it eventually and move ahead to defeat the APC whose process will lead to the breakdown of the party.”

    In the case of the PDP, it is a party riddled with irreconcilable contradictions within it. There may be a significant revolt of the South- East and South-South strongholds if party gives its ticket to someone from the North. On the other hand, how APC manages the emergence of and geopolitics of its presidential candidate may be its albatross. However, if, as expected, the party decides to turn to the southern part of the country for its presidential flag-bearer, then for all practical purposes, who from the South gets it becomes an issue. The competition will be among gladiators who have one justification or another to claim the ticket. All three geopolitical zones in the south have what seems to them to be justifiable reasons to be allowed to fly the party flag. These competing well-entrenched views will pose a conundrum for APC to deal with before a presidential candidate emerges.

    The 2023 election campaigns that will commence in 2022 will allow politicians to address the issues that matter to the electorate. Although campaigns are not usually about issues but personalities, yet voters will relate with issues of economy and insecurity, the same problems that defined the 2015 and 2019 presidential campaigns. It will not be out of place to predict that the political class has learnt little or no lessons. The 2022/2023 campaigns will pit the two major political parties about change. The critical issue is the definition of change, which depends on where one stands.

    By the last quarter of this year, the campaign of the parties will be about three issues, none of which is mutually exclusive: performance of Buhari presidency, economy, and security. Money or “stomach infrastructure” will become the defining factor during the campaign, and each party will want to outdo and outspend the other to win over the electorate. There is a need for politicians not to heat up the polity during their campaigns. Already, Nigerians are victims of unabating insecurity and any additional violence and insecurity resulting from the campaign may get people to the tipping point.

    I expect that APC and PDP will continue to dominate the political space, and the influence of new parties will be minimal at best. The third force of pro-democracy activists, some neophyte political gladiators and some End SARS revolution strategists has emerged. But they have a mountain to climb because they are to compete with the two big parties with experience, money, and a determination to grab and or keep power at all costs. The strength of this third force may be its newness; paradoxically, it is its weakness as well. It appears too late in the day to put up an organizational structure that can wrestle power from these tested political war horses. Historically, the youth, who constitute the major voting demographics have never voted for themselves nor those who may cater to their interests. Often, they abandon reason and behold to godfathers propelled by the power of stomach infrastructure, a lexicon peculiar to Nigerian brand of politics.

    This year will witness two crucial gubernatorial elections – the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections. These will provide an essential indicator for where INEC and the hope of free and fair elections are headed. The outcome will significantly define the prospects for free and fair elections. Whether Nigerians will be optimistic or pessimistic about the 2023 elections will reasonably depend on how these two crucial elections play out. Although they are off season elections with peculiarities different from general elections, it is our contention that they will set the tone for the 2023 general elections. It will test the preparedness of INEC to conduct elections and provide useful lessons for the general elections.

    One disturbing recurrent feature of Nigerian succession politics will replay. It is the neglect of governance in a transition election year. But the consequences in 2022 will be more severe. Neglect of governance in a time of severe economic hardship can yield serious unintended consequences in the form of social unrest and serial protests.

    Nigeria politics is a minefield of complex highhandedness and political dribbling. But in the next few months, things will become more apparent than they are now. Nigeria is in the throes of an economic quagmire, intractable insecurity from terrorism, separatism and banditry, and the ravaging impacts of COVID 19. These asymmetrical issues speak to our current socio-economic realities that put us at the precipice of dysfunctionality and a rude walk to perdition. How we handle these five critical issues raised in this column will make or mar our political experience.

    We are already in a combustible political, social, and economic situation requiring careful navigation of issues to avoid trampling on frayed political nerves and triggering explosives on our national fault lines. By the last quarter of this year, governments in Abuja and various state capitals will stop functioning and shift their focus to politics and survival of political actors and power wielders. Although I do not have a crystal ball, a cursory look into my symbolical crystals for 2022 shows that we will navigate through it safely, although it may be a tough year. All these notwithstanding, permit me to wish my readers a happy new year and the best of 2022.

  • Soot and our collective conscience [2] – By Dakuku Peterside

    Soot and our collective conscience [2] – By Dakuku Peterside

    By Dakuku Peterside

    Last week, in this column, we looked at the scientific, social, economic, and environmental challenges of soot in Rivers State, as representative of what is happening in the whole country. We further posited that all levels of government, security and regulatory agencies have disastrously failed to rise to the occasion of discharging their statutory and moral obligation of protecting lives. The minimum expectation of the people is that their government should confront this issue and save citizens exposure to unnecessary health hazards and needless death. We vehemently and firmly argued the need for all stakeholders to urgently address this deadliest form of air pollution that constitute a severe public health hazard. Fortunately, even with little or no intervention thus far, the consequence of the Soot is still benign compared to what will happen in a few years if serious interventions are not done by all stakeholders now.

    The occurrence of soot is not peculiar to the Niger Delta of Nigeria, so there are models of how soot or air pollution generally was tackled in other parts of the world that we can learn from . Three cases of exceptional air pollution across the globe that posed indeterminate danger stand out; the 1952 “Great Smog of London” which left 4,000 persons dead in weeks, the two-decade long air pollution of Beijing and other Chinese cities, and the 2018 New Delhi, Mumbai, and other Indian cities air pollution. These three cases and more offers us historical examples of responses and mitigating strategies adopted in other climes to the challenge of soot and air pollution.

    It is the truth that when a people are confronted with novel environmental challenges or natural occurrences that threaten lives, as we have in the case of soot, governments usually treat it as an emergency that calls for the deployment of all state resources to protect their people. This social contract defines the state’s relationship with the people, especially when there is imminent danger. This applies in this case where there is a sense of responsibility and urgency .

    Based on our analyses of the responses of these three different governmental approaches to solving the soot problem, we deduced a process that is a typology of a systematic and procedural approach to tackling soot in any part of the world. However, there is a need for a bespoke solution adapted to the local circumstances.

    The most critical element of this typology, due to the scale and complex nature of soot, is an extensive state and national level Coordinated Action Plan. With the London smog, the parliament enacted a “clean air act” and worked with major stakeholders to turn the tide and drastically reduce air pollution in London. When Beijing faced a similar challenge, the government implemented a State Air Pollution Prevention and Control Action Plan to improve air quality and minimise soot in a defined period. India responded with Mumbai Clean Air Action Plan. These interventions involved multiple stakeholders, including experts fighting a common cause under one roof with defined roadmap and integrated master plan.

    Any bespoke solution for this problem in Rivers State and Bayelsa State must also have a Coordinated Action Plan drawn up by the government in conjunction with multi-agency and multi-stakeholder involvement. Like in Beijing, a State Air Pollution Prevention and Control Action Plan targeted at improving air quality and reducing soot pollution in a defined period must be developed and implemented in the states. Ultimately the challenge of air pollution and soot is beyond what individuals can handle. The final responsibility rest with the government and governments at all levels must rise to the occasion and save the people the agony of facing death. The Federal Government, Rivers State and Bayelsa State governments must champion a solution to the soot problem.

    The first part of the action plan must be public advocacy and a massive public enlightenment campaign on the health implications of illegal refining and consequential toxic air, specifically soot pollution. These information campaigns will aim to influence public understanding of the phenomena and instigate behavioural change. China did the “Beautiful China” campaign, which required all Chinese cities to achieve a given air quality limit as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO).

    Then there is an urgent need for toxicity study for human risk assessment and mitigation; and an emission inventory. Emission inventory will help establish the volume, nature, and source of all air contaminants to facilitate the design of mitigation measures. This is important considering the multiple sources of soot, especially those connected to high-level economic activities such as petrochemical industries, gas flaring, fertiliser firms, that have become a behemoth of sorts almost beyond state control.

    The next part is the provision of supportive legislation at State and Federal levels and stringent enforcement of such legislation at all levels. The government needs to outlaw and criminalise the illegal refining of crude. This involves the state security operatives and the legal system that robustly prosecute all known cases of such violation of air pollution laws. Though there are relevant laws against it, enforcement has been weak or non-existence because of the economic complicity of key enforcement actors. Control actions against illegal refiners must be robust, extensive, and comprehensive, appreciating the sophisticated nature of the illegal refining of oil and the concomitant illegal economy that has ensued from there. It must be extensive and complex and require the cooperation of different levels of government and multiple agencies. The laws must include stringent punishment and make individuals and communities vicariously liable for illegal refining in their areas.

    The Action plan will involve establishing an all-around monitoring mechanism for illegal refining, tire burning, and soot generating activities using technology. To strengthen this initiative will be creating a 24/7 contact line for intelligence gathering and community feedback. 24/7 monitoring of these activities using various surveillance and environmental monitoring technology and devices is necessary.

    Besides, multi-agency and community monitoring will complement experts in this monitoring. The government should engage the local people to provide local surveillance. Who is best to enforce and monitor such anti-illegal mining laws other than local people in the community, who bear the brunt of the soot menace? Therefore, the government should provide a Helpline to all locals to report such illegal activities within the community.

    The next part will involve thoroughly cleaning of the messed-up environment using technology. Improving the air quality to an acceptable level must be achieved. The US Environmental Protection Agency approved Clean Air programmes that can cut air pollution by 78 per cent and radically improve air quality in each location to protect public health and the environment. The Nigerian government should adopt this. The Ogoni dedicated pollution cleaning programme has been slow and not comprehensive. We should learn from that exercise and use our findings to improve the new clean up exercise targeting soot. There is available technology to clean air pollutants and can be deployed if the political will and leadership needed to serve the people are available.

    Beijing, Shanghai, New York, London, and Mumbai provided a ready example of megacities that successfully mitigated soot pollution or progressively achieved clean air due to innovative collaboration between national and regional governments. In the Beijing case of 2008, from one-year continuous innovative solutions and monitoring , local industrial concerns reduced their excessive pollution and were responsible for cutting out 2/3 of the soot emission in Beijing. Joyce Msuya, Acting Executive Director of UN Environment, posits, “this improvement in air quality didn’t happen by accident. It was the result of an enormous investment of time, resources, and political will. Understanding Beijing’s air pollution story is crucial for any nation, district or municipality that wishes to follow a similar path.”

    To tackle the three primary sources of soot in Rivers and Nigeria – illegal refining, gas flare/ petrochemical industries, and tire burning – requires technological innovation, capital investments, complex logistics, and enormous political will. Many of the solutions are evident and available, but the failure of governance and leadership creates obstacles to dealing with the problem of soot endangering lives.

    There is no doubting that the soot problem is gradually turning into a public health crisis and requires to be treated as such by all stakeholders. The biggest challenge of soot particulate emission is rooted in the fact that it is a complex illegal economy that sustains a substantial population of youths in Rivers and Bayelsa State. The challenge is providing an alternative economy for these youths to discourage them from engaging in this illegal activity with tremendous health implications. Any attempt to solve this problem must tackle the economic imperatives and provide alternatives. It will be just a pipedream to assume that youth’s dependent on these illegal activities of bunkering and illegal refining of crude will jettison these activities simply because they are informed to do so. Therefore, I advocate a combined economic solution provided by the state and federal government for youths in these communities plagued with illegal refining activities and all youths involved in one way or another down the value chain.

    When the government at the local level plays the Ostrich and pretends that all is well, there is no hope of a sustainable solution soon. The locus of operation and push for a better environment for the people of Rivers State resides with the local people and their government. The popular Ijaw truism is that “he who is sick seeks the doctor”. Rivers State is sick from debilitating and corrosive soot pollution. It needs as much help as it can from the federal government, international organisations, and other stakeholders to tackle the soot problem. But it must be seen by all as doing its best to tackle the problem or at least champion the cause of finding solutions so that other stakeholders will come in to help.

    It is also time the people and Government of Rivers State and other states in the Niger Delta stood against the overarching socio-economic and psychological sphere dominated by a sense of entitlement and a desire to justify engaging in dangerous and illegal economic activities because of the cruel and unwholesome treatment meted out to them by the Nigerian state and International Oil Companies.

    This pervading psychology which situates a doctrine of ownership of crude oil within their space, has made youths straddle between the borderlines of criminality and agitation for better treatment by all stakeholders in the oil and gas sector. Even if such a claim is justified, illegal fuel refining destroys the environment and lives , and is counterproductive. How much money will non-state actors and non-corporate actors make from these unlawful activities to justify soot’s health, economic and social implications, and costs? We must count the actual cost of these activities’ vis-a-vis the supposed gain.

    In conclusion, now is the time to work hard to solve the soot problem. The government must adopt a bi-partisan, multi-agency, and collaborative approach to tackle this menace. We must not rest until our airs are clean again and we have a breath of fresh air, literally, in Rivers State and by extension in Nigeria.

  • Happy 51st birthday to a trailblazer, Dr Dakuku Peterside – By Emmanuel Ajibulu

    Happy 51st birthday to a trailblazer, Dr Dakuku Peterside – By Emmanuel Ajibulu

    By Emmanuel Ajibulu

    Today, through the special grace of God Almighty, Dr Dakuku Peterside, clocks 51. This unique day may be marked low-key. Not that there are no reasons to roll out the drums, trumpets and call a feast to celebrate his birthday but he would rather quietly give thanks to his creator for His mercies over the years and the privilege to serve the people in various capacities.

    This distinguished trailblazer was born on December 31, 1970. Those who have followed Dr. Dakuku Peterside’s track record know him to be a leader right from his school days until he was appointed Senior Special Adviser to Rivers State Governor on Youth and Student Affairs at the beginning of this republic know he obviously has a date with destiny.

    From the modest beginning of becoming a student leader to serving as Executive Director, Development and Leadership Institute, DLI, Commissioner of Works, Rivers State, Local Government chairman, member of Board, Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization CBAAC a federal government arts and research establishment to being an elected member, House of Representatives and as Chairman House Committee on Petroleum Reources Downstream; nominated as APC governorship candidate for 2015 elections in Rivers state and subsequently appointed Director-General, NIMASA among others, Dr. Dakuku Peterside has shown invaluable and inestimable capacity to deliver beyond target for the good of humanity.
    Indeed, Dr. Peterside has become legendary for showing limitless benevolence to the downtrodden, associates, colleagues and practical display of immense love and compassion to everyone that has crossed his path in life irrespective of their background or status.

    His early years in politics to date, Dr. Dakuku Peterside has remained focused and unwavering in his determination to provide service to ordinary Nigerians as a politician whether in the Nigerian lower legislative chamber where he earned a reputation as a progressive and broad minded legislator whose views were always respected or in his former position as D-G, NIMASA where he brings in words and actions, integrity, reforms, panache, compassion and intellectual as well as ingenious dimension to bear in tackling tough issues of the very sensitive agency in the maritime sector which is the soul of Nigeria’s economy.

    As Dr. Dakuku Peterside turns 51, it is a perfect opportunity for him to sense the feeling of being alive in the depths of his heart and promise himself to continue to do great things and aim even higher.

    Happy Birthday to a visioner, a courageous leader and administrator “per excellence”, a tireless giver to the vulnerable segments of the society, an epitome of humility. There is nothing as fulfilling as being a witness to the astonishing activities of a remarkable trailblazer like you. CONGRATULATIONS!!!

     

     

    Emmanuel Ajibulu is an infoprenuer, publisher of veracitydesk.com.ng, writer, communication consultant and social media influencer. emmanuelajibulu@gmail.com

  • Dakuku queries Wike’s claims of N16bn expenditure on law school

    Dakuku queries Wike’s claims of N16bn expenditure on law school

    …says Gov serial violator of procurement law

    Claim by Governor Nyesom Wike that the Rivers government is spending N16 billion to build a law school is being challenged by an All Progressives Congress (APC) stalwart in the state, Dr. Dakuku Peterside, who is asking where did the governor arrive at such an amount.

    Peterside, while saying he was not opposed to building such a facility in Rivers State , queried how the contract was awarded from the “breast pocket” of the governor without bidders nor provision in the state budget.

    He wondered how such a huge amount of money was being expended without approval from the Rivers State House of Assembly, while also not following the due process in terms of advertisement and competitive bidding from interested contracting firms.

    The immediate past director general of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) stated this in Port Harcourt.

    Said he: “Rivers people may not yet understand the damage being done to the finances of the state government as many contracts have been awarded under Wike’s administration without following the due process.

    “Rivers State has a public procurement law that clearly states how contracts should be advertised and awarded to successful bidders, we have not seen such in this administration. Contracts are just simply awarded from the breast pocket of the governor and to who he likes, competent or not “

    The former works commissioner in Rivers State lambasted the governor for always condemning others over what he serially indulges in but is always quick to call names in a veiled attempt to portray himself as a saint.

    According to him, “Under what law did the governor award the contract from his private residence? Who evaluated the bill of quantities and how do you account for N5 billion set aside for miscellaneous? Under what law are 50-70 percent advance payments made?

    “I know that the governor’s usual attack dogs will respond without first thinking of the future of Rivers generations and governance where one man single-handedly awards contracts without laid down procedures.

    “Rivers people do not even have access to the state’s budget, hence do not know how many more contracts have been awarded without budgetary provisions and in accordance with laid down procurement law as enacted by the House of Assembly.

    “In due season, we shall demand how the governor has spent our collective wealth and shall account for every money that he has fritted away in a veiled attempt to hoodwink Rivers people.”

    Peterside, who is also a former House of Reps member expressed concerns over the inability of the Wike-led administration to create jobs for teeming Rivers youth since he became governor in 2015.

    “Governance is beyond brick and mortar, it is beyond the award of contracts, it is deliberate and measured, aimed at touching key sectors and giving the youth the platform to excel but the governor is sadly bereft of such ideas,” he summed up.