TheNewsGuru

Tag: Democracy

  • We’re not interested in truncating democracy – ADC

    We’re not interested in truncating democracy – ADC

    The African Democratic Congress (ADC) says it is not interested in truncating Nigeria’s democracy.

    It said its mission was to rescue power from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) through democratic means.

    Interim National Publicity Secretary of ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, stated this in statement on Thursday in Abuja.

    Abdullahi was reacting to a tweet by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr Bayo Onanuga.

    He said that Onanuga had alleged that the opposition was planning to overthrow the President Bola Tinubu government before 2027.

    Abdullahi described the allegation as a baseless and false narrative aimed to clampdown on opposition leaders and activities under the guise of national security.

    “We are not soldiers, we are politicians. We don’t have bullets; we only have the ballots.

    “When the time comes, we will only present our solutions and an alternative vision of the future to the Nigerian people and leave them to make their choice,” he said.

    He wondered why the APC, the first opposition party to “come to power in Nigeria now appeared to find it strange that there is an opposition at all.”

    Abdullahi urged Tinubu to caution his aides from further baseless and dangerous allegations that may heat up the system even two years ahead of the next election.

    He also called on Nigerians to reject any underhand tactics to discredit the opposition and silence alternative voices.

    Abdullahi stressed that the health of Nigeria’s democracy depends on a free, open, and competitive political environment.

    He said that the ADC remained committed to building a better Nigeria, through peace, democratic participation.

  • When media pays the price of politics: Lessons from Australia for Nigeria’s fragile democracy – By Ambassador Brikins

    When media pays the price of politics: Lessons from Australia for Nigeria’s fragile democracy – By Ambassador Brikins

    By Ambassador T. Brikins

    2027…Is media alignment on the way?

    In June 2025, the Federal Court of Australia delivered a verdict that sent shockwaves across the media landscape. Antoinette Lattouf, a journalist and television presenter of Lebanese descent, had been abruptly removed midweek from her role at ABC, Australia’s national broadcaster.

    Her offense? She reposted a Human Rights Watch report on the Gaza conflict, which the ABC interpreted as politically charged. But the court ruled otherwise. It declared the dismissal unlawful and awarded her damages, stressing that political opinion is a protected workplace right—even for journalists.

    The ruling forced the ABC to publicly apologize. They admitted that in their haste to distance themselves from a politically sensitive post, they had undermined their core values: editorial independence, diversity, and inclusion. This decision not only reaffirmed the power of judicial oversight but spotlighted the role of media institutions in preserving democracy—even when uncomfortable truths surface.

    Now, draw a line from Canberra to Abuja, and the contrast grows starker.

    In Nigeria, where the All Progressives Congress (APC) has held federal power since 2015, political alignment often dictates the tone, reach, and freedom of media narratives. Unlike Australia, journalists in Nigeria rarely get justice when targeted for dissenting views. Several cases stand out.

    In 2021, Premium Times journalist Samuel Ogundipe was detained for refusing to reveal the source of a security-related report. Though he was later released following public outcry, his arrest sent a chilling message to investigative reporters. In 2020, during the #EndSARS protests, authorities targeted media houses like Arise TV, Channels TV, and AIT. The National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) fined them ₦3 million each for allegedly “inciting the public.” These outlets had aired footage of the Lekki Toll Gate shootings—a pivotal moment the government sought to downplay.

    The NBC itself has become a controversial instrument in the hands of the ruling party. During the 2023 elections, the commission suspended an AIT program for “partisan coverage” simply because it aired opposition party voices questioning INEC’s conduct. No court rebuked the NBC. No damages were awarded. And no institutional apology followed.

    This is where mass communication principles come into sharp relief. In Australia, gatekeeping failed—temporarily—but the legal system stepped in to reset the balance. In Nigeria, gatekeeping favors the powerful and punishes those who challenge dominant narratives. The agenda-setting role of the media, instead of empowering citizen participation, often bends toward protecting political elites. When dissenting journalists are silenced, or when the press avoids uncomfortable stories for fear of sanctions, the very fabric of accountable democracy begins to unravel.

    Australia’s case affirms that public institutions can correct themselves. Nigeria’s reality shows that media capture and politicization often go unchecked. Public broadcasters like the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) serve as mouthpieces for the federal government. Rarely do they challenge federal power or highlight state-sponsored abuses. And when private media do, they risk fines, license suspension, or physical intimidation.

    Compounding the problem is digital surveillance and legislative overreach. The infamous Protection from Internet Falsehood and Manipulation Bill, colloquially called the “Social Media Bill,” threatened to criminalize online dissent before it was shelved under public pressure. Yet, the attempt revealed a mindset hostile to digital free expression.

    Another case worth noting is that of Agba Jalingo, a journalist from Cross River State. In 2019, he was arrested and charged with treason for writing articles critical of Governor Ben Ayade. He spent months in detention, enduring inhumane conditions, until sustained advocacy by civil society groups forced his release. No apology. No restitution.

    In Australia, Antoinette Lattouf’s dismissal sparked public debate, judicial correction, and institutional reflection. In Nigeria, journalists like Jalingo are lucky to escape with their freedom—never mind compensation.

    Broader Implications

    This disparity has grave consequences. When journalists cannot speak truth to power without retaliation, democracy deteriorates into managed populism—where elections still occur, but accountability evaporates. Where truth becomes a tool of propaganda. Where public discourse is sanitized to suit the ruling party’s agenda. This is not just bad for journalists; it’s dangerous for society.

    Accountable democracy requires fearless media. It also requires institutions that protect—not punish—those who uphold the truth. Australia shows that it’s possible. Nigeria must decide whether it will continue down the path of media repression or course-correct toward a freer, more just society.

    Spiritual and Civic Charge

    As Scripture reminds us, “Open your mouth for the mute, for the rights of all who are destitute.” (Proverbs 31:8). And again, “You shall not pervert justice; you shall not show partiality…you shall not accept a bribe.” (Deuteronomy 16:19). Justice, not political expediency, should be the guiding principle of governance.

    📜 Qur’an – Surah An-Nisa (4:135)

    “O you who have believed, be persistently standing firm in justice, witnesses for Allah, even if it be against yourselves or parents and relatives…”

    (Qur’an 4:135)

    Both scriptures uphold the moral duty to speak truth and stand for justice—even when it is inconvenient or risky. This shared value between the Bible and the Qur’an highlights the universal importance of protecting speech, defending the voiceless, and holding power accountable.

    Final Reflection

    Antoinette Lattouf’s victory is more than a personal win. It is an alert for the days ahead. Nigeria must learn that when the press is stifled, the people lose their voice—and democracy loses its soul.

     

    Ambassador T. Brikins is a Mass Communications and Competitive Intelligence Consultant and Advocate for Accountable Democracy

  • Democracy, GDP growth, poverty, and insecurity in Nigeria – By Magnus Onyibe

    Democracy, GDP growth, poverty, and insecurity in Nigeria – By Magnus Onyibe

    After twenty-six years of uninterrupted democratic governance in Nigeria (1999 to date), the masses had hoped to be enjoying the dividends of democracy by now—primarily through poverty alleviation and improved living standards. However, for a significant number of Nigerians, that dream has remained elusive. Rather than experiencing prosperity, many continue to grapple with poverty, hunger, and rising hardship.

    This harsh reality persists despite the leadership efforts of five presidents since Nigeria’s return to democracy: Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007), the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (2007–2010), Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015), Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023), and Bola Ahmed Tinubu (2023–present).

    Over these 26 years, Nigeria’s economy has witnessed both periods of remarkable growth and phases of stagnation. The nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP)—a key indicator of economic productivity—has seen notable fluctuations. For example, during Jonathan’s administration, GDP growth peaked at around 8%, largely driven by high global crude oil prices that exceeded $100 per barrel. In contrast, under the current Tinubu administration, GDP growth hovers around 3.4%, with oil prices now ranging between $65 and $80 per barrel.

    Yet, despite these varying levels of economic performance, the expected transformation in the lives of average Nigerians has not materialized. The dividends of democracy remain out of reach for the majority, as poverty continues to define daily life for many.

    This disconnect is further highlighted by data from a report commissioned by the Buhari administration. According to the 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), a staggering 63% of Nigerians—approximately 133 million people—were classified as multidimensionally poor before Tinubu’s presidency. This means a significant portion of the population suffers from deprivation not just in income, but across multiple areas including healthcare, education, living conditions, and access to work or protection from economic shocks.

    In essence, despite positive macroeconomic indicators like GDP growth, the lived experience of most Nigerians tells a different story. This gap between economic statistics and street-level reality is a recurring dilemma in development economics—one that policymakers struggle to explain to populations undergoing structural reforms while still mired in daily hardship.

    While government officials and economic advisers may celebrate rising GDP as evidence of progress, ordinary Nigerians are more concerned about their ability to afford food, pay rent, access medical care, and meet transportation costs. Today, with the naira severely devalued and denominations like ₦5, ₦10, and ₦20 effectively worthless, it’s difficult for citizens to believe in slogans like “Renewed Hope” when their basic needs remain unmet.

    Many are overwhelmed by hunger and homelessness, with inflation making essential goods and services increasingly unaffordable. In such a context, official rhetoric about economic growth sounds abstract—if not completely alien—to the struggling masses.

    This stark mismatch between government optimism and popular despair explains why many Nigerians feel disillusioned. After 26 years of democracy, they expected a nation on the path to prosperity. Instead, they are left questioning whether the system has truly worked for them.

    The situation described above is the current reality for most Nigerians. This has compelled me to take a closer look at the disconnect between rising GDP figures and the persistent poverty experienced by citizens. Specifically, I aim to explore why economic growth—reflected in higher GDP—does not automatically translate into an improved standard of living or immediate poverty reduction.

    This reality contradicts the assumptions held by many Nigerians who mistakenly believe that GDP growth will swiftly lead to poverty eradication. In truth, and largely unknown to the general public, poverty reduction requires the convergence of multiple factors working together in sync. Until these elements align harmoniously, the so-called dividends of democracy will not effectively reach the grassroots.

    To put it simply, GDP tends to measure the concentration of wealth, typically in the hands of the elite. Unless that wealth is reinvested in productive ventures that generate employment and include the poor, poverty reduction remains elusive—more a dream than a measurable outcome.

    Through this piece, I aim to clarify the often misunderstood relationship between GDP, poverty, and insecurity. Without a clear understanding of these links, ordinary Nigerians will continue to feel disconnected from government proclamations about economic progress, especially when those claims don’t align with their daily struggles.

    For the average citizen, rising GDP means little if food remains unaffordable, transportation costs are unbearable, and basic needs like housing and healthcare are out of reach. Until the cost-of-living crisis eases and daily life becomes less punishing, many will continue to mockingly refer to President Tinubu as “T-Pain”—a nickname that emerged in response to the painful, short-term effects of his reform agenda.

    Yet, it’s important to note that economic reforms take time. There is always a gestation period before policies yield tangible results. Because these reforms require a complex mix of socio-economic factors to align, public patience understandably wears thin, especially among those struggling to survive.

    This article is my attempt to bridge the gap between policy architects and the masses. By using relatable examples, I hope to shed light on how economic development works, and why GDP growth doesn’t always equate to immediate poverty reduction.

    Take, for example, the $20 billion Dangote Refinery in Lekki, Lagos. While this mega-project will undoubtedly boost Nigeria’s GDP, it does not directly create a large number of jobs for low-income earners, as it is capital-intensive and employs mainly high-skilled labor. In contrast, the ongoing construction of the 750-kilometer Lagos-Calabar coastal highway by Hitech Construction will have a more immediate impact on poverty reduction. Road construction tends to be labor-intensive and creates a wide array of job opportunities—from engineers and skilled technicians to informal workers, food vendors, and even homeowners renting rooms to laborers along the project corridor.

    These examples illustrate a crucial point: economic growth and poverty alleviation are not always simultaneous or automatic. They often unfold in phases, depending on how different sectors interlink and how policies are implemented and sustained over time.

    Ultimately, the lengthy implementation period of reforms often leads to public frustration, especially when politicians have raised expectations during campaigns with ambitious promises. Sadly, this pattern has become a recurring problem in Nigeria, and it is the root of the disillusionment currently gripping the nation.

    When President Bola Tinubu returned to Lagos for the first time a few months after assuming office, it was expected to be a celebratory homecoming. However, the mood was quickly sobered when he was met by chants of “ebin kpa wa”—Yoruba for “we are hungry”—from frustrated Lagos youths.

    This public outcry likely struck a chord with Tinubu, who, as a former governor of Lagos and a native son of the state, could not ignore such a message. In response, his administration swiftly removed import duties on food items to ease the skyrocketing cost of living, worsened by the elimination of subsidies on petrol and the naira. These decisions, although economically necessary, triggered a widespread cost-of-living crisis that continues to burden millions of Nigerians.

    Adding to the crisis is the escalating insecurity in rural areas, where farmers are unable to work their land due to fear of attacks—resulting in declining food production and worsening scarcity.

    During his most recent 10-day visit to Lagos to celebrate Sallah, President Tinubu, now midway through his term, acknowledged that food prices remain high and that many citizens are suffering economic hardship. To his credit, he did not attempt to downplay the challenges Nigerians face. He reminded the public that he inherited a nation in financial distress, and that the reforms he introduced—though painful—were necessary to stabilize the country.

    There are valid arguments suggesting that, without these reforms, Nigeria could have spiraled into a crisis akin to Venezuela’s—a fellow oil-rich nation plagued by economic collapse, a classic case of the “resource curse.” Tinubu’s government has sought to reverse decades of flawed policies—such as fuel, currency, and electricity subsidies—that were originally introduced as temporary solutions but eventually became entrenched, contributing to Nigeria’s long-term underdevelopment over its nearly 65 years of independence.

    In his Democracy Day speech on June 12, Tinubu reaffirmed his identity as a progressive by honoring 66 of his fellow democracy activists with national awards—individuals who fought alongside him for the restoration of civilian rule after years of military dictatorship. He also admitted that Nigeria has not yet become the prosperous nation its people hope for, but assured citizens that relief is on the way through new programs and projects aimed at addressing their struggles.

    Yet, as the saying goes, “talk is cheap.” For many Nigerians, government rhetoric—amplified since May 29 through widespread media campaigns showcasing the administration’s midterm achievements—rings hollow. A significant gap remains between official claims of progress and the harsh realities felt by ordinary citizens across the country.

    This disconnect between rising GDP figures and deepening poverty is not unique to Nigeria; it’s a global challenge. Economists have long debated why economic growth doesn’t automatically reduce poverty. Several theories attempt to explain this:

    1. Kuznets Curve: Proposed by Simon Kuznets, this theory suggests that as economies grow, inequality initially rises but eventually falls once a certain level of development is reached.

    2. Trickle-Down Economics: This theory argues that wealth generated at the top eventually benefits the lower classes. However, critics argue that this process is often slow, incomplete, or entirely ineffective.

    3. Unequal Exchange Theory: This concept highlights how developing countries often engage in trade relationships that favor developed nations, leading to persistent poverty and inequality at home.

    4. Dependency Theory: It suggests that developing nations are structurally dependent on developed countries, which keeps them locked in cycles of poverty and underdevelopment.

    The gap between GDP growth and actual improvements in people’s lives is due to complex and often overlooked factors. To make this clearer, I drew an analogy between two major projects: the Dangote Refinery and the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway by Hitech Construction. While the refinery significantly boosts Nigeria’s GDP through high-value industrial output, it creates relatively few jobs for low-income earners. On the other hand, the highway project—though smaller in GDP impact—generates widespread employment for engineers, laborers, vendors, and local landlords, offering more direct poverty relief.

    This comparison helps illustrate the subtle but crucial difference between economic growth and equitable development—something policymakers must keep in mind when designing reforms intended to benefit all Nigerians, not just a privileged few.

    1. Income Inequality

    GDP growth doesn’t automatically result in fair wealth distribution. Often, the benefits are concentrated among a privileged few, leaving the wider population with limited access to opportunities and resources. A prime example is the $20 billion Dangote Refinery—while it boosts GDP, it risks deepening income inequality unless the benefits are widely shared.

    2. Poverty and Unemployment

    Economic growth does not guarantee lower poverty or unemployment rates, particularly when it is driven by capital-intensive sectors that create few jobs. Projects like the Dangote Refinery and the $5 billion Bonga offshore oil field investment exemplify such growth—they contribute significantly to GDP but generate limited employment for the general population.

    3. Inflation and Rising Cost of Living

    While GDP growth can be a positive indicator, it often comes with inflation that erodes purchasing power. When the cost of goods and services rises faster than wages, the majority of citizens feel no tangible improvement in their lives. This is the current Nigerian experience: despite monetary tightening policies from the Central Bank, inflation continues to impoverish the masses.

    4. Inadequate Social Services and Infrastructure

    Growth in GDP does not always reflect improvements in public services such as education, healthcare, or infrastructure. Unless economic gains are reinvested into these sectors, the benefits may not reach the broader population. That said, both government and philanthropic efforts—led by figures like Tony Elumelu, Aliko Dangote, and Mike Adenuga—along with investments in railway and road infrastructure, are helping to close this gap.

    5. Corruption and Weak Governance

    Poor governance and corruption can significantly undermine the advantages of economic growth. When the gains from GDP expansion are siphoned off by corrupt elites, the population sees little to no improvement in their lives. Unlike his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari—who declared a war on corruption in 2015—President Tinubu has taken a quieter, action-oriented approach. Though he hasn’t made loud proclamations, Tinubu has shown commitment by removing corrupt officials, such as former Humanitarian Affairs Minister Dr. Betta Edu, when credible allegations emerged. His strategy leans more toward silent enforcement than public grandstanding.

    These factors contribute to the persistent gap between GDP growth and improvements in the living standards of everyday Nigerians. Unless these issues are tackled through well-designed, mass-oriented policy implementation, economic growth will continue to feel distant and disconnected from the realities on the ground.

    Interestingly, many of the root causes behind the gap between a rising GDP and worsening poverty—issues that also fuel insecurity and public discontent—are already being targeted by the Tinubu administration through various poverty reduction initiatives.

    However, the government has struggled to effectively communicate its efforts. The absence of a clearly structured and consistently communicated policy framework has left many Nigerians unaware of what is being done. This communication failure has opened the door for critics to brand Tinubu’s administration as reactive and directionless. In reality, these reforms are gradually improving Nigeria’s economic fundamentals—a fact recognized by institutions like the IMF, World Bank, Fitch, Moody’s, and even The Financial Times of London. Yet, the absence of a compelling domestic narrative leaves many Nigerians unconvinced, even as the government celebrates these international endorsements.

    In my assessment, the Tinubu administration has implemented several policies intended to ensure that GDP growth translates into real poverty reduction. These include:

    A) Pro-Poor Growth Strategies

    These are targeted policies aimed at reducing poverty and inequality, particularly through social welfare programs and human capital investments.

    To this end, the administration established a dedicated Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs tasked with supporting vulnerable populations. One key initiative under this ministry is the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme.

    Though the program initially faced criticism over the low stipend amount, President Tinubu responded by increasing the cash benefit from ₦25,000 to ₦75,000 for 15 million households, according to the National Social Safety Net Coordination Office.

    B) Job Creation and Youth Empowerment

    Efforts to reduce unemployment have focused on promoting entrepreneurship, job creation, and skills development.

    Beyond the initiatives led by various state governors and their spouses, the Federal Ministry of Education recently launched the Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) program. This program aims to equip Nigerian youth—especially internally displaced persons (IDPs) and other vulnerable groups—with practical skills in areas like digital coding, cloud computing, and data analytics. Participants are provided with seed capital and equipment to enable them to become self-employed and economically active.

    Before this, private sector actors like the Tony Elumelu Foundation (TEF) had been pioneering similar youth empowerment initiatives across Africa. The federal government’s current program appears to be a scaled-up, national version of that successful private sector model.

    C) Social Protection Programs

    These initiatives act as a safety net for society’s most vulnerable, offering support in the form of subsidies, direct aid, and empowerment tools.

    First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu has played a hands-on role by visiting various states—such as Rivers, Delta, Bayelsa, Enugu, and others—to distribute empowerment tools including medical equipment, grinding machines, and refrigerators. These programs cut across party lines and aim to uplift women and disadvantaged communities.

    D) Human Capital Investment

    A major part of reducing poverty lies in long-term investment in education, healthcare, and essential social services.

    On the education front, high-caliber institutions like Charterhouse UK have established a branch in Lagos, signaling growing confidence in Nigeria’s private education sector. These developments are expected to reduce the outflow of foreign exchange spent on sending children abroad for secondary and tertiary education.

    Further supporting this effort is the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), a key initiative under Tinubu’s administration. NELFUND enables access to tertiary education for nearly 300 million Nigerian students (likely referring to applicants or potential beneficiaries over time), encouraging more students to study locally rather than abroad and rejuvenating local universities in the process.

    In the healthcare sector, the opening of high-quality medical institutions such as Evercare Hospital in Lagos—funded through venture capital—and the African Medical Centre of Excellence (AMCE) in Abuja—supported by the African Development Bank (AfDB)—marks a significant upgrade in local healthcare infrastructure.

    These advancements are projected to significantly reduce the $1 billion annually lost to medical tourism. Much like the elimination of petrol and naira subsidies, which has saved billions and cut petrol imports by approximately 30 million liters annually, improved healthcare services at home are expected to curb the financial drain on foreign healthcare spending.

    Although many of these projects are private-sector-led, they are no less vital. They contribute meaningfully to national productivity, improve the quality of life, and help align GDP growth with poverty reduction goals.

    Understanding the Disconnect Between GDP Growth and Poverty Alleviation

    Although Nigeria’s economy has experienced measurable growth, the benefits have not translated into improved living conditions for the majority. Several systemic factors help explain this gap:

    • Wealth Concentration: When economic progress disproportionately benefits the wealthy few, poverty and inequality remain deeply entrenched.

    • Growth Without Jobs: Economic expansion driven by industries that rely heavily on machinery and technology often fails to create jobs, especially for unskilled labor.

    • Weak Social Safety Nets: In the absence of robust welfare programs, vulnerable populations are left exposed to economic volatility and hardship.

    Tackling the Roots of Poverty and Inequality

    Closing the gap between economic growth and real improvements in living standards requires targeted, inclusive interventions. Key areas of focus include:

    • Quality Education and Skills Training: Boosting literacy and access to functional education is essential. Initiatives like the Helpers Social Development Foundation’s free schooling and sponsorship for students are vital in empowering young Nigerians.

    • Empowering Women and Educating Girls: Fostering equal opportunities for women through education and economic initiatives not only uplifts families but positively shapes the next generation.

    • Fighting Corruption: Transparent governance and stronger accountability frameworks are critical to ensure public funds serve their intended developmental purposes.

    • Fairer Income Distribution: Adopting strategies that shift resources toward low- and middle-income earners can stimulate consumption, spur local industries, and generate employment.

    • Infrastructure Development: Strategic investments in transportation, power supply, and digital infrastructure can connect markets, improve efficiency, and drive inclusive growth.

    • Diversifying the Economy: Moving away from oil dependency by supporting agriculture, small businesses, and tech innovations will foster long-term stability and job creation.

    • Affordable Healthcare: Strengthening the healthcare system reduces the economic strain of illness on families and enhances national productivity.

    • Expanding Financial Access: Improving access to financial services—especially in rural areas—through digital banking and fintech tools enables broader economic participation.

    • Strengthening Social Programs: Initiatives like conditional cash transfers, food support, and targeted subsidies must be scaled up to cushion the most vulnerable.

    Practical Measures for Redistribution

    Achieving a more equitable society demands well-structured redistribution mechanisms, including:

    • Progressive Taxation: Tax systems where high earners contribute more can fund essential public services.

    • Social Assistance: Direct support programs like unemployment benefits, food aid, and housing assistance offer immediate relief to low-income groups.

    • Minimum Wage Enforcement: Guaranteeing fair wages helps lift working families out of poverty.

    • Accessible Public Services: Investing in public healthcare and education provides critical upward mobility pathways for disadvantaged communities.

    • Cash Transfers and Subsidies: Financial support through direct payments or subsidies for essentials like housing and energy helps bridge economic gaps.

    • Tax Credits: Reducing tax burdens for low-income earners can improve household financial security.

    • Affordable Housing Projects: Public housing schemes play a key role in combating urban poverty.

    • Skills and Job Training: Government-led programs that teach vocational and digital skills increase employability and self-sufficiency.

    Both federal and state governments have already established skill acquisition centers nationwide to support this agenda.

    Additionally, the National Assembly is currently reviewing four tax reform bills, aimed at easing the pressure on low-income earners while expanding the government’s revenue base.

    Closing the Trust and Communication Gap

    While the administration has highlighted President Tinubu’s midterm achievements with pride, everyday Nigerians remain unconvinced. With inflation, unemployment, and insecurity still pressing, citizens see little evidence of improvement in their day-to-day lives.

    As former Lagos governor Babatunde Fashola once framed it, the “stomach infrastructure”—the basic needs of food, shelter, and security—still feels out of reach for many.

    To win public trust, the government must do more than promise reforms. It must deliver results—and communicate them clearly and honestly. Many of its initiatives remain disjointed and underdeveloped. What’s needed now is strategic execution, tangible progress, and a compelling narrative that assures Nigerians that better days are not just promised—they’re coming.

    Of all the challenges that President Tinubu inherited from his predecessor, including rescuing the country from the brinks of bankruptcy as it was weighed down by foreign and local debts to the IMF, foreign banks and airlines, some of which have commendably been repaid, even as the, CBN has also recorded increase in FX balance in the national treasury

    Similarly, the good news that state oil behemoth, NNPC has ramped up crude oil production to 1.8 million per day from a low production of about 1.2 million per day some two years ago, with a target of 2 million BPD is partly responsible for higher FX inflow into the CBN. That is cherry news, however, the economy is still not out of the woods, although it is effectively on the trajectory of recovery.

    In the same vein, the erstwhile volatility in the naira exchange rates with foreign currencies and its scarcity that had been the bane of the Nigerian economy have been relatively stabilized to about N1,600/$1.

    That is on top of the fact that FX has become readily available on demand which is quite unlike in the past when sourcing hard currencies was like a nightmare for manufacturers who need to import raw materials to keep their factories in operation. The failure to successfully source FX is the reason that some of them were forced to shut down operations and relocate from Nigeria to other climes particularly Ghana and other neighboring countries from where they were producing essential items and exporting to Nigeria further causing our country to lose income by exporting capital.

    Thankfully the exodus of manufacturing firms is no longer the case. Rather those who fled are likely going to be returning soon as the business environment changes for the better.

    By far the worst thorns in the flesh of most Nigerians in terms of impact are not the inflation rate which remains high but coming down to a little over 23% nor the price of petrol which is currently hovering around N800 per litre, down from N1,300, but not yet where it should be. Rather the challenges that have lingered like malignant tumors are (1)insecurity of lives and properties, and (2) the outrageous hike in electricity charges currently designated into band A to E without commensurate supply to consumers who see the ill-conceived development in the electricity supply system as a scam.

    Although the human carnage arising from the constant murder of innocent people in the Kaduna and Borno states northern Nigeria has abated since president Tinubu mounted the saddle in Aso Rock villa, the alarming rate of vicious killings in the middle belt states of Benue and Nassarawa which have become the new epicenter of violent displacement of farmers by heavily armed bandits is worrisome and unacceptable, so it needs being addressed frontally by President Tinubu as he has affirmed in his statement following the murder of an estimated 200 people in Benue state over the last weekend.

    Apparently,  while President Tinubu has recorded significant progress in other segments of society as earlier catalogued, he appears to be confounded and overwhelmed by the alarming scourge of insecurity as evidenced by the escalation of killings in the past couple of years, especially in Benue and Plateau states.

    The Benue state governor Hycinth Alia’s allegations that the killing of villagers in his state by heavily armed bandits who also burn the houses resulting in the villagers fleeing into the bushes while abandoning their homes and which is often followed by the arrival of herdsmen and their cattle should be investigated.

    That would help determine if indeed the attacks have international dimensions/elements and the invasion and seizure of our lands to be occupied by foreigners which is the unfolding scenario, is not a very high security threat to the sovereignty of Nigeria since the Wagner group (Russian private military contractors for hire) and other foreign mercenaries are currently operating in neighboring countries like Niger Republic, Mali and Burkina Faso which have withdrawn their membership of ECOWAS -a regional organization serving the common interests of the nation that are located in the region.

    In light of the above, it would appear as if instead of insecurity going down, it has been rising under President Tinubu’s watch.

    That is not good optics for the incumbent administration. As such, tackling insecurity needs to be prioritized by President Tinubu. It is a promise that he has made for the umpteenth time but the talk has not been transformed into action.

    So, l would like to suggest that in the same manner that President Tinubu has significantly tamed inflation, stabilized the naira and ended petrol pump price subsidy, insecurity that is making the Benue and Nassarawa states look like killing fields, metaphorically, should compel the president, commander- in- chief of the armed forces of Nigeria, Tinubu to dorn his thinking cap and figure out, an out-of- the -box way, how to guarantee the security of the lives and properties of the Nigerians living in Benue and Nassarawa states who have been under siege by vicious outlaws without protection the federal government which our compatriot in those targeted states are entitled.

    Some of the options available to President Tinubu include defeating the bandits by dislodging them from our forests from where they launch the attacks and retreat to hide by ensuring that our law enforcement officers occupy the forests permanently and do not leave the forests fallow for the outlaws to re-occupy.

    In this regard, the concept of forest guards earlier proposed should be activated without further delay. There is no doubt that insecurity in Nigeria needs to be de-escalated so that the other goals of the administration such as the reduction of food inflation due to the inability of rural dwellers to attend their farms. To protect them so that their fundamental human rights will not be continuously violated, they need to save themselves from the dastardly activities of bandits terrorizing our fellow countrymen and women in the hinterlands of the states that are reputed to be the breadbasket of Nigeria.

    In my assessment, the reason, the villagers in north central Nigeria are being decimated wantonly by the bandits is that the criminal elements are armed with sophisticated weapons while the victims are unarmed.

    Justified by the reality that the prevailing dire atmosphere of violence in Benue and Nasarawa states requires extraordinary measures to counteract, President Tinubu may need to take some extraordinary measures which should not be a declaration of emergency rule which would amount to killing democracy softly.

    Unsurprisingly, some unusual actions are being recommended as a panacea.

    As if to create an atmosphere of balance of force, a former chief of Defense staff, Gen.T.Y Danjuma (rtd) had advised his people from Taraba state and environ who were at some point targets of the outlaws to arm themselves to protect themselves otherwise they will be killed continuously as the Nigerian government has proven incapable or unwilling to protect them from the marauders. In a similar vein, the Director-General of State Security Services, DS Mr Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi also recommended the arming of people in vulnerable communities for self-protection.

    The above recommendations are patently extreme as they contravene the 1999 constitution of Nigeria which provides that only members of the armed forces should bear sophisticated arms.

    Apart from law enforcement officers, the statutes book permits issuing licenses to civilians only for hunting.

    So, proposing that locals who are not members of the military or law enforcement agencies should bear arms must have been made due to the hopelessness and helplessness of the vulnerable communities by the high-ranking and well-respected former army chief of staff and the current chief security intelligence officer.

    But are there no alternative measures that can be taken as a counteroffensive to the armed bandits wreaking havoc in our hinterlands?

    My hunch is that if we engage in critical thinking there would be more viable solutions to the menace.

    I recently came across a news report indicating that about 6,000 cadet police officers had just been recruited and commissioned.

    In my view that is very minuscule.

    To rein in insecurity in Nigeria, the authorities need a massive recruitment of law enforcement officers of at least 100,000 not 6,000 every year in the next five (5) years until the ogre of insecurity has been killed.

    To achieve that objective of creating a surge in security personnel to repel the current wave of attacks by the outlaws, the option is to adopt the existing local vigilante groups into the special force, which most states and regional governments are falling back on for security in their respective states and regions.

    Their members should constitute the core of the recruits as law enforcement personnel being proposed since they have already undergone through preliminary training.

    They can be easily transitioned into the state police which has been on the drawing board for the past 26 years since multi-party democracy returned in Nigeria in 1999. If the state police option is not viable they can be adopted into a community police system.

    It is on record that it is during the reign of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) that the concept of state police was first mooted.

    For swiftness in action, conditions or prerequisites for the recruitment of the vigilante personnel into the special forces should be lowered. And all the men/ women who exited the military or law enforcement agencies under extraordinary circumstances should be considered for recruitment into the force.

    They should not be recruited into the traditional police force rather they should be designated as special police in the manner that SPY police which is essentially dedicated to guard duties in banks was formed and is currently being operated.

    When insecurity ebbs in five years or thereabout, the special force can be disbanded with the option of the men/women engaged to be absorbed into the other law enforcement agencies after being retrained.

    President Tinubu must declare zero tolerance for insecurity which is giving oxygen to all the  socioeconomic and political challenges bedeviling our beloved nation.

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth Institute scholar, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Wrestling with democracy – By Chidi Amuta

    Wrestling with democracy – By Chidi Amuta

    Of all the nations that profess an embrace of democracy, Nigeria has had a field day of celebrations in recent times. Last year, we celebrated 25 years (a quarter of a century) of the return of democracy from over four decades of military autocracy. In 19999, Nigerian history and providence chased off a stubborn military  hegemony and replaced it with a hurried and untidy transfer of power to elected civilian authority.

    More recently, we have just been celebrating two years of the Tinubu presidency, the 5th  such dispensation in the post military period. And last Thursday, once again in an annual  ritual that has been in place since after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, we observed yet anther episode of the annual June 12.

    Democracy Day. Prior to now, Democracy Day used to be  on May 29th, the day Nigeria returned to democracy after the decades of military rule. Political pressure and expediency has since consecrated June 12 into a national Democracy Day over and above May 29th.

    In all this jumble of anniversaries, there is a sense in which Nigeria may have become one nation in which democracy both as a concept and national event has become almost a deity with an annual worship calendar. Different national leaderships now make it a duty to celebrate and observe the various democracy anniversaries if only to remind themselves of their fundamental commitment to developing and consolidating a democratic culture.

    For a nation that has spent the better part of its post- colonial history under non-democratic rule, these fetish observances can be justified. From 1966 to 1999, the greater part of Nigerian history was spent under the jackboot of military leaders. Of the 15 leaders that the nation has been under since after1960, 7 have been pure military officers thrown up by coups in one form or the other. In terms of duration of reign, of the 65 years since after independence in 1960, only roughly 46 years have been spent under sporadic civilian democracies, interrupted, except in the last 25 years, by military interventions.

    Of course, no one can celebrate our long military interregnums. Yet no one in their right mind can dismiss the years of military rule as completely wasted. On the contrary, it can be argued that the greatest and boldest acts of nation building in Nigeria took place under the military. The founding fathers hardly began the task of national building. But their single most important achievement was the procurement of flag and anthem independence in 1960. The edifice they inherited from the colonialists was an unfinished business. It was an arrangement, not a viable nation state.

    They left us a tripartite ethnic behemoth. Hegemonic peer group conflicts led to ethnic tension and eventually a sad and wasteful civil war. The military intervention that followed, though sad in itself, led to many nation building initiatives. There was the creation of states from 12 to the present 36 state structure of the federation. The military dismantled the hegemonic four region structure  and reduced the lure of regional hegemony and antagonism.

    The military also began the process of integration of the nation by de-sectionalizing the security forces. A unified national police and military command structure was created for the nation. Under the new arrangement, personnel from all over the country were deployed to serve all over the country irrespective of their states of origin, thus ending the threat of regional hegemony and ethnicization of national secueity institutions which was at the root of the crisis and civil war.

    More strategically important, it was the military under the leadership of General Yakubu Gowon that pioneered the establishment of key national unity institutions. The National Youth Service Corp (NYSC) Scheme, now in its 52nd year was established to forge in young Nigerian graduates a new sense of national unity.

    There was also the establishment of Unity Secondary schools to offer secondary school education to Nigerian children in their formative years while they embraced a system of national merit moderated by a sense of balance and unity. Children were encouraged to attend these unity schools all over the nation to embrace national unity while growing up under a regime of meritocracy that also allowed for a certain equality of opportunities.

    Similar nation building initiatives like the Civil Service Reforms, the Federal Character Principle,  quota system and balancing of opportunities in the public services were also initiated. While the policies to pursue a balanced federation were pursued, there was an allowance for the states as federating units to aspire to their individual attainments to excel and develop along their own lines and at their own pace.

    However, the mechanisms of nation building adopted by the military were not always well thought out. In an attempt to balance the federation and unify aspirations, the military tended to see the nation more as a barrack than as an organic  polity with inherent human diversity and internal differences.

    The military tended to apply a uniform template  which did not provide for the difference of culture and rate of development of different parts of the country. This has of course led to a certain uneven development among different zones of the country. But it does not invalidate the principle of pursuing  the challenge of nation building.

    The years of democratic intervention in our national history have had their inherent values as well. They have posited a political counter culture to the years of military autocracy. By its nature, military rule is inherently restrictive in terms of citizen freedoms and rights.

    The military did not allow the freedoms of expression, association and belief to flourish. A nation, no matter how well structured, is first and foremost an organic  domain of freedom. When people are not accorded their full rights in a free society, development and national structure mean little. The military restricted freedom in the national space to their unified vision and garrison perspective.

    With hindsight, we cannot forget too soon our experience under the military jackboot. The military beat us up if they felt we were not observing garrison discipline. They occasionally  flogged us with horsewhips for minor traffic offences.

    They curtailed the freedom of the press, did not allow the flowering of civil society organizations nor allow the flowering of ideas that were antithetical or opposed to the dominance of their authoritarian ethos. You dared not disagree with government. Dissent was treasonous. A society that restricted ideas was bound to die instalmentally.  Under the military, our nation was dying gradually as a union of ideals. That was the tragedy that befell Nigeria in the decades of military rule.

    However, the spells of democratic civil rule that intervened allowed our people to exhale once again. Due process replaced impunity. Debate replaced ultimatums and commands. Institutions like National and State Assemblies provided avenues for policies and programmes of government to be subjected to interrogation and cross examination. Government lost its magisterial absolutism as elected officials who were accountable to the people replaced arbitrarily selected officialdom.

    As against the prevalence of decrees and other forms of arbitrary rule, the moments of democratic rule have allowed for the return of formal legislation at national, state and local government levels as the sources of legislations to guide the making of laws for  governance.

    Democracy has brought with it the familiar challenges of matching freedom with development. Nigeria’s adoption of the US-type presidential system poses the challenge matching the form of democracy with the substance of social and economic development. Under the existing democratic system, there are 774 local governments, 36 state governments plus one FCT government. And of course, there is an almighty federal government with 40-50 odd ministries and over 500 extra ministerial departments strewn all over the country.

    Questions have been raised about the appropriateness  of Nigeria’s present form of democracy as an instrument for development of the country. The central problem is how the nation’s economy can sustain the elaborate machinery of the democratic institutions and also generate enough  extra to fund social and economic developments for a nation as large and complex as Nigeria.

    In spite of nearly a quarter of a century of formal democracy, therefore, Nigeria is yet to imbibe the cultural attributes of a democratic society.  Our politicians still act with impunity on policy issues. The tendency to take arbitrary actions over and above legislated ones remains a constant temptation of the political leadership. The impulse to clamp down on free speech remains a constant temptation with key politicians as they occasionally order the  arrest and detention of journalists and opposition figures sometimes for weeks without trial.

    In recent times, a few state governors have degenerated into imperial autocrats. They have harassed and intimidated their opponents, used intemperate language in their public utterances and tended to blackmail their appointees into toeing whatever partisan routes they have opted for.

    A more interesting spillover of military authoritarian culture on current Nigerian democracy is the deliberate enlistment of military security operatives by politicians during electoral contests. This tendency is a carryover of the notion that military fiat can be summoned to  influence the outcome of electoral contests.

    It is not only politicians and political leaders who have continued to suffer from this nostalgia for the military days. Even among the civil populace, elements of garrison mentality still linger. People occasionally invite soldiers to settle inter personal squabbles.  Soldiers still beat up civilians like power company workers, tax collectors and rival traders in market related squabbles. In disagreements, policemen and soldiers have engaged in open fisticuffs with each other in defiance of law enforcement agencies. In all of these incidents, the basic democratic belief in the rule of law and due process  is often jettisoned in favour of  jungle justice.

    In the electoral process itself, Nigerian democracy has continued to wrestle with the basic requirements of the democratic process. Every democracy depends for its credibility on the reliability of the electoral process itself.  Ballots must be cast unimpeded. They must be counted and their count must be the sole determinants of the final outcome of the electoral contest. Once this process is compromised or tampered with in any manner, then the democracy in question is less than  free and fair. No matter how elaborately a democracy celebrates itself,  ceremony cannot in and of itself confer legitimacy and credibility on the system.

    It is commendable that Nigeria has scaled these significant milestones in its democratic journey. It is also opportune that the milestones of democratic transition are celebrated and marked. These ceremonies indicate an irreversible commitment to the sustenance of democracy as a permanent feature of the Nigerian political ecosystem.

    Democracy is by no means a destination. It is a process and often a turbulent journey. That journey must however indicate a trajectory of progress. The periodic observance of campaigns and electoral time tables is in itself a sign of progress and commitment to democracy as a destination.

    But successive governments that result from democratic processes must themselves renew their commitment by reinforcing the guardrails of the democratic endeavor not just as occasional showmanship but as an ingrained cultural value system. A leadership that results from a given democracy can only be as credible as the process that produced it. A credible democracy is therefore the bedrock of a respectable nation.

  • Tinubu’s democracy speech reflects ambitious vision – LCCI

    Tinubu’s democracy speech reflects ambitious vision – LCCI

    The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) says President Bola Tinubu’s Democracy Day speech reflects an ambitious and optimistic vision for Nigeria.

    In a statement in Lagos on Thursday, the Director-General of LCCI, Dr Chinyere Almona, said the speech showed government’s appreciation of democracy, economic development, security and social cohesion.

    Almona said that the President’s focus on economic growth, improving security, and increasing funding for education, healthcare, and infrastructure promised improved economic performance in the near future.

    “We join all Nigerians to celebrate the peaceful transition and commitment to democratic values in the past 26 years.

    “A stable political environment is very crucial for business success and for attracting investments.

    “Government must stay committed to executing all its proposed programmes and ongoing reforms to ensure Nigerians reap the benefits of democracy without further delay,” she said.

    The director-general also urged the government to  ensure clear and consistent communication about economic reforms and policies to businesses and the general public.

    This, she stated, would reduce uncertainty, build confidence and establish transparent mechanisms for tracking and reporting progress made through reforms.

    Almona also called for targeted support for businesses to reduce their cost burdens relating to energy, logistics and regulatory compliance.

    She said that LCCI recommended non-cash interventions that could ease the harsh production environment.

    Almona also advocated expansion of social safety net programmes to support households affected by high living costs and inflation.

    She also called for a more collaborative environment among government, businesses, the civil society and labour unions to ensure fair and timely negotiations on wages and working conditions.

    She said that the government must implement programmes that would support strategic sectors pivotal to job creation, tax revenues and infrastructure development.

    According to her, the oil and gas, power, and agriculture sectors require special attention as they offer catalytic support to the economy.

    “As Nigeria reflects on the progress made and the path ahead, we urge government to remain steadfast about implementing all the required reforms toward a more sustainable and resilient economy.

    “We call on government to work toward a nation built on the rule of law, justice and social cohesion even in our diversity and political sophistication,” she said.

  • June 12: No alternative to democracy – Ex-SDP presidential candidate

    June 12: No alternative to democracy – Ex-SDP presidential candidate

    The  Presidential Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the 2023 general election, Prince Adewale Adebayo, says there is no alternative to democracy as it remains the best option for electing the country’s leaders.

    Adebayo  said this during a visit to residence of  MKO Abiola  by members of  Pro-June 12 Movement and the Patriots in Ikeja on Thursday.

    Adebayo noted that even though democracy,as of now,  might be imperfect, it still remained the fairest and surest way by which the minority could have their say and the majority, their way.

    The politician said though democracy might not have met  expectations,  Nigerians still enjoy freedom of speech and association as well as the right to elect their leaders.

    He said: “For us, our Democracy Day represents a statement of intent, irrevocable decision and irretraceable step in our march to freedom from military rule and dictatorship.

    “Although the practice of democracy in our country may have fallen below the expectations of not a few, we take solace in the fact that we have freedom of speech and association and we elect our leaders fairly, even though not perfectly.

    “In spite of the imperfections of our democracy, it remains the best option  for us in electing our leaders.

    “In light of this, the task before us as a people and as a nation is to strive towards perfecting our democracy, especially in critical areas such as transparent and credible elections, accountable governance and citizen participation.”

    The presidential candidate  charged public office holders to serve the people with humility, reminding them that government was not a place for revenge, personal reward, egoism.or  aggrandisement.

    According to him, rather it is a place of to serve the rest of the citizens, who cannot converge on the State House or the National Assembly or judge every case in the judiciary.

    Adebayo warned those in public office to be mindful of the fragile nature of the country, adding that
    many heroes had passed away while many of the players were still alive.

    He said Nigerians had learnt many lessons, as there were citizens’ lessons, political parties’ lessons, and civil society lessons.

    The SDP candidate said there were institutional lessons for the military as well as lessons for the government of the day.

    Adebayo, however, urged the electorate to hold leaders accountable, noting that poor governance could be challenged and changed through the ballot every four years.

  • Democracy Day: Otuaro Calls for Unity, Backs Tinubu’s National Vision

    Democracy Day: Otuaro Calls for Unity, Backs Tinubu’s National Vision

    As Nigeria marks Democracy Day, former Deputy Governor of Delta State, His Excellency Deacon Kingsley Burutu Otuaro, has extended a message of hope, urging Deltans and Nigerians across the nation to remain steadfast in their support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

    In a statement, Otuaro acknowledged the current economic and social challenges but stressed that Nigeria is making meaningful strides toward recovery and renewal.

    He lauded President Tinubu’s focused efforts in tackling poverty, revamping the economy, and building a foundation for a united and prosperous nation.

    Read the full statement below:

    A Message of Hope and Support to the People of Delta State and Nigerians Nationwide

    My dear people of Delta State, and fellow Nigerians,

    At this crucial moment in our nation’s journey, I come to you not only as a former Deputy Governor but as a fellow patriot who shares in your dreams, concerns, and unyielding hope for a better Nigeria.

    In the face of challenges, we must not lose sight of the progress being made and the intentional efforts of our President, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, to lay a solid foundation for a stronger, prosperous nation. His administration is deeply committed to eradicating poverty, rebuilding our economy, and securing a brighter future for all Nigerians—north, south, east, and west.

    This is not the time for despair or division, but for unity and prayerful support. The Word of God instructs us in 1 Timothy 2:1-2 (NIV):
    “I urge, then, first of all, that petitions, prayers, intercession and thanksgiving be made for all people— for kings and all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness.”

    I therefore call on every Deltan and every Nigerian to join hands in prayer and support for President Tinubu and his team. Let us give them the benefit of our trust, the strength of our encouragement, and the blessing of our faith.

    Let us remember—great nations are not built in silence or cynicism, but through collective sacrifice, patience, and unwavering hope. With your support and God’s guidance, I am confident that this administration will lead us to a new dawn where opportunities abound, peace prevails, and every Nigerian can thrive.

    Together, let us believe again. Let us build again. Let us rise again.

    God bless President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
    God bless Delta State.

  • Democracy: Ongoing realignments, defections not out of place – NNPP

    Democracy: Ongoing realignments, defections not out of place – NNPP

    The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has said it is utterly out of place to consider ongoing political realignments and defections as an attempt by the Federal Government to make Nigeria a one party state.

    Dr Boniface Aniebonam, Founder and Chairman, Board of Trustees of the NNPP, made the assertion in his June 12 2025 Democracy Day message on Thursday in Lagos.

    Recall President Bola Tinubu while addressing the Joint Session of the National Assembly to mark the June 12 Democracy Day, said that Nigeria is not sliding into a one party as rumoured.

    Tinubu said: “To those who ring the alarm that the APC is intent on a one-party state, I offer you a most personal promise, while your alarm may be as a result of your panic, it rings in error.”

    According to the President, at no time in the past, nor any instance in the present, and at no future juncture shall I view the notion of a one-party state as good for Nigeria.

    Aniebonam noted that in every democracy, the power to associate remains sacred and even enshrined in the Nigerian constitution.

    “As we approach 2027, Nigerians have the democratic right to move across political parties, it’s only incumbent on political parties to do more to plug holes created by the exit of such members.

    ”Any attempt to stop these movements is clearly an infringement on the rights to association and free movement which democratic principles clearly uphold.

    “The fear of Nigeria’s democracy drifting into a one party system does not arise, as individuals moving from one party to another do not mean a realignment of registered political parties with similar ideology , therefore, movement of individual politicians are inconsequential to the subject matter.

    “Political elites who have access to government should reach out to government through direct engagement and or memo on the best way to reinvent Nigeria than playing to the gallery through media interventions.”

    The NNPP scribe urged prayers and support for the Federal Government.

    He said that though it is not yet uhuru, Nigeria has made tremendous progress as a nation, looking at the journey so far and uninterrupted democratic rule.

    “What temporarily divides us as a people are  elections and political elites, once it’s over, we are expected to unite in the interest of the people in order to enjoy the full gains and dividends of democracy.

    “We,  therefore, urge all well meaning lovers of democracy to lay down their political differences , embrace unity and responsible partnership with the government.

    “We call for a united Nigeria, a united people that are determined to sustain the development of our dear country.

    “We must use this celebration as a moment to reflect on our journey so far, and to what extent we have tapped into our religious, cultural and ethnic diversities going forward.”

    While praying for an end to insecurity leading to incessant loss of  lives, Aniebonam urged the government to do more in securing the lives and property of innocent and tax paying citizens.

    ”The government must be decisive to halt ongoing senseless killings in many parts of Nigeria, including Plateau, Benue, Niger, Zamfara, Borno and several other states  and restore sanity for economic activities to thrive optimally.

    “Tinubu is known for taking tough decisions and should, therefore, activate all state coercive forces to stop elements and sponsors of insecurity in Nigeria.”

    According to him, the President and his cabinet have done well by showing strong leadership, judging from where the administration began.

    “However, NNPP believes that it is time for Nigerians to participate fully in building a new Nigeria of our dreams, carrying long list of complaints cannot help other than responsible partnership with the government.

    ”All tiers of government, federal, state and local councils as well as Nigerians must ensure the survival of our democracy by adhering strictly to the rule of law and constitutionality.

    “All instruments of democracy must be protected, activated and made to function optimally. Yes, we can do it  through participation and mass movement against the evils of the society as we keep this conversation going , God bless everyone,” Aniebonam added.

  • BREAKING! Tinubu honours Shehu Musa Yar’Dua with GCFR, Humphrey Nwosu CFR, Soyinka Kudirat Abiola, Falans, Lakemfa, others

    BREAKING! Tinubu honours Shehu Musa Yar’Dua with GCFR, Humphrey Nwosu CFR, Soyinka Kudirat Abiola, Falans, Lakemfa, others

    President Bola Tinubu, on Thursday, announced post humours national awards to distinguished Nigerians both living and dead.

    Leading the awardees were former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, the late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’ Adua, who he conferred with the honour of Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR).

    He also conferred post houmous national honour on Chairman of the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC), Humphrey Nwosu, Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON).

    Late wife of the winner of the June 12, 1993, general elections, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola was also conferred with the post humours award of Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR).

    Other awardees included late Balarabe Musa – CFR

    Alfred Rewane – CFR

    Bagauda Kalto – OON

    Beko Ransom-Kuti – CON

    Alao Aka Basorun – CON

    Frank Kokori – CON

    Fredrick Fasheun – CON

    Iyayi – CON

    John Emasuen – ooN

    Madugadgu – CON

    Bola Ige – CFR

    Pa Reuben Fasoraitn – CFR

    Nurudeen Olowopopo – CON

    Prof. Wole Soyinka – GCON

    Prof. Olatunji Dare – CON

    Bishop Mathew Kukah – CON

    Governor Uba Sanni – CON

    Falana – CON

    Owei Lakemfa – OON

    Afikuyomi – CON

    Labaran Maku – OON

    Seye Kehinde – CON

    Prof. Julius Iyonvbere – CON

    Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi – CFR

    Gen. Alani Akinriande (rtd) – GCON

    Ame Ebute – CFR

  • Democracy’s sustenance: Atiku, Onaiyekan, Sanusi, others speak against poverty

    Democracy’s sustenance: Atiku, Onaiyekan, Sanusi, others speak against poverty

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi; a Prelate, Catholic Church Abuja,  Cardinal John Onaiyekan, and others have called for urgent action against poverty for sustenance of democracy.

    They made the call at a public lecture to commemorate former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi’s 60th birthday, in Abuja on Saturday.

    The lecture was with the theme, “Weaponisation of Poverty as a Means of Underdevelopment; A Case Study of Nigeria”.

    Atiku, in his submission, urged leaders in all tiers of government to live up to expectations and stop using poverty as a weapon to hold Nigerians to ransom.

    The former vice president called for collective action against poverty.

    Speaking on the topic, the prelate of the Catholic Church in Abuja admonished politicians to see their vocation as a service to God.

    He said that politics should not be an avenue for the accumulation of personal wealth but to render service, which ultimately means uplifting the quality of lives of citizens to the glory of God.

    Onaiyekan said that poverty would only be addressed, when those who control the electoral system allow the electorate to choose those who will lead them in a free and fair election.

    He said that democracy would be sustained in the country when there was deliberate effort to address poverty.

    The Emir of Kano, while speaking earlier, urged those saddled with the responsibility of leadership to inculcate the virtues of empathy with those they have been given a responsibility to lead.

    The former governor of CBN noted with concern that he came face to face with poverty when he ascended the throne.

    “Many of the elites in Nigeria do not know what poverty is. As an economist and former CBN governor, I see the numbers. I did not know poverty until I became Emir.

    “And you go to the village and see the water they drink, the houses they live in—two-block classrooms without roofs.

    “Do we actually love the people, or do we just love ruling over them? What are our priorities?

    “We make overpasses and underpasses for ourselves in the cities, while those in the rural areas cannot reach hospitals. We are in crisis; how to get out should be our focus,” he said.

    Also, the former Governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El Rufai, urged politicians and government at all levels to see their positions as a means of lifting the poor out of poverty.

    El-rufai, who said that politicians were not so smart to weaponise poverty except if allowed to do so, urged the electorate to choose the leaders that could lift them out of poverty.

    “I do not think politicians deliberately use poverty as a weapon. Poverty weaponises itself if allowed to exist like a pest.

    “That’s what has happened in Nigeria. I do not think that politicians are that smart if they seek and recognise poverty.”

    “For me, having been in the private sector and public service, and having been a true observer of our political deterioration, I believe that the problem that we have is the choice of leadership,” he said.

    A former Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme, Prof. Usman Yusuf, said that most of the cases being handled in hospitals today were not medical but poverty-induced social problems.

    Yusuf blamed corruption and bad governance for the multidimensional poverty in Nigeria.

    Amaechi, in remarks, linked insecurity to the current poverty level in the country.

    “Hunger does not know tribe and religion,” he said.

    He further noted that Nigerians had power to elect any leadervjf their choice if they are willing as power resides with the people, not politicians.

    The guest lecturer, a renowned scholar and a journalist, Dr Chidi Amuta, said that the future of democracy in the country was tied to the fight against the expanding frontier of aggressive poverty.

    The visiting Scholar at Cambridge University said that the immediate challenge of democracy in Nigeria, and indeed the rest of Africa, was to recaliberate its relevance from point of view of its meaning to the poor majority.

    He said that direct relevance to the welfare and rescue of the people from the “republic of poverty” should be measure of the meaning of democracy in the country.

    “Let us, therefore, reduce the meaning of the democracy we seek to the living conditions of the poor,” he said.

    The lecture had in attendance Prof. Wole Soyinka as the Chairman of the occasion,  former governor of Bayelsa, Sierake Dickson, and several traditional rulers.