Tag: Ehichioya Ezomon

  • Edo council poll: First test of might for Labour Party – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Edo council poll: First test of might for Labour Party – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Five months after the 2023 General Election, politics and politicking has resumed in four states of Bayelsa, Edo, Kogi and Imo for off-season balloting in the states controlled, two apiece, by lead opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The two dominant parties – together with opposition Labour Party (LP) and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) – battled themselves to a standstill in the February-March elections.

    Particularly in the presidential election of February 25, the APC, PDP and LP ran neck-and-neck, with APC and PDP winning in 12 states each, the LP in 11 states  (and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja), and NNPP in one state.

    The four parties faired similarly in the National Assembly (NASS) election held same day, with the APC topping the chart, and the NNPP rounding off the bottom.

    Yet, only the older PDP, formed in 1998, and the APC, established in 2013 by four legacy parties of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), and a faction of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), shared 26 (15-11) of 28 states that voted for governorship on March 18, leaving one state each for the LP and NNPP.

    This was against expectations of many Nigerians, who’d predicted that the LP – in particular – would re-enact its surprisingly superlative outing at the presidential election.

    But the party – propelled by a vociferous group of mostly young people aliased “Obidients” – fell short of its target, scraping only one state.

    This is the setting in eight states for off-season governorship poll that’ll precede the 2027 General Election, beginning with voting in Bayelsa, Kogi and Imo states on November 11.

    But prior to that franchise, the existing 18 political parties will test their might at the September 2 local government election in Edo State, even as a faction of the PDP is in court in attempts to stop it.

    So, all eyes are on the LP – the revelation, and “new kid on the block” of the 2023 election cycle – which shredded the formbook to claim – from zero – the third spot in federal and state polls on February 25 and March 18, respectively.

    Perhaps to prove the LP outing in the General Election isn’t a fluke, former presidential candidate, Peter Obi, lately campaigned for its candidates at the Edo council poll.

    The former Anambra State governor “stormed Benin City” on August 21 amid a jubilant crowd of party supporters and “Obidients” who chanted “Obi, Obi, Obi” and mobbed his campaign train as it snaked through major roads downtown the state capital.

    Obi’s presence added verve to the saturated campaigns holding both day and night across the state.

    Edo was one of the three South-South states that Obi won in February, thus it’s a homecoming for him 12 days to the election.

    Obi, on the first of a three-state stop in Imo (where he allegedly gave Governor Hope Uzodinma of APC a “quit notice” on August 22), Bayelsa and Kogi for the off-season governorship, deftly added to his itinerary the council poll in Edo, which also holds its governorship in September 2024.

    Surely, the September 2 council election serves as harbinger of what to expect in November in Bayelsa, Kogi and Imo! This wasn’t lost on Obi, as he addressed the crowd, and the press in Benin City.

    “The local government is the nearest to the people and it is supposed to be the root for ensuring development for the people,” Obi said, adding that, “the three most critical areas of development are health, education and poverty eradication.”

    “So, for the system to work, for a country to develop well, it is the local government, as everything that has to do with development is domiciled in the local government. That is why it is critical to our development and sustainability,” Obi said.

    He relived his failure, as Governor of Anambra State (2006-2014), to conduct council polls regularly.

    “As a governor, I was prevented by a host of legal and litigations from conducting local government elections for over six years,” he said.

    Pledging that “we will support our candidates with everything,” Obi tasked the electorate in Edo to vote massively for the LP, as doing so would protect their future.

    “So, we are here today (August 21) to support our candidates in the forthcoming local government elections in Edo State. We will support them with everything,” Obi said to a thunderous applause.

    The Obi promise to support the LP candidates may’ve signaled a departure from past proclamations that, “we don’t give shishi” (five koko) for political causes.

    Some smart members of the LP and “Obidients” allegedly took advantage of this stand, collected huge sums – in local and foreign currencies – and failed to disburse them to advance the party and candidates’ electoral fortunes in many states during the General Election.

    With the right lessons learnt, will Obi and “Obidients” be able to swing the council poll for LP’s candidates, and establish the party as the new leader in Edo politics?

    It’s a daunting task made more herculean by the restrategising of both the APC and PDP, which halted the LP “tsunami” at the federal elections on February 25 from re-emerging at state polls on March 18 – not just in Edo, but nationwide.

    Besides the presidential slot, the LP also won one Senate seat in Edo, with two seats going to the APC on February 25. But the LP was worsted at the March 18 poll, with PDP, APC and LP securing 14, nine and one of 24 house of assembly seats, accordingly.

    Still, the huge reception for Obi in Benin City on August 21 indicates the amount of groundwork that’d been done by LP’s supporters for the council election.

    And the wind seems on the back of the LP candidates following mass movements of heavyweight Edolites into the party, with veteran politician, educationist and philanthropist, Mr Kenneth Imansuangbon, leading the pack.

    Popularly called “The Rice Man” because of his regular gifting of tens of hundreds of bags of rice to the less-privileged in Edo State, Imansuangbon had traversed several political platforms from pre-1999 until he decamped mid-2023 from the PDP to LP, to advance, once again, his aspiration to be Governor of Edo State.

    So, for Imansuangbon and others already in, or waiting in the wings – including first timer (and backer of elective officeseekers across all parties), Prof. Sunny Ehoh Eromonsele, a young industrialist, philanthropist and proprietor of Mudiame University in Irrua, Esan Central of Edo State – Saturday council poll is a litmus test for their viability for governor.

    Can they pull off the election for the LP, so as to have a strong stake to the governorship that many have canvassed should go to Edo Central senatorial district, where Imansuangbon and Eromonsele hail from?

    Mr Obi, LP supporters and “Obidients” have six days to prove their political mettle in the 18 local government areas, 192 wards and 4,549 polling units in Edo State!

  • Ministerial portfolios of ‘square pegs in round holes’ – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Ministerial portfolios of ‘square pegs in round holes’ – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    If some Nigerians were sad about the kind of nominees President Bola Tinubu picked for his cabinet, many more were heavy-hearted over the portfolios assigned to the ministers.

    The composition of the cabinet was a mis-match in relation to some of the ministers’ educational and professional attainments and development, and experiences on the job over the years.

    Hence Nigerians deployed words, such as depression, despondency, disappointment, discontent, disenchantment, displeasure, dismay, disillusionment, and dissatisfaction, to express their feelings over Tinubu’s allocation of portfolios to the ministers.

    The President – touted as the best head-hunter among his peer-governors between 1999 and 2007 – was expected to be different from his predecessors in uninspiring appointments and allocation of portfolios.

    Many had hoped Tinubu would bring his famed pedigree of selecting ‘A List’ administrators in Lagos State to bear at the federal level, to tackle the myriad socio-economic problems challenging Nigerians in his under three-month-old government.

    Unlike the expeditious removal of petrol subsidy and floating of the Naira that sent prices of goods and services sky-high across all sectors – with the government struggling to provide palliatives to cushion the effects – the ministerial list was late in coming because of the President’s hedging.

    Pre-his inauguration on May 29, Tinubu’s presented as single-minded and “uncrackable” under whatever guise. And he lived up to that billing from the primaries through the campaigns and election, and the transition to assuming power.

    He topped his “invincibility” with some bold policies on subsidy removals and floating of the Naira. That’s why it’s befuddling that the President hid from lobbyists – “to avoid undue influence” – in rolling out a list of ministers that would satisfy expectations of Nigerians.

    Tinubu, speaking through Senate Majority Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele (APC-Ekiti Central) on July 25, even asked Senators, under Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Nigerians for prayers, to direct his thoughts and decisions aright.

    The President’s words: “Let me tell you, and you must encourage me. I need to make myself unavailable for the next 48 hours because a correspondence must come to the Senate, a very crucial correspondence.

    “So, Mr (Senate) President, pray for me. You should tell the rest of Nigerians to pray for me, to be able to make the right decision within the next 24 hours.”

    Still, many had thought Tinubu would break with the Nigerian “protocol,” and start to tease up his ministerial nominees piecemeal – along with their portfolios – as is the practice in diverse countries, particularly in the United States.

    Before the list gets to Parliament, informed citizens would’ve known and “scrutinised” the nominees for the portfolios to be assigned to them. This aids the work of the legislators in approving the nominees.

    Though it creates more drama and anticipation, involement of the public in “vetting” nominees helps to expose their quality in terms of character, capacity, competence and experience, and their fit for designated portfolios.

    And it’s easier to get people’s buy-in into government’s policies and programmes if given the chance to assist in shaping the content of the cabinet.

    So, delaying, and hoarding the ministerial list that he presented in two batches didn’t seem to help the President – nor meet the expectations of Nigerians – when he submitted the first batch of 28 nominees on July 27 to the Senate for screening and confirmation.

    It’s the same yawns and sighs when Tinubu released the second batch of nominees dominated by former Governors, party chieftains and personalities hardly known to Nigerians as capable of delivering on the job.

    Nigerians had something to say – positive or negative – about the list. But generally, they gave the President some leeway, hoping he’d rectify observed “anomalies” in the list at the stage of assigning portfolios to the ministers.

    But what did Nigerians see when Tinubu allocated portfolios to 45 of 48 ministers? Many classified it as “putting square pegs in round holes,” with some ministers lacking the requisite professionalism, competency and experience!

    They argued it wasn’t markedly different from former President Muhammadu Buhari’s cabinet – formed after a six-month delay – with the ministers majorly as low picks, resulting in gross failure of many on the job.

    Tinubu’s reasons for allocating the respective portfolios, but peruse below and evaluate if the President’s passed his acclaimed head-hunting ability to assemble the “very best” for his cabinet:

    *Nyesom Wike (Lawyer/Rivers), Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. *Dave Umahi (Civil Engineer/Ebonyi), Minister of Works. *Adegboyega Oyetola (lnsurer/Osun), Minister of Transportation. *Mohammed Badaru (Accountant/Jigawa),

    Minister of Defence. *Bello Matawalle (Teacher/Zamfara), Minister of State, Defence. *Atiku Bagudu (Economist/Kebbi),

    Minister of Budget and Economic Planning. *Ibrahim Geidam (Accountant/Yobe), Minister of Police Affairs. *Simon Lalong (Lawyer/Plateau), Minister of Labour and Employment.

    *Wale Edun (Economist/Ogun), Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. *Lateef Fagbemi, SAN (Lawyer/Kwara), Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. *Sa’Idu A. Alkali (Economist/Gombe), Minister of Interior. *Yusuf M. Tuggar (Prof.-Int’l Relations/Bauchi), Minister of Foreign Affairs. *Ali Pate (Prof.-Medical Doctor/Bauchi), Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare. *Tahir Maman, SAN (Prof.-Lawyer/Adamawa),

    Minister of Education. *Muhammed Idris (English-Media Owner/Niger), Minister of Information and National Orientation *Zephaniah Jisalo (Educationist/FCT), Minister of Special Duties and Inter-Govermental Affairs.

    *Festus Keyamo, SAN (Lawyer/Delta), Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development. *Shuaibu A Audu (System Analyst/Kogi), Minister of Steel Development. *Doris Anite (Medical Doctor-Financial Expert/Imo), Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment. *Uche Nnaji (Politician/Enugu), Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology. *Bunmi Tunji (Electronics-Communications Engineer/Ondo), Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. *Bosun Tijani Ph.D (Economist-Systems Developer/Lagos), Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy. *Adedayo Adelabu (Accountant/Oyo), Minister of Power. *Ahmed M. Dangiwa (Architect/Katsina), Minister of Housing and Urban Development.

    *Dele Alake (Pol. Scientist-Journalist/Ekiti), Minister of Solid Minerals Development. *Lola Ade-John (Computer-System Analyst/Lagos), Minister of Tourism. *Joseph Utsev (Prof.-Civil-Water Engineer/Benue),

    Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation. *Abubakar Kyari (Business Admin/Borno), Minister of Agriculture and Food Security. *Uju Kennedy Ohanenye (Lawyer/Anambra), Minister of Women Affairs. *Abubakar Momoh (Civil Engineer/Edo), Minister of Youth. *Betta Edu Ph.D (Medical Doctor/Cross River), Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation. *John Enoh (Pharmacologist/Cross River), Minister of Sports Development. *Hannatu Musawa (Lawyer/Katsina), Minister of Arts, Culture and the Creative Economy.

    *Yusuf T. Sununu (Medical Doctor/Kebbi), Minister of State, Education. *Nkiruka Onyejeocha (Shipper/Abia), Minister of State, Labour and Employment. *Ekperikpe Ekpo (Politician/Akwa Ibom), Minister of State, Gas Resources. *Heineken Lokpobiri Ph.D (Lawyer/Bayelsa), Minister of State, Petroleum Resources. *Abdullahi T. Gwarzo (Textile Engineer/Kano), Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development. *Ishak Salako (Medical Doctor/Ogun), Minister of State, Environment and Ecological Management.

    *Tunji Alausa (Medical Doctor/Lagos), Minister of State, Health and Social Welfare. *Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi (Vet. Doctor/Niger),

    Minister of State, Agriculture and Food Security. *Mairiga Mahmoud Ph.D (Lawyer/Kano), Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory. *Bello M. Goronyo (Lawyer/Sokoto), Minister of State,

    Water Resources and Sanitation. *Maigari Ahmadu (Lawyer/Taraba), Minister of State, Steel Development. *Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim (Sociologist/Nasarawa), Minister of State, Police Affairs.

    Except three slots – and the Petroleum Resources portfolio – the President’s done with the cabinet. What remains is for the ministers to justify the confidence Tinubu’s reposed in them, and discharge their duties to the expectations of Nigerians!

  • Coup in Niger exposes fissures in Nigeria’s polity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Coup in Niger exposes fissures in Nigeria’s polity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Each side in the Niger Republic coup crisis is ratcheting up the ante, in a power show that’s the potential to further destabilise the West African region.

    The military junta that staged a coup d’etat on July 26 has dug in by shunning peace overtures from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union (AU), United Nations, and some Western countries, including the United States and France, and establishing a quasi civilian administration, with the appointment of a Prime Minister.

    The coupists, led by former presidential guards’ commander, Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, who heads the junta, have threatened to kill deposed President Mohamed Bazoum should the ECOWAS force invade Niger to restore constitutional order.

    At the second extraordinary summit of its Heads of States and Government in Abuja on August 10, ECOWAS called up its standby military force in readiness for any eventuality in Niger.

    This comes after the junta’s bluffing of an ECOWAS seven-day ultimatum to return power to Bazoum, who’s been under house arrest since his overthrow.

    Rather than diminishing, supports for military intervention in Niger is growing, particularly after the junta’s threat to kill Bazoum. ECOWAS has vowed to punish the putschists, according to the bloc’s.

    Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security, Ambassador Abdel-Fatau Musah, as he spoke on Channels Television on August 11.

    Musah said: “We are going there (Niger), if need be, to rescue President Bazoum, who is living in very terrible conditions today.

    “We cannot just sit back idle and depend on the goodwill of these people, who are disrupting the democratic process in the country.

    “Yesterday’s (August 10) communique also made it very clear that this junta will pay dearly if anything happens to the safety, security, or physical integrity of Bazoum, his family, or members of his government. That was clearly done.

    “We are not going to hold back because they are holding the president hostage. If they dare, if they should harm him in any way, then they are going to pay very dearly for that. So, this is a tactic.”

    Also, the AU – expected to meet today (August 14) to discuss the situation in Niger – has expressed support for ECOWAS’ decision, and called on the junta to “urgently halt the escalation with the regional organisation.”

    Ivory Coast’s president, Alassane Ouattara, has pledged his country’s participation in any ECOWAS military operation in Niger, along with Nigeria and Benin Republic.

    “Ivory Coast will provide a battalion and has made all the financial arrangements… We are determined to install Bazoum in his position. Our objective is peace and stability in the sub-region,” Ouattara said on state television.

    Besides, France and the United States – which have more than 2,500 military personnel in Niger – have endorsed ECOWAS’ position that no harm should come to Bazoum, his family and members of his ousted government.

    While France’s foreign ministry said it supported “all conclusions adopted” by the ECOWAS leaders, U.S. Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, said America appreciated “the determination of ECOWAS to explore all options for the peaceful resolution of the crisis,” and would hold the junta accountable for the safety and security of President Bazoum.

    It’s unclear if the threat on Bazoum’s life would change ECOWAS’ decision to intervene militarily in Niger. But going by agency report, analysts believe “it might give them pause, or push the parties closer to dialogue, but the situation has entered uncharted territory.”

    Meanwhile, the military coup d’etat in Niger has exposed the fissures in Nigeria’s polity along ethnic, sectional and partisan leanings.

    A proposed “use of force” by ECOWAS to restore democracy in the country has been turned into a “President Tinubu’s war” on Niger and its people, indicating that many Nigerians are in support of the coup and the junta therefrom.

    The coup had hardly settled when Nigerians began to applaud the overthrow of President Bazoum’s government by elements of the presidential guards, who reportedly falsely alleged the inability of the government to tackle insecurity in Niger, rather than the putsch stemming mainly from power struggle between Bazoum and Gen. Tchiani.

    That an elected government was illegality overthrown doesn’t worry Nigerians rooting for the coupists. All they care, and happy about is a disruption of the government in Niger – and a wish for a similar scenario taking place in Nigeria!

    It’s no surprise that the coup hailers – and opposers of any intervention in Niger – are mostly the same people that canvassed a military takeover in Nigeria or installation of an Inerim National Government post-the February 25, 2023, presidential election.

    Recall that protesters of the declaration of Senator Bola Tinubu as winner of the poll had marched to the Military command in the FCT, Abuja, to incite soldiers to seize power, and prevent Tinubu’s inauguration as the 16th President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria on May 29.

    However, the groundswell of opposition in Northern Nigeria to a forceful reinstatement of the deposed government in Niger is beyond what the individuals and groups adduce as reasons for opposing the ECOWAS, which’s chaired by President Tinubu.

    The Northern voices say any military intervention in Niger will worsen the security situation in the North – which’s linguistic, cultural and religious affinity with the country that borders several states of Nigeria – and affect movements and trade between the two nations.

    These are genuine fears that the Nigerian government, ECOWAS and their backers should take into account in whatever actions they take against the military clique in Niger!

    Yet, what baffles keen observers is North’s tepid condemnation of the coup in Niger, but a vehement opposition to deploying might to push out the coupists from their illegal seizure and occupation of power in the country.

    Why didn’t the North employ the same vehemence to condemn the coup as one too many, and urge the junta to return to the barracks? Perhaps, the ECOWAS sabre-rattling wouldn’t be necessary!

    Northerners’ opposition to removing the rebels – in a similar fashion that the soldiers had overthrown the Bazoum government – has demonstrated to the coupists that they’ve Nigerian allies and supporters that can prevail on and/or prevent the Tinubu administration from enforcing the ECOWAS roadmap on Niger.

    Sadly, some that oppose external intervention blame Tinubu for the situation in Niger, and thus see Nigeria’s position as a “Tinubu’s war” from two angles.

    Northerners regard the ECOWAS initiative as a Tinubu (Southern) war against their brethren in Niger, and invariably a war against Northern Nigeria.
    Other Nigerians consider the ECOWAS intervention as a Tinubu diversion of attention from the socio-economic challenges his government has inflicted on Nigerians since May 29, 2023.

    This is giving the dog a bad name in order to hang it. Blaming the ECOWAS push in Niger on Tinubu is uncalled for! The blame should go to Gen. Tchiani, who ousted the Bazoum government!

    The campaign to stop a possible use of force in Niger by ECOWAS shouldn’t be a blackmail tool to bully and threaten President Tinubu because he’s the Chairman of the regional body.

    Tinubu’s devoted the greater part of his life – as a pro-democracy activist and Governor of Lagos State – to fight against military incursions in government, and for enthronement and sustenance of democracy and observance of the rule of law in Nigeria.

    So, Tinubu just can’t abandon these lofty ideals as President of Nigeria – which is looked upon to lead West African countries, and the African continent in such circumstances as the ECOWAS push to restore democracy in Niger.

    Still, it’s welcoming that the President and ECOWAS remain committed to a peaceful resolution of the crisis in Niger, as Tinubu remarked at the second regional extraordinary summit in Abuja.

    His words: “We must engage all parties involved, including the coup leaders, in earnest discussions to convince them to relinquish power and reinstate President Bazoum.

    “It is our duty to exhaust all avenues of engagement to ensure a swift return to constitutional governance in Niger.”

    This’ll douse tension in the region, particularly in Nigeria, where non-state actors are jumping into the fray, to take a front row in opposing the alleged “Tinubu’s war” in Niger.

    So, Nigerians should give the President the benefit of the doubt on the Niger saga!

  • That Tinubu’s hide-and-seek from ministerial lobbyists – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    That Tinubu’s hide-and-seek from ministerial lobbyists – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Nothing Nigerians haven’t heard, or seen happen in Nigeria. Thanks to former self-styled Military President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who says, “Nigeria is a country where anything goes.”

    Babangida’s right! Where else – at least then in Africa – but in Nigeria would a well-organised presidential election be annulled by the same Gen.

    Babangida clique, and the winner of the poll, Chief MKO Abiola, arrested and detained by the Gen. Sani Abacha cabal, and died in detention under the Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar junta?

    Little wonder Nigerians weren’t surprised to hear that President Bola Tinubu “has gone into hiding,” to avoid pressures from cabinet seekers, and urged Nigerians to pray for him, so he could choose the right individuals for the jobs!

    Senate Majority Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele (APC-Ekiti Central), revealed this on July 25 at his 60th birthday anniversary lecture and presentation of two books at the Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja.

    President Tinubu asked Senator Bamidele to convey to the Senate and Nigerians that he’d make available the list of ministerial nominees within 48 hours, and went into hiding, “to avoid undue influence.”

    Tinubu’s words: “Let me tell you (Senators), and you must encourage me. I need to make myself unavailable for the next 48 hours because a correspondence must come to the Senate, a very crucial correspondence.

    “So, Mr (Senate) President, pray for me. We (you) should tell the rest of Nigerians to pray for me, to be able to make the right decision within the next 24 hours.”

    Bamidele added: “When Nigerians hear the list of his ministers, they will say, ‘yes,… this is uncommon,’ and join us (Senators) to pray for Mr President. He needed to be away from any kind of influence.”

    Ludicrous as that message looks, it’s heartening that Tinubu didn’t go into hiding on different grounds – like such periods he’d gone to Europe, and made himself incommunicado to Nigerians, who wanted to see and hear from him prior to and after the General Election in February-March 2023.

    Yet, the fact that the President decided to hibernate for days – to put lobbyists at armslength – speaks volumes about Tinubu’s evolvement in barely two months.

    Pre-inauguration on May 29 as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, supporters presented Tinubu as “uncrackable” under whatever conditions. And he lived up to that billing from the primaries through the campaigns and election, and the transition to assuming power.

    He crowned his “invincibility” with some derring-dos – such as petrol “subsidy is gone” in his inaugural speech, and a follow-up floating of the Naira – thus creating real and artificial scarcity of petrol, goods and services, and sending prices sky-high across all sectors.

    With subsidies also withdrawn from other publicly-provided services that’ve direct impact on poor and vulnerable Nigerians, the government now struggles to provide elusive palliatives to cushion the effects.

    Thus, it comes as befuddling and unimaginable that the “Jagaban Borgu” would be hiding, to enable him “pick the right persons” for routine cabinet appointments.

    What’d the President do if he’d to take weightier decisions on life and death of Nigerians or the corporate existence of Nigeria? Escape to Europe, Asia or the Americas?

    Come on! Tinubu could’ve barred any person – even close family members – from “disturbing him,” and none would dare to breach the order in the presence of sentries.

    Tinubu just wanted to “cruise” – as the ‘GenZs’ would say – and create a last-minute drama around the ministerial list. And his handlers saw in it a chance to weave a hallow of a methodical President about to make a consequential decision, which Tinubu called a “very crucial correspondence” to the Senate.

    Notwithstanding the expeditious removal of petrol subsidy and floating of the Naira, the ministerial list was late in coming in the life of the Tinubu administration.

    Many had expected Tinubu to break with the Nigerian “protocol,” and start to name or tease up his ministerial nominees piecemeal – along with their portfolios – as is the practice in diverse countries, particularly in the United States.

    Before the list gets to Parliament, informed citizens would’ve known and “scrutinised” the nominees for the portfolios to be assigned to them. This aids the legislators’ work in approving the nominees.

    Though it creates more drama and anticipation, involement of the public in “vetting” nominees helps to expose their quality in terms of character, capacity, competence and experience, and their fit for designated portfolios.

    And it’s easier to get people’s buy-in into government’s policies and programmes if given the chance to assist in shaping the content of the cabinet.

    So, delaying and hoarding of ministerial list doesn’t help any government – and it won’t help the Tinubu administration either.

    Former President Muhammadu Buhari didn’t name his cabinet for six months. And when he did, the nominees came out majorly as low picks. And the result was crass incompetence and gross failure of many of the ministers on the job.

    Like a magician, President Tinubu did “reappear” on July 27 from his hiding place, and submitted the list of first batch of 28 nominees.

    Does the list meet expectations of Nigerians – with the length of time it took Tinubu to assemble, and forward the names to the Senate?

    Normally, people from both sides of the divide will have something to say – positive or negative – about the list. Generally, does it worth the hide-and-seek, and the many “fake lists” paraded daily in the media?

    Has Tinubu passed his famed head-hunting ability to assemble the “very best” for his cabinet as Governor of Lagos State (1999-2007) – that formed a linchpin in his campaign for President?

    To Chief of Staff to the President, Rt Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, Tinubu can yet form an ‘A-List’ cabinet.

    The former Reps Speaker told reporters, after delivering the list of appointees to Senate President Godswill Akpabio that, “the President was painstaking in his choice of ministerial nominees.”

    “That process started a while ago, culminating in the delivery of ministerial nominees today (July 27),” Gbajabiamila said.

    “The President took his time, did a lot of due diligence going through the nominees one by one.

    “Mr. President dissected those names with a fine-tooth comb and that’s what you’ve seen. Each of the persons on that list, I believe, is worth being there.

    “It’s a good mix of people with political acumen and technocrats. So, this is a good balance and it’s needed.”

    Game on, President Tinubu should “re-hit the ground running,” to ameliorate Nigerians’ immediate needs, and long-term well-being and prosperity he promises in his “Renewed Hope” agenda.

    Nothing else will suffice in these times that most Nigerians are hurting, and deserving of succour from the government for survival!

  • Labour warms to new cash awards, others replacing N8,000 ‘insultive’ palliative – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Labour warms to new cash awards, others replacing N8,000 ‘insultive’ palliative – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Members of organised labour have reportedly applauded a plethora of “Palliatives” rolled out on July 20 by the National Economic Council (NEC) – statutorily chaired by Vice President Kashim Shettima.

    They include: Immediate release of grains and fertilisers by the Federal Government to states, for distribution or sale at subsidised prices; conditional cash transfers to the poorest of the poor; a cash award policy to aid civil servants for six months; and a new minimum wage for workers.

    Others are: Payment of (arrears) of salaries, allowances, pensions, gratuities; support for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs); and start of energy transition from petrol to Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) for vehicles, and eventual use of e-Vehicles in the long run.

    State governments will generate comprehensive registers “for the vulnerable people only,” and drive the new “awards” that replace the panned President Bola Tinubu’s “N8,000 monthly palliative to 12m poor and vulnerable households.”

    Tinubu had instituted the N8,000 palliative without recourse to a Presidential Technical Committee set up to work out modalities for alleviating subsidy removal from essential products and services.

    Nigerians – including Tinubu’s supporters aliased ‘BATists’ and ‘Progressives’ – who’d questioned the rationale for the “N8,000 monthly “tokenism” and called for its reversal, would rather go with the President than do something to rock the boat of the nation.

    But not so with organised labour, which read in the N8,000 relief package a design by Tinubu to relegate their demands, headlined by a review of the minimum wage by 100% to 200%.

    It’s an opportunity for the unions to flex muscles, threatening to resume their strike – suspended in June due to criticisms, and a court restraining order.

    President Tinubu’s claim of “fuel subsidy is gone” in his inaugural speech on May 29 – and floating of the Naira – had caused hoarding and scarcity of petrol, and a 300% jump in pump price.

    The effect is the prevailing rise in the prices of goods and services, and even acute shortage of common commodities, such as tomatoes, in southern Nigeria.

    With the carte put before the horse, the Tinubu government had mooted a variety of palliatives, and constituted a Technical Committee to work out the modalities.

    Yet, with mounting pressure, the government moved a pace – without the committee’s report – and announced an N8,000 monthly stipend – for six months – for 12m poor and vulnerable households.

    The allowance and other remedial measures would be financed with N500bn from the supplementary budget prepared by President Buhari’s government; and $800m (N600bn) World Bank loan to mitigate effects of fuel subsidy removal.

    The President’s letter in that regard to the National Assembly states in part: “Please note that the federal executive council, led by President Muhammadu Buhari, approved an additional loan facility to the tune of $800 million to be secured from the World Bank for the National Social Safety Net programme, Copy of FEC’s extract attached.

    “You may also wish to note that the purpose of the facility is to expand coverage of shock responsive safety net support among the poor and vulnerable Nigerians. This will assist them in coping with basic needs.

    “You may further wish to note that under the conditional cash transfer window of the programme, the Federal Government of Nigeria will transfer the sum of N8,000 per month to 12 million poor and low income households for a period of six months, with a multiplier effect on about 60 million individuals.”

    “In order to guarantee the credibility of the process, digital transfers will be made directly to beneficiaries’ accounts and mobile wallets.

    “It is expected that the programme will stimulate economic activities in the informal sector, and improve nutrition, health, education, and human capital development of beneficiaries’ households.”

    Rather than applause for moves to redeem its pledge to relieve the hardship borne by mostly the less-privileged in the society, the Tinubu government came under hammer for the miserly N8,000 award that can’t take the estimated five per household (60m) through a week.

    There’s a torrent of questions from concerned Nigerians, with the organised labour leading the charge. A sampler: * How did the government arrive at N8,000 monthly stipend for six months.

    * What’s the credibility of the data relied on to compile the beneficiaries. * Where and when was the data collected, and by who * What’s 12m households in over 133m Nigerians below the poverty line. * Who provides for the millions outside the scheme?

    * Will government scale-up or reduce the beneficiaries, or abandon the process after six months. * Will suffering in the land vanish after six months, to stop the social safety net. * What happens to the policy if there’s a change of government within the timeframe of implementation?

    Summing up, labour leaders –  irked by Tinubu’s alleged “bad faith,” and loss of credibility in the technical committee that he’d empanelled to work out modalities to alleviate the subsidy removal – gave their damning verdict, as captured below:

    As reported by Vanguard on July 14, an official of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), who spoke on the issue, says: “The action of the President has actually undermined the credibility of his own Committee.

    “We believe it is not only undemocratic but shows that the President is merely setting up the committee as a window dressing for whatever purposes he has set out for himself.”

    The President, Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) and Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN), Festus Osifo, holds that, “Any palliative payment must be in line with the agreement reached with labour (and) in line with the technical committee meeting.”

    To Dr Tommy Okon, president, Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN) and deputy president of TUC, “What form of poverty alleviation policy implementation strategy is this?”

    “Is it not proper to allow the Presidential Committee to conclude its assignment and arrive at a collective agreement with organized labour before embarking on any palliative care distributions?

    “It’s an economic waste. What is N8,000 monthly to 12 million Nigerian households with this hyperinflation and socio-economic challenges?” Okon queries.

    “What the government is doing could amount to exactly what the previous (Buhari) administration did that yielded no positive impact on the economy and the citizens.”

    “The President has been ill-advised, as that amount (N8,000) cannot feed a child in one month, talk less a family… It’s an insult on Nigerians,” says Ms Jean Anishere Chiazor, vice president, Maritime Arbitrators Association of Nigeria (MAAN).

    And the General Secretary of the Non-Academic Staff Union of Educational and Associated Institutions (NASU), Prince Peters Adeyemi, warns:

    “We need to know the criteria to be used in determining those that will benefit from the programme. We hope this will not be another avenue for a few individuals to divert such money to their private pockets.”

    Tinubu’s reversal of the N8,000 award barely a week later is allegedly traced to rumbles in the unions worried that he’d ditched their demands, chiefly a hike of at least 100% in minimum wage.

    To pre-empt the unions’ moves to resume their suspended strike, Tinubu came out as a “listening President,” to rollback the N8,000 palliative, and promise release of thousands of farming inputs, and a speedy review of the minimum wage.

    Labour’s still “lukewarm” to the President’s latter pledges, but the National Economic Council’s resolutions have “warm the unions’ hearts,” as payment of “cash award, outstanding salaries, allowances, pensions and gratuities, and a minimum wage” top the items to be implemented.

    As a labour leader remarked at the weekend, “If the three tiers of government implement these palliatives, the average and poor Nigerians will at least breathe under the crushing effects of subsidy removal from petrol.

    “We commend the Federal and State governments, through the National Economic Council, for these bold moves, and hope they will not disappoint Nigerians.”

    Governors Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), Chukwuma Soludo (Anambra) and Bala Mohammed (Bauchi) – who spoke with reporters after the NEC meeting at the Presidential Villa in Abuja – said the government would implement the resolutions, and timeously, too. Nigerians hope so!

  • NASS members’ insensitive craving for increased emoluments – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    NASS members’ insensitive craving for increased emoluments – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The likely unfazed and unbothered members of the National Assembly (NASS) are clamouring for a raise in their emoluments.

    Perhaps, they’re oblivious of how the demand touches the raw nerves of ordinary Nigerians, who swim in abject poverty – made more dire by reecent withdrawal of subsidies on essential products and services to the citizens.

    This comes amid calls by many Nigerians on political and public officeholders to trim their heavy paypackets that eat into the limited resources available to government.

    Going by reporting by News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), the lawmakers’ demand was the outcome of a meeting they had on July 11, after going into an executive session during plenary.

    “The complaints from members – arising from salaries and allowances – forced the House to go into executive session, in order to douse tension,” NAN reports.

    “The lawmakers had also demanded from the Speaker, Tajudeen Abass, the reason for the delay in the payment of their salaries and allowances, causing some of them to resort to loans.”

    But one of the lawmakers at the executive session said they only spoke about salary increase, and not delayed payment of their salaries and allowances.

    The lawmaker said they told the Speaker that their salaries and allowances could no longer meet the demand of their job, “hence a review was necessary.”

    The legislator said their request for pay increase was sequel to the current economic reality following the subsidy removal, “which has caused hardship, making goods and services to skyrocket in the country.”

    The Speaker didn’t promise them anything on the review of their salaries and allowances, “because such a demand can only be accommodated in the budget after due process.”

    “The Speaker told his colleagues that their demand for a review of their salaries and allowances was not in the 2023 budget,” NAN reports.

    According to the legislator, the Speaker could not have promised anything, and “We all know the situation in the country, we are all facing the same problem.”

    Interestingly, the lawmakers’ demand comes as the House of Representatives received a communication from President Bola Tinubu on July 12, seeking an amendment to the 2022 Supplementary Appropriation Act.

    The amendment to the Act is to accommodate N500bn for the provision of palliatives for Nigerians, to cushion the effects of fuel subsidy removal.

    In the wake of removal of subsidy on petrol, the organised labour, spearheaded by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC), demanded a 100-200 per cent increase in workers’ salaries, with negotiations still ongoing.

    Unlike civil servants, who are poorly paid with a minimum wage of N30,000, “Nigerian lawmakers are among the highest paid in the world, with the lowest-paid lawmaker earning over 10 times the civil servant’s minimum wage,” NAN reports, adding that, apart from salaries, “the allowances each lawmaker gets also run into millions of naira monthly.”

    Notably, many Nigerians have criticised the inclusion of NASS members in the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) proposed increase in salaries for public officers – reported to have been approved by the President, but denied by Presidential Spokesman, Dele Alake, who said “there is nothing on the President’s table to consider and approve.”

    Intriguingly, NASS members have never disclosed their paychecks, not even the pretenders among them, who flaunt their so-called probity in public life.

    It’s alleged – yes, alleged because of the opaqueness of their emoluments – that besides their salaries and numerous allowances of abnormal percentages of their basic pay, the “floor members” among the lawmakers pocket about N13m monthly “largesse.”

    The principal and presiding officers’ cut in the “bonanza” is said to range from N23m to N38m monthly.

    Agreed that the lawmakers’ demand for pay increase follows the removal of fuel subsidy from petrol, and floating of the Naira by the administration of President Tinubu, with accompanying rise in the prices of goods and services across all sectors.

    Yet, their request would’ve been appreciated were they on a shoe-string pay – or no pay at all – like the over 133m poor and vulnerable Nigerians living below the poverty line.

    The lawmakers may’ve been enticed, and coveted government’s proposed disbursement of N8,000 monthly palliatives for six months to only 12m households of this group of the wretched of the earth, to warrant their call for a pay raise.

    But didn’t they get more than the palliatives for the poor when they reportedly cornered N70bn from the N819.5bn supplementary budget, from which President Tinubu applied for virement of N500bn, to augment the World Bank soft loan of $800m (about N600bn) to cushion the effects of the subsidy withdrawal?

    And what’s more! The lawmakers – who appear to hold the yam and the knife – have another opportunity to influence their paypackets from the 114% increase in the salaries and allowances of public officers proposed by the RMAFC – the agency that decides the salaries and allowances of public officials.

    Without the NASS and the 36 State Houses of Assembly passing the recommended pay increment for public officers, the President would’ve nothing on his table to consider and approve.

    A crucial question is: Why do the lawmakers want a raise in their salaries and allowances at a time the top-earning public officers should voluntarily reduce their emoluments in sympathy with average and below average Nigerians, and the government that runs on deficit budgeting?

    Are the lawmakers afraid they’ll be shut out of the proposed pay hike by RMAFC for public officers? Or it’s a blackmail strategy to armtwist the Presidency, to give them a big slice of the N819.5bn supplementary budget – which they’ve actually got in a princely N70bn for only 469 members?

    Compare the lawmakers’ N70bn windfall to the miserly N48,000 award, for six months, for 12m poor and vulnerable households among the burgeoning poverty-stricken population in the country, and you’d conclude that the legislators are greedy and avaricious!

    It shows the lawmakers’ insensitivity to the suffering of the less-privileged in the society. Maybe they want to taunt the poor in their state of want and penury brought about by the collective actions of those in government!

    Whichever, the pay-raise call by the NASS members is a twitching of the nose to mock the masses of Nigeria, and thus unnecessary, unwarranted, uncalled for, and should be aborted!

     

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Edo 2024: Attack on pol signals bitter rivalry – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Edo 2024: Attack on pol signals bitter rivalry – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The umpire hasn’t signalled the commencement of the bout, and yet, a blow has landed on the nose. Twelve months to the 2024 governorship election in Edo State, politics is on the roll, but with a habitual deviation from the norm.

    Politicians angling for governor – for themselves or their protégé – are engaging in bitter rivalry, and setting the stage for possible chaos and anarchy in the state.

    The other day, alleged hired thugs descended on one of the frontline aspirants, Kenneth Imansuangbon.

    His sin? Dumping membership of the Peoples Democratic Party, for Labour Party, and challenging a couple of political godfathers!

    The attack on June 21 in Benin City comes after Imansuangbon’s presented with a membership card, to formalise joining the LP at the ward and local government levels.

    In a speech, Imansuangbon pronounced the PDP “dead in Edo State,” and slammed Governor Godwin Obaseki and former Governor Adams Oshiomhole, for their role as “godfathers.”

    This prompts pointing of the finger at particularly the PDP, as behind Imansuangbon’s attack.

    The Edo Youths Change Agenda (EYCA) says the PDP’s realised that Imansuangbon’s defection to LP “was the end of its tyrannical rule in the state.”

    “The attack is clearly the handiwork of the ruling PDP but they have failed,” coordinator of the group, Comrade Reuben Imokhena, said in Benin City, even as he calls on security agencies to investigate, and prosecute the perpetrators.

    Imokhena hails Imansuangbon as “the people’s choice, the most popular politician in Edo State today,” who, without any political appointment, has “touched the lives of ordinary Edo man.”

    “We are also sending a strong warning to the hirelings. Nobody has monopoly of violence. We opted to be law-abiding does not mean we are scared of them,” Imokhena said.

    The ‘Skilled Workers for Imansuangbon’ – a coalition of artisans and traders in Edo State – condemns the attack, and tasks the opposition to play by the rules.

    The group’s chairman, Comrade Imatitikua Egbe, urges the aspirant not to nurse any fears to join the 2024 governorship race.

    “They (sponsors of the attack) want to scare Imansuangbon out of the race,” Mr Egbe said, adding, “he (Imansuangbon) left the PDP and the party collapsed, which is why they want to stop him.”
    Nicknamed “The Rice Man” – for his periodic gifting of thousands of bags of rice to many households in Edo – Imansuangbon decamped with several chieftains of the PDP.

    They’re, among others, Mr Andrew Emwanta, former Commissioner for Youths and Humanitarian Affairs, and Mrs Amen Ogbemudia-Uhumwangho, former Education Executive and daughter of the late Dr Samuel Ogbemidia, former military and civilian governor of the defunct Bendel State (Edo and Delta states).

    Imansuangbon had served notice of his exiting the PDP when his efforts to grab the ticket for governor failed once more in 2020.

    For 20 years, he’d moved around several platforms – Grace Group, Action Democratic Congress (ACD), Action Congress (AC), and PDP – to no avail, due to antics of godfathers, who determine the fate of aspirants for elective offices.

    Obaseki “frustrated” his attempt in the 2020 governorship poll, when the governor quit the All Progressives Congress, which’d denied him a re-election ticket.

    Obaseki didn’t get the PDP ticket on a platter, as Imansuangbon, Omoregie Ogbede-Ihama and Gideon Ikhine – who’d postured for it – took him through the crucible.

    “After much horse-trading,” the trio withdrew from the race, and Obaseki stood “unopposed,” and received 1,952 votes from 2,234 accredited delegates at the primaries on June 26, 2020.

    It’s alleged that Obaseki “settled” Imansuangbon, Ogbede-Ihama and Ikhine with hefty amounts, to forgo their ambition. Both sides denied anything had changed hands.

    Post-primary speech, Obaseki hailed the PDP and its state and national topshots that provided him and his supporters “cover” under the party umbrella, but with little or no credence given to those that “stepped-down” for him to earn a second term ticket.

    Keen watchers of Edo politics think the attack on Imansuangbon is a backlash for his fiery claim that his defection to LP had caged Obaseki and Oshiomhole’s godfatherism in Edo State.

    Yet, none anticipated the speed of a rebuttal in physical attack on Imansuangbon, who, on behalf of his co-defectors, said they joined LP “to release the average Edo electorate from the clutches of poverty and a new godfather” – an obvious reference to Obaseki.

    He traced his 20-year sojourn on several platforms, and noted that, despite his good intentions, “few people refused to allow the will of the people to prevail” (to make him Governor).

    He expressed gratitude to Edo people, “who remain one of the finest species God created under heaven,” and promised henceforth not to rely on godfathers.

    Imansuangbon’s words: “I have done my best for Edo people… Now, my eyes are opened and I have decided to take my case in 2024 to God Almighty and to Edo people. I do not want to put my case in the hands of godfathers anymore.

    “I am tired of the oppression of godfathers, I am tired of the pain of godfathers, I am tired of the godfathers’ deception and trick; I want to take my destiny and put into God’s hands as well as the hands of the people of Edo State.

    “With God and Edo people, my 2024 is sure. So, I am not bothered (about) what the godfathers are planning, I am bothered about where they have failed us in the past. I am bothered about the resolution of the people. The people will be on my side. Hence the people are on my side, God is on my side.”

    Imansuangbon added: “Let the people decide, let the people lead, let the people show the way, let the people’s voice count. We can no longer allow one man out of five million people to decide our fate.  It is not going to happen in 2024.

    “I pray that LP will get it right, and if they do get it right, and give me the ticket, Obaseki and Oshiomhole should know that their game is up. When I say their game is up, I mean it is over.”

    Could Imansuangbon have conditioned his rhetoric? Certainly! “The body doesn’t itch to the extent of scratching it with a cutlass,” an Esan proverb warns. Or else, you inflict needless injury on self!

    Having suffered political reverses from godfathers, Imansuangbon’s decided to be his own man, and take the fight to their doorsteps!

    Afterall, the Labour Party belled the cats – Obaseki and PDP, and Oshiomhole and APC – in Edo State in the February 25 presidential poll.

    Though the party failed in the governorship election on March 18, Imansuangbon reckons he can swell LP’s support base to clinch the governor’s seat in 2024.

    That’s, if he gained the LP ticket above other contenders, especially among the foundation members.

    So, Imansuangbon can stoop to conquer, by avoiding bellicose jingoism – unless his handlers calculate it’ll fetch him the elusive prize!

    From here, he and contenders for governor should dial down their pomposity, to save Edo State from unwanted crisis enroute to 2024.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Oba Ewuare’s advice to selfish, sectional leaders – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Oba Ewuare’s advice to selfish, sectional leaders – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    An Esan proverb says, “It’s in the mouth of an elder that the maize is strong.” That’s, it’s an elder – with farming experience – that can decide if the corn is mature to harvest.

    Figuratively, though, only the bold, courageous, and unwavering can broach what the lily-livered can’t contemplate.

    Fittingly, His Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Ewuare II, Oba of Benin, has lately admonished leaders to pursue the people’s collective interest.

    Like his forebears – from Oba Erediauwa I to Oba Akenzua II down the ages – Oba Ewuare seldom speaks in public. When he does, it’s to tell truth to power.

    It’s usually when that power is present, either at the Palace of the Oba in downtown Benin City, the capital of Edo State, or when the Oba pays a visit to the subject.

    If the subject visits the Royal Court, the Omo N’Oba will deliver his punch, as he formally responds to the subject’s reason for the courtesy. (If the Oba visits, the uppercut will rank in his address).

    It doesn’t matter if the subject touches on the theme of the Oba’s remarks. What’s apt is, the Royal Father seizes on the moment to tell the subject the home truth.

    Unlike most of his peer Royal Fathers, the Oba doesn’t massage visitors’ egos in public, and draw their ears behind the scenes. On matters of public interest, he’ll censure them in the open!

    On a thank-you-visit on June 20, former Minister of State for Budget and Planning, Prince Clem Agba, got a shocking appraisal from Oba Ewuare: He’d failed Edo people – on whose behalf he became Minister.

    Agba ought to reciprocate in kind, and service the three senatorial districts of Edo State, rather than pander to sectional interest.

    The Omo N’Oba noted Agba’s appreciation of his intervention – writing to former President Buhari for Edo State to have two cabinet slots – that Agba benefitted from.

    Yet, he said he couldn’t remember seeing Agba on more than two occasions, first at a visit when the Oba complained about the flood in Benin, and at the expiration of Agba’s tenure as Minister.

    Omo N’Oba declared: “I will keep certain things from the public domain. However, I am constrained to talk about them.

    “We interacted once in a while. It is true that my intervention to former President Buhari made you benefit from the office you held. We thank God for that.

    “But I was also wondering about many things, as you were a beneficiary of that office, Budget and Planning.

    “I was wondering if any of our people was also a beneficiary from your office! I am stating that they should thank you if anyone benefited from your being in the office.”

    Though he put Agba on the spot, saying he performed “below expectation,” Oba Ewuare’s posers were also directed at leaders with Agba’s kind of opportunity.

    He advised all Edo indigenes to use their “good offices” to attract development to the entire state, and to better the lots of the people.

    An obviously dumbstruck Agba couldn’t answer the pointed questions, or didn’t want to, to avoid countering the revered Monarch. Either way, it wasn’t a sign of good omen for Agba!

    Agba’s at the Palace to thank Oba Ewuare for his intervention that landed him cabinet appointment in 2019.

    He’s also to brief the Oba on his stewardship, and efforts made to ensure the Benin Royal Museum – a project the Oba’s very passionate about – got an allocation from the Federal Government.

    Agba began from the national level: “I have come here with some of my friends and brothers, to thank His Royal Majesty, for his love for Edo State and your love for this country, Nigeria.

    “You will recall that after the elections, a lot of people thought that the country would go on fire; but His Royal Majesty continued to organize prayers to ensure that there is peace in our country, Nigeria.

    “So… I thought it worthy of commendation that His Royal Majesty should be thanked for the prayers you offered to God and our ancestors.”

    On the homefront, Agba said: “You will recall that in 2016, Edo State had one Minister in the cabinet of immediate past President of Nigeria, but in 2019, His Majesty wrote to the then Mr President to consider and let Edo have two Ministers.

    “I became a beneficiary of that prayer, and I happen to have become the first Minister from Edo North since 1999. I have come to His Majesty for that privilege of his prayers to Mr President, for which I am a beneficiary.

    “So, having done my job for three and half years and I completed it; I thought it wise to come back to His Majesty and thank you for your prayers; for your support and the advice that throughout the three and half years, I was a Minister… So, I am indeed very grateful to His Majesty.”

    Agba took Oba Ewuare’s seeming rebuke with calmness, but some busybodies felt the Oba’s less charitable chiding Agba publicly, and denounced the Monarch.

    But Agba issued a disclaimer and a cease-and-desist to the media warriors, as they weren’t known to him, nor fighting on his behalf.

    In a “Disclaimer Notice,” Agba said: “I do not, I repeat, I do not, and I will not have any disagreements with His Royal Majesty, Oba of Benin Kingdom, on any matter whatsoever.

    “I would like to address some commentaries and articles that have come to my attention, purportedly in response to the questions I received from our esteemed Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Ewuare II, Oba of Benin Kingdom, about my stewardship.

    “Let me make it clear, without any doubt, that the commentaries and articles that have surfaced are neither sought nor sponsored by me. It is not my nature to join issues in public. He (Oba) is not only my father but also the father of all of us in Edo State.”

    Agba revealed that the Oba later granted him a private audience, where he clarified some of the issues raised by the Monarch.

    He said: “Unaware to most, later that evening, His Royal Majesty graciously granted me an opportunity to privately discuss and address those concerns, allowing me to provide clarifications and answers.

    “Especially regarding how the provision for the storage of the artefacts was captured in the Budget, for which I apologized and clarified that was not my intention.”

    Agba advised those, who insist on writing articles and commentaries, “attempting to politicize the situation,” to stop the “fruitless pursuit.”

    A timely disapproval, particularly as politicians can do with some benevolence – from the calibre of Omo N’Oba Ewuare II in the society – to put a word for them in high places!

    The Benin Monarch’s done it before with the two ministerial slots granted to Edo State on his intervention. He can do more to benefit Edo people and the state.

    Those crying more than Agba wouldn’t want to “use the Oba to scratch their teeth.” Or else, they lose all 32! They should respect Agba’s disclaimer, and halt fanning the flames of discord in Edo State!

  • Obi and ‘fake news’ on 114% pay hike for govt officials – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Obi and ‘fake news’ on 114% pay hike for govt officials – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Thursday, June 22, wasn’t a good day for opposition presidential candidate in the 2023 General Election, Peter Obi. Misjudging Nigerians’ mood under a rash of harsh economic policies by the 28-day-old administration of President Bola Tinubu, Obi tweeted his usual.

    Lacking or ungrasping the relevant information – unexpected of someone of his public standing – Obi uncautionably dabbled in the ruckus over 114% increase in remuneration for political, public and judicial officers.

    Thus, the former Anambra State governor inserted himself as the message, and became the butt of critics, who labelled him a “desperate opportunist” baying for crisis to avenge his defeat in the February 25 presidential poll.

    A Tinubu critic pre and post-the election, Obi literally accused the President of approving pay raise for himself and officials of his administration that’ll be one month on June 29.

    “I learnt, with great reservation, the approval of a 114% increase in the salaries of elected politicians, including the president, vice president, governors, lawmakers, as well as judicial and public office holders by the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC),” Obi tweeted unguardedly on June 22.

    “This is not the appropriate time for such salary increment, if it is at all necessary,” he said, and urged its immediate reversal.

    “We are living in a time when an average Nigerian is struggling with many harsh economic realities, and with over 130 million Nigerians now living in poverty,” Obi said.

    “This is a moment when recent reform measures by the government have increased living costs astronomically. The sacrifice, at this time in our nation, should be borne by the leaders.

    “The increment should be reversed immediately, and the savings should be devoted to fixing education, healthcare and poverty alleviation, especially in the remote rural areas.”

    And quoting from Shakespeare’s, he urged that average Nigerians be the first to benefit, to mitigate the effects of “Tinubunomics.”

    “In the immortal words of Shakespeare’s Julius Ceaser, ‘What touches us ourself shall be last served,’” Obi said, adding, “The leaders, therefore, should prioritise what affects the masses and those on the lower strata of society over themselves.”

    Obi got right the optic of the consequential effects of the economic policies the Tinubu government has unleashed on long-suffering Nigerians.

    Still, Obi goofed by helping to amplify what’s obviously “fake news” because there’s nothing on the President’s table to approve, as the reported pay increment was a RMAFC proposal that’ll endure a marathon race round the country to become an implementable law.

    The proposal needs to pass the litmus test at the Federal Executive Council (FEC), before the Executive prepares a Bill and sends to the National Assembly (NASS), which will, in turn, dispatch copies of the Bill to the 36 State Assemblies for consideration and passage, and same returned to the NASS for concurrence, before a clean copy is sent to the President for assent into law that’ll bind the three tiers of government: Federal, State and Local Government Council.

    As reported by @NTANewsNow, RMAFC’s Chairman, Muhammadu Bello Shehu, on June 19 in Birni-Kebbi, Kebbi State, presented the reviewed remuneration packages to Governor Nasir Idris.

    Represented by Federal Commissioner Rakiya Tanko-Ayuba Haruna, Shehu urged the 36 Houses of Assembly to hasten amendment of the relevant laws, to allow the commencement of implementation of the reviewed remuneration packages for political, public and judicial officers.

    The chairman said the move was in line with provisions of Paragraph 32(d) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria.

    He noted that the last review of remuneration was conducted in 2007, culminating in the “Certain Political, Public and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances,  Etc) (Amendment) Act 2008.”

    The Act empowers the RMAFC “to determine the remuneration appropriate for political office-holders, including the President, Vice President, Governors, Deputy Governors, Ministers, Commissioners, Special Advisers, Legislators and holders of the offices mentioned in Sections 84 and 124 of the Constitution,” Shehu said.

    “Sixteen years after the last review, it is imperative that the remuneration packages for the categories of the office holders mentioned in relevant sections (84 and 124) of the 1999 Constitution should be reviewed,” Shehu said.

    He recalled that on February 1, 2023, RMAFC held a simultaneous one-day public hearing on the review of the remuneration packages in the six geo-political zones of the country.

    “The aim of the exercise was to harvest inputs/ideas from a broad spectrum of stakeholders,” Shehu said, adding that RMAFC had objectively and subjectively reviewed the salary packages in the reports, and the commission “adheres to the rules of equity and fairness, risk and responsibilities, national order and precedence.”

    The remuneration reports have sparked outrage across Nigeria, with the angst directed at President Tinubu, who’s been preaching sacrifices to Nigerians facing the effects of removal of subsidies from petrol, electricity, tuition and floating of the Naira.

    Still, there’s nothing in the RMAFC reports to suggest – even remotely – that the Presidency had approved higher remuneration for political, public and judicial officers.

    But Obi jumped into the fray, and earned rebuttals from RMAFC and the Presidency, and criticism and labelling from Nigerians and civil society organisations (CSOs), who, otherwise, are sympathic to his legal battle to “retrieve” his “stolen mandate” at the February 25 poll.

    RMAFC’s spokesperson, Christian Nwachukwu, said the proposed salary increment hadn’t been approved.

    “No approval yet. There is no approval yet,” Mr Nwachukwu told Leadership Newspaper on June 21. “I don’t know the source of that story. Everything is under the process. It has to come as a Bill for Mr President to assent,” he added.

    Presidential spokesman, Dele Alake, said the Presidency, like most Nigerians, followed, with consternation, the viral story of the purported 114% increase in the salaries of political, public and judicial officers.

    In a statement on June 22, Mr Alake’s unequivocal that President Tinubu hadn’t approved any salary increase, “and no such proposal has been brought before him for consideration.

    Affirming the constitutional remit of RMAFC to propose and fix salaries and allowances of office-holders, Alake said “such can’t come into effect until it’s been considered and approved by the President.”

    He noted that the prominence the “unfounded story” gained on social media, and in the mainstream media, has reinforced “the danger fake news poses to society and our national well-being.”

    His words: “The misinformation was, obviously, contrived to create ill-will for the new administration, slow down the upward momentum and massive goodwill the Tinubu-led administration is currently enjoying among Nigerians as a result of its fast paced, dynamic and progressive policies.

    “It is important to reiterate to journalists, media managers, and members of the public that stories on government activities and policy issues that do not emanate from approved official communication channels should be ignored.

    “Media practitioners are enjoined to, at all times, cross-check their stories to ensure accurate reportage, which is the hallmark of responsible journalism.”

    However, some CSOs weren’t as circumspect, accusing Obi of being a “desperate opportunist” for amplifying fake reports on salary increment, and intent on inciting the public against the government.

    Safe Neighbourhoods Movement described Obi as “a sore loser and an undemocratic actor incapable of moving past an election he lost and joining efforts to reform and rebuild the country,” reports The Podium Reporters on June 22.

    “It is unfortunate that the presidential candidate of a country is peddling fake news. No approval has been given to increase salaries of public officers and none is imminent.

    “The RMAFC, with the constitutional mandate to facilitate such a review, requires the approval of the National Assembly and State Assemblies in all 36 states of the country, if it is to succeed. It is not something the president simply decrees.”

    The movement noted that, “it is either these facts are available to Mr Obi and he chose to disregard them in service of his partisan agenda or he is unaware of them, further indicating himself as an ignorant political operative unprepared for the country’s leadership.

    “Either way, his action has shown that Nigerians were right to reject him at the polls,” it added.

    Another CSO urged Obi to tame his “attention-seeking antics and desperate opportunism,” as they aren’t in the interest of the nation’s wellbeing.

    “Government opposition cannot be done through fake news and unpatriotic incitement. Is Obi willing to bring an end to Nigeria just because his ‘religious war’ failed? Something must be done to checkmate him,” the group said.

    In these trying times, it behoves media practitioners, and members of the public – the likes who trade patriotism for partisan interests – to heed Alake’s advice, to curb fake news and needless heating up of the polity!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • New opposition Governors in vengeance mission – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    New opposition Governors in vengeance mission – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    “Two wrongs cannot make aright” is a popular axiom turned on its head in Nigeria’s political arena. Here, the wrong can only be righted if it’s wronged again!

    It’s a season for payback, as newly-inaugurated State Governors offer a dose or two of the bitter pills their predecessors had also administrated to their forebears.

    This exhibition of “what goes around comes around” is brewing tension in several states due to certain actions taken by mostly Governors in opposition parties.

    Rather than aim to right alleged governance “mistakes” by their immediate predecessors, the governors come with a mission: to avenge personal grudges and/or fight a proxy war on behalf of their godfathers or specific interests.

    They pursue the mundane rather than prioritise the harsh economic fallouts from the Naira redesign of the Buhari government, and fuel subsidy removal by the Tinubu administration; and insecurity that severely affects the states.

    Thus, the governors have created unnecessary tension, and raised the prevailing despondency, and anger in the states.

    A leader in a mission to serve the people shouldn’t rank dissolution of elected local government councils, as Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Peoples Democratic Party did in Plateau State, which’s under siege by unknown killers of hundreds of residents in the past months.

    Former Governor Simon Lalong of All Progressives Congress had sacked Plateau’s 17 councils in July 2015 when Mutfwang’s Chairman of Mangu council. So, Mutfwang somehow wants to avenge that termination!

    Dismissing a court injunction by the sacked councillors, Mutfwang’s inaugurated transition committees for the councils, “to pave way” for the State Assembly to investigate the income and expenditure of the councils.

    The Police, on orders of the Inspector General, have sealed the council secretariats, “to avoid possible threats to lives and properties in the local government councils as a result of leadership tussle…”

    A statement by the state Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Alfred Alabo, on June 15, reads in part:

    “The Inspector General of Police, IGP, Usman Akalai Baba, has ordered the Plateau State Commissioner of Police, Bartholomew Onyeka, to sea up all the 17 Local Government Secretariats of the State.

    “This has become necessary as a result of tensions around the leadership of the Local Government Areas, and the possible threat that supporters and Local Government Chairmen are posing to critical infrastructure, lives and properties in the State.

    “The decision to take this action is in accordance with the exercise of our constitutional responsibility as the Nigeria Police Force, to ensure that the above doesn’t hold sway.

    “To this end, the Nigeria Police Force cannot sit down and watch things go wrong under our watch, hence the need to make this critical decision of sealing up the Local Government Secretariats.”

    The Police Command warned that, “it will not take it lightly with anyone who tries to disrupt this process or cause any confusion around the local Government Secretariats, as we will ensure that the law takes its full course on such persons.”

    In Kano State, a shocked citizenry watched as bulldozers pulled down iconic structures in the city centre, and nothing seems untouchable, as many fear that the magnificent interchange bridges could go next.

    Governor Abba Yusuf of New Nigeria Peoples Party has ordered the demolition, as he looks set to rubbish former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of APC and his legacy.

    Yusuf had campaigned to remove or revoke the edifices – on alleged vendetta to assuage Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former Kano State Governor and candidate of NNPP in the February 2023 presidential election.

    Yusuf, son-in-law and former Personal Assistant to Kwankwaso, was defeated by Ganduje in 2019.

    Ganduje’s deputy to Kwankwaso as governor, but since 2017, the former allies have been estranged, with Yusuf practically siding with Kwankwaso, who sponsored him against Ganduje’s re-election in 2019.

    Though he survived the poll on a re-run, Ganduje had touched the tiger’s tail when he carved five Emirates from Kano, and dethroned and banished Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi – a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria – on alleged failure to support Ganduje’s second term bid.

    Even as he pursued his failed 2019 guber run up to the Supreme Court, Yusuf had vowed to reverse the balkanisation of Kano Emirate – a pledge he (and Kwankwaso) repeated in the 2023 poll cycle.

    While that maybe in the pipeline, the governor had to kick-start with demolition, seizure or revocation of property allegedly acquired by Ganduje for official purposes or to allocate to private interests.

    Throw into the mix a hint of religion in the destruction spree in Kano – particularly the popular Roundabout caused by a Christian “cross” sign, as revealed by the Secretary to Kano Governorment, Baffa Bichi, in an interview on Freedom Radio.

    Bichi said: “Over 99.9 or 100 per cent of Kano indigenes are Muslims. So, you can’t have a structure with a large inscription of the cross on it. It’s against Islamic values.”

    But defending his actions, Yusuf said: “The structure (in the Roundabout) is too tall to be placed in front of the government house, as it defaces its main gate which (and) blocks the view for security surveillance.

    “Additionally, it poses traffic challenges around the area because of its size, blocking the view of drivers accessing all routes linked through the roundabout.”

    Did the motorists complain, or Governor Yusuf merely wants to satisfy partisan interests and powers that draw the strings behind the scenes?

    In his inaugural, Yusuf declared: “We have what it takes to move Kano State to the next level through massive infrastructural development… We shall govern for all, for the peace and prosperity of the state.”

    Will his demolition, seizure or revocation of property benefit Kano residents faced with accute shortage of housing, education and health facilities and services? Is it in tandem with his pledge for infrastructural development, and governing for peace and prosperity of Kano?

    In Zamfara State, Governor Dauda Lawal of PDP and former Governor Bello Matawalle of APC feud over property Matawalle allegedly took from the Government House, and private property Lawal seized from the Matawalle holdings.

    Matawalle reportedly divested the Government House in Gusau, the capital city, of furniture, electrical and electronic appliances, and vehicles of varying brands.

    When pleas, and threats to return the movable assets failed, the governor sent armed security operatives to lay siege to the Matawalle property, as officials “retrieve what belong to Zamfara State,” including “40 vehicles.”

    The Court has ordered the Police to transfer the vehicles to the court premises, pending determination of a suit by Matawalle, querying government’s action against his family’s interests. But Governor Lawal’s challenged Matawalle to show proof that the items are privately-owned.

    It’s like a hurricane sweeping through the Benue State civil service, with hundreds of workers sacked, demoted or retired from the MDAs in one fell swoop.

    APC’s Governor Hyacinth Alia – a Revd Father dubbed the “Miracle-working Priest,” who wants to “liberate Benue from poverty” – claims former Governor Samuel Ortom of PDP had appointed, promoted, or extended service to the affected workers from May 2022, “to hamstring his successor.”

    Should Ortom have frozen governance for 12 months for an “Alia” to secure the APC ticket in May 2022, and win the March 18, 2023, poll, and fill vacancies and effect promotions and transfers?

    Did the workers qualify for the positions? Were they engaged without due process, and need for their services? Will government re-fill the vacant positions?

    The hullabaloos and shenanigans by state governors boil down to personal and partisan interests, and rivalry and inordinate crave for power that dominate politics. None is a fight for the good of society, and the Nigerian masses!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.