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Tag: Ehichioya Ezomon

  • Tinubu needs to earn citizens’ trust fast – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Tinubu needs to earn citizens’ trust fast – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Ethnic, sectional, religious, political and economic interests aren’t strange to the Nigerian society. They’re the banes that defined past governments – and they’re likely to define President Bola Tinubu’s administration if it accentuates  rather than de-emphasises the primeval vices.

    Yet, a critical issue for the two-week-old government is trust deficit that pervades the landscape – due to failure of past leaders to translate promises into tangible results, to alleviate the people’s suffering.

    Thus, the citizens have grown incresingly sceptical, and untrusting of latter-day fix-all, cure-all advocates, no matter the likelihood of their sincerity.

    Haven’t Nigerians seen magic wand-waving “Messiahs” turning into mere managers that couldn’t deliver basic necessities of life?

    Whereas the biblical King Rehoboam told the people of Israel that: “My father made your yoke heavy, but I will add to your yoke; my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions” (1 Kings 12:14).

    No Nigerian politician (or ‘Militrician’) had ever promised to increase the citizens’ burden, nor sting them with scorpions rather than with whips.

    But once in power – either via the ballot or bullet – they abandon promises made at campaigns or in manifestos, or in coup broadcasts.

    The grandiose “Saviour, deliverer, rescurer” of yesterday becomes today’s tormentor that initiates policies to favour the minority elite, and disfavour the majority at the bottom rung of the society.

    Since democracy returned in 1999, all the Presidents: Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007), Umaru Yar’Adua (2007-2010), Goodluck Jonathan (2010-2015), and Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023) – pledged to turn Nigeria into an earthly paradise.

    They each gave the assurance of abundant and affordable food, fuel, electricity, housing, transportation, healthcare, education, and value-added local production, to ensure millions of jobs for the youths.

    But those promises ended in pipedreams, with each President (except Yar’Adua, who barely spent three years before he died) leaving the stage worse than he met it.

    To the extent that Nigeria – the largest economy in Africa – is today synonymous with the worst in many human and development indices, continentally and globally.

    Notwithstanding inadequate and inaccurate statistics, Nigeria’s associated with negative labelling, such as:

    “The Poverty Capital of the World” (with over 133m below the poverty line); “The Darkness Capital of Africa” (with less than 3,000 MW of power for over 223m population);

    “The Most Terrorised Country in Africa (with terrorists and bandits operating in Nigeria among the Top 10 deadliest in the world); “The Highest Fuel Importer among OPEC Countries” (despite being the Sixth Largest Oil Producer);

    “The Highest Importer of Generating Sets in Africa (due to inadequate power supply); and “Among the Top Four Highest Out-of-school Children in the World” (amid a glut in human capital and natural resources).

    These constitute the unenviable legacy that President Tinubu and his administration inherited from the Buhari government, which he (Tinubu) was/is a kindred.

    Tinubu played major roles in the formation of the All Progressives Congress in 2013, and emergence of Buhari as President in 2015, and his re-election in 2019.

    Labelling himself as “National Leader of the APC,” Tinubu had no post in the Buhari government. Yet, he influenced the progressive bent of the APC manifesto, led the campaigns on the policies, and vouched for Buhari to deliver them if elected in 2015, and in 2019.

    Nigerians bought into the sweet-coated promises by Tinubu on behalf of Buhari and the APC that dubbed the Jonathan government as “clueless” on its alleged lacklustre performance.

    That’s why Tinubu shares hugely in the blame of Buhari’s reported below-par execution of his agenda unfolded during campaigns.

    And it’s the reason many doubt Tinubu’s boast: “I’m a doer, rate me on my achievements as Governor of Lagos State” (1999-2007).

    Nigerians are quick to point to Tinubu’s pledge to continue with Buhari’s policies that most attribute to the untold hardship in the country.

    Tinubu’s edict on fuel subsidy at his inauguration on May 29 – which shot up pump price of petrol above 200% – has been foil for critics to compare him to Buhari in terms of alleged “anti-people” policies.

    Consider the 2022 Naira redesign policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which confiscated accounts of millions of Nigerians, who begged, and protested, but couldn’t get tokens of their money at ATMs and across the counters.

    Not even in crisis times had Nigeria witnessed such deliberate government policies to punish its law-abiding citizens!

    Buhari, who signed on the Naira policy, was to admit months later that he didn’t know it’d negatively impact the people he’d sworn to protect against misgovernance.

    President Tinubu, who faulted the Naira redesign as aimed at his presidential bid, had pledged in his inaugural speech to revisit the policy under reforms in the CBN.

    Relatedly, President Tinubu, on June 9, suspended the CBN Governor, Dr Godwin Emefiele, to give way to realistic reforms in, and investigation into activities of the apex Bank under him (Emefiele).

    Emefiele’s reportedly arrested later by operatives of Department of State Services (DSS), which denied that, “Currently, Emefiele is not with the DSS” – a refutal the public doubted, and rightly so, as the DSS recanted, and confirmed Emefiele’s in its net.

    Surely, Tinubu’s subsidy removal will further yoke Nigerians, who remotely endorsed – with their votes – his avowal to discontinue the severely-abused policy.

    The same voters now complain, and criticise the President for daring to deliver on one of his major campaign planks, prompting the query: What do Nigerians want: a promise keeper or breaker?

    If it’s the former, why the fear that Tinubu may not be different from leaders before him, especially since 1999?

    Past Presidents had sprung on Nigerians policies that they didn’t campaign on or as contained in their action plans. But Tinubu chose to “walk his talk” right at his inauguration as President.

    It’s reassuring that the initial fire-on-the-mountain cry by labour unions has given way to realistic dialoguing with the government on the way forward, to ameliorate the impact of the subsidy removal on average Nigerians.

    So, let’s move from blaming Tinubu to putting his feet to the fire, to use the fait accompli to do good by Nigerians and for Nigeria.

    Under no guise should he bring back the policy with a more palatable euphemism – as the NNPCL did from “subsidy” to “under recovery” – but with the same template of inflated daily fuel consumption, and trillions going to portfolio robbers.

    The President should stand his ground, and resist obvious pressures to reverse himself. It’s time to halt Nigeria’s bleeding, and reduce the primordial interests that strike at the heart of the nation!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • No time is ‘right time’ to remove fuel subsidy – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    No time is ‘right time’ to remove fuel subsidy – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Karma – loosely refers here as nemesis or retributive justice – connotes “cause and effect” in Indian religions; “measure for measure” in Judaism; “one reaps what one sows” (Galatians 6:7) in Christianity; and “what goes around comes around” in Western culture.

    Essentially, Karma, as a “concept of action, work, and deed, and its effect or consequences,” isn’t a respecter of persons, no matter their status or station in life.

    This is what President Bola Tinubu is about to be visited with, barely one week after his epochal inauguration as 16th Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria on May 29.

    The organised labour has served notice of a nationwide strike to protest Tinubu’s announced removal of fuel subsidy from the economy, beginning in July – but oil marketers have marked up pump price to about 300% of subsisting official price of N175 per litre.

    Tinubu, as a leading opposition figure, had railed against President Goodluck Jonathan’s removal of fuel subsidy in 2012, which led to “Occupy Nigeria” street protests across the country, and in front of the Nigerian High Commission in London, United Kingdom.

    On January 1, 2012, the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) issued a statement on removal of subsidy on petroleum products, with a 120% increase in pump price of petrol.

    Reacting to the government action that ruined the New Year celebrations for Nigerians, the “Occupy Nigeria” movement – spearheading the protests – used the opportunity to highlight corruption in government and the public service, inhuman treatment of Nigerians by government and security agents, and high rate of poverty in the land.

    According to Wikipedia, the protests that lasted 12 days (January 2-14, 2012) were defined by “civil disobedience, civil resistance, strike actions, demonstrations and online activism,” aimed at “reversing the subsidy on petroleum products, and a review of the Federal Government budget, with cut-backs on politicians’ allowances.”

    By the time President Jonathan was forced to reverse the decision, 16 people were reportedly killed by the Police in several states.

    In a January 8, 2012, lengthy article, entitled: “Removal of Oil Subsidy: President Jonathan breaks social contract with the people,” as published in guardpost.ng, Tinubu queried the timing of the subsidy removal, Jonathan’s non-consultation with relevant stakeholders, and the ripple effects on the voters and the economy at large.

    Let’s take some extracts from the opinion piece, and consider if Tinubu followed his observations and recommendations therein, to declare on May 29 that, “subsidy is gone,” during his inaugural speech. He wrote:

    “As Nigerians gathered with family and friends to celebrate the New Year, the federal government was baking a national cake wrapped in a scheme that would instantly make the New Year a bitter one.

    “Barely had the public weaned itself from last year when the government dropped a historic surprise on an unsuspecting nation. PPPRA issued a statement abolishing the fuel subsidy. By this sly piece of paper, the federal government breached the social contract with the people.

    “The government, which owes its very existence to the people’s desire to be governed by someone more humble than elitist, has turned its back on the collective will.

    “By bureaucratic fiat, the government made the most fateful economic decision any administration has made since the inception of the Fourth Republic and it has done so with an arrogant wave of the hand as if issuing a minor regulation.

    “Because of the terrible substance of the decision and the haughty style of its enactment, the people feel betrayed and angry. At this moment, we do know not where this anger will lead.

    “In good conscience, we pray against violence. Also in good conscience, it is the duty of every citizen to peacefully demonstrate and record their opposition to this draconian measure that is swiftly crippling the economy more than it will ever cure it.”

    Continuing, Tinubu descended on Jonathan, saying: “This crisis will bear his (Jonathan’s) name and will be his legacy. The people now pay a steep tax for voting him into office. The removal of the subsidy is the ‘Jonathan tax.’

    “The situation shows that ideas count more than personalities. People may occupy office but how that person performs depends on the ideas that occupy his mind.

    “Though someday, Nigeria will have to remove the subsidy, the time to do it is not now. This subsidy removal is ill-timed and violates the condition precedent necessary before such a decision is made.

    “First, the government needs to clean up and throw away the salad of corruption in the NNPC.Then, proceed to lay the foundation for a mass transit system in the railways and road network with long-term bonds and fully develop the energy sector towards revitalizing Nigeria’s economy and easing the burden any subsidy removal may have on the people.”

    Fast forward to May 29, 2023. It’s a reversal of roles between President Tinubu and the organised labour: He issuing off-the-curf declaration – as he’d accused Jonathan of doing in 2012 – and the labour unions reacting as he did in his epistle to slam Jonathan’s subsidy removal.

    Tinubu simply proclaimed that, “subsidy is gone,” without much thought to the effects the policy would have on the voters that gave him the mandate to realise his “lifelong ambition” to be President of Nigeria.

    All Tinubu accused Jonathan of doing is what he blatantly exhibited as the new Sheriff in town at his inauguration on May 29.

    Indications point to the President taking Nigerians for a ride, and only embarking on dialoguing with labour to fulfill all righteousness.

    Despite his holier-than-thou posturing in 2012, Tinubu had made up his mind to remove fuel subsidy, even as President Buhari’s government aided the course by not providing for subsidy beyond June 2023.

    For the record, the three main contenders in the February 25 presidential poll: Tinubu of the APC, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the PDP, and former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi of Labour Party campaigned to remove fuel subsidy.

    Tinubu said it wasn’t sustainable  and had to go, “no matter the protest” by Nigerians; Atiku said he would remove the subsidy, and also sell off the NNPC Limited; and Obi described the policy as “organised crime,” and pledged to remove it on day one of his administration.

    Now, the President, as a minority,  has had his say; will he also have his way with the organised labour, as he literally stares down the gun’s barrel till Wednesday, June 7?

    “Return petrol to old pump price or face nationwide action,” the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Joe Ajero, roared on June 2 after a meeting of the union’s National Executive Council in Abuja, following a deadlocked parley with government.

    Accusing the NNPCL of lacking the monopoly to fix fuel price (at N488 to N500 per litre, depending on the zone of the country) even as a private company, Ajero said labour would embark on strike if the NNPCL failed to revert to the original template.

    “Consequently, NLC has decided that if by Wednesday, the NNPCL, a private Limited Liability Company, that illegally announced the price regime in the oil sector, refuses to revert itself for negotiation to continue, the Nigeria Labour Congress and its affiliates will withdraw their services and commence protest nationwide until this is complied with.”

    Will President Tinubu succumb, and flip-flop like his predecessors, who didn’t possess the political will to tame the fuel subsidy that gulped N13.7trn in 15 years (figures supplied by Nigeria Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (NEITI)), with most of the scarce revenue funnelled into the pockets of oil crooks?

    Tinubu says he’s going to be different, and Nigerians wait with baited breath to see how strong he’s to grab the fuel subsidy bull by the horns, and land it on its side to surrender. Good luck to the President!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • The ‘frivolous’ suits to halt Tinubu’s inauguration – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The ‘frivolous’ suits to halt Tinubu’s inauguration – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Despite the posturing, both sides of Nigeria’s political divide affirm the imminence of today, May 29, 2023, as Inaugural for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.

    Yet, they approach the date from different perspectives. Pro-Tinubu supporters are eager, and even envision a move-up of the milestone. But those opposed  to a Tinubu presidency pray that the day be indefinite or eternal.

    Moreso as they’ve erected traps, hurdles and roadblocks to halt Tinubu’s advance, and arrest his lifelong ambition to be President.

    Most threatening of those obstacles are the numerous court cases filed to disqualify Tinubu from contesting in the February 25 presidential election; thrash his declaration as President-elect; and prevent his inauguration as 16th President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria.

    But one after another, the courts have demolished the entrapment, and shattered the opposition’s dream to stop the inauguration.

    The latest blow was a Supreme Court judgment on May 26 – three days to swearing-in of Tinubu and Shettima at the Eagle Square in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

    The court dismissed an appeal by Peoples Democratic Party, which prayed to disqualify Tinubu on the grounds that Shettima received double nominations for Senate and Presidency in the 2023 election cycle, contrary to the provisions of the amended Electoral Act 2022.

    A panel of five Justices of the court described PDP’s pleadings as not only frivolous, unnecessary and meritless, but also a waste of time of the court.

    In a lead judgment by Justice Adamu Jauro, the court said the PDP lacked the locus standi (legal right) to “dabble in the internal affairs of the APC,” and labelled the party as a “nosey, busybody, meddlesome interloper” and a “peeper.”

    Urging lawyers to discourage their clients from filing similar cases in future, the court affirmed the N2m damages the lower courts had imposed on the PDP.

    On the same May 26, an Abuja Federal High Court dismissed a suit that sought to stop Tinubu’s swearing-in as frivolous and an abuse of court process.

    Three applicants – Ilemona Isaiah, Pastor Paul Isaac Audu and Dr Anongu Moses – filed the suit, pleading for injunction to stop Tinubu’s inauguration because he possesses both Nigerian and Guinean citizenship, which he failed to disclose in INEC’s Form EC9, thereby committing perjury.

    But presiding Justice James Omotosho ruled that not being candidates nor members of a political party in the election that produced Tinubu as President-elect, the applicants lacked the locus standi to institute the matter.

    The judge held that the court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the suit – a post-election matter that should be filed at the Appeal Court.

    The previous day on May 25, the Appeal Court in Abuja fined a Lawyer, Chief Ambrose Albert Owuru, N40m for relitigating a 2019 petition that ended at the Supreme Court with a dismissal.

    Owuru – candidate of Hope Democratic Party (HDP) in the 2019 poll – claimed he’s adjudged as winner of a “referendum” before that year’s presidential election.

    Owuru and HDP’s petition, and appeal to sack the winner of that election – President Muhammadu Buhari – were dismissed by the Appellate Courts in August and October, 2019, respectively.

    Four years on, Owuru and HDP resurrected the matter at a Federal High Court in Abuja, praying that he be inaugurated as President Buhari’s successor, based on the said 2019 “referendum” or Tinubu or any other President-elect’s swearing-in be put on hold until their petition was determined.

    But presiding Justice Inyang Ekwo dismissed the petition as an abuse of court process – exactly the same reasoning handed down by a three-man panel of the Appeal Court, with Justice Jamil Tukur giving the lead judgment.

    Justice Tukur described the appeal by Owuru and HDP as an invitation for the court to review its earlier decision on the matter on August 22, 2019, which it “cannot do.”

    He held that having been litigated up to the Supreme Court – which pronounced judgment on it on October 28, 2019 – the matter couldn’t be reopened afresh.

    Consequently, Justice Tukur dismissed the appeal as an abuse of judicial process, and ordered Owuru and HDP to pay N10m as cost to each of the respondents: the President, the Attorney General of the Federation, the Independent National Electoral Commission and President-elect Tinubu.

    Relatedly, the Appeal Court, in mid May 2023, upbraided a lawyer to former Minister of State for Education, Prof. Chukwuemeka Nwajiuba, who sought leave of the court to join a dismissed matter he wasn’t a party to at the Federal High Court in Abuja.

    The plaintiff – Incorporated Trustees of Kingdom Human Rights Foundation International – had filed the suit to stop Tinubu’s participation in the February 25 poll, over alleged failure to disclose the source of funding for his N100m APC’s nomination forms.

    Trial Justice Binta Nyako dismissed the writ in January 2023 for lack of locus standi, and being statute barred. The plaintiff didn’t appeal the verdict, but five months later, Nwajiuba sought to be joined as an interested party to the dead suit.

    An obviously displeased three-man panel of Justices threatened to punish, and recommend Nwajiuba’s lawyer to be derobed if he didn’t withdraw the application – which he did, to save his career.

    Recall that Nwajiuba had picked the APC nomination forms, but didn’t participate in the June 6-8, 2022, primaries won by Tinubu, alleging “marginalisation of the South-East,” as reason for boycotting the poll.

    In July 2022, Nwajiuba sued to disqualify Tinubu from the February 25 poll, alleging that the primary was corrupted, even as he asked the court to declare him the winner of the primaries in which he scored one vote to Tinubu’s 1,271 votes to clich the APC ticket.

    The case journeyed up to the Supreme Court, which, on March 30, 2023, dismissed the appeal following its withdrawal by Nwajiuba’s lawyer.

    Meanwhile, a case by Registered Voters of the FCT against Tinubu’s failure to obtain 25% of votes cast in the Territory, is due for ruling tomorrow, May 30.

    The five applicants claim that a candidate for President must secure 25% of votes in the FCT, in addition to scoring 25% of votes in not less than two-thirds (24) of the 36 States of the Federation.

    Notably, the status of the FCT forms part of the petitions at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC), which will interprete several sections of the amended 1999 Constitution, particularly section 299 that says the FCT should be regarded as a State.

    There’re more cases at different courts and stages of proceedings, to prevent Tinubu’s swearing-in; sack him after inauguration; arrest and prosecute him for alleged criminal offences; or displace him by anti-democratic elements.

    So, it remains a night of long knives for President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima, and their new administration that rests on a “Hope Renewed” for a beleaguered nation and traumatised citizens!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Support grows for Tinubu as opposition races against time to stop inauguration – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Support grows for Tinubu as opposition races against time to stop inauguration – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Seven days to inauguration of President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President-elect Kashim Shettima, many Nigerians are speaking about the inevitability of President Muhammadu Buhari handing over power on May 29.

    Specifically, traditional and religious leaders have lent their support to the commitment of the Buhari government to see through the investiture at the Eagle Square in Abuja, and solicit prayers and cooperation for the Tinubu administration thereafter.

    Sultan Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III of Sokoto is among the latest to back the swearing-in of Tinubu and Shettima – amid failure of oppostion elements to abort a Tinubu presidency through legal and illegal means possible.

    Secretary to Government of the Federation and Chairman of the 2023 Inauguration Committee, Mr Boss Mustapha, on May 18 said the inaugurals were going on as planned, tweets Tolu Ogunlesi, special assistant to the President on Digital and New Media.

    Mustapha noted that except in 2015 when President Goodluck Jonathan conceded to retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, elections in Nigeria have been litigated since 1979 pari passu with transitions to new administrations, adding that the amended 1999 Constitution and Electoral Act 2022 have addressed issues raised by the opposition.

    “The (Shehu) Shagari transitions (in 1979 and 1983) were litigated (yet the) transition went ahead. (Olusegun) Obasanjo’s transitions were litigated in 1999, 2003, transition went ahead. I stand to be corrected. But the only presidential election that was not litigated was 2015 when GEJ (Goodluck Ebele Jonathan) conceded and called PMB (President Muhammadu Buhari),” Mustapha said.

    At a roundtable of traditional and religious leaders on May 17 in Abuja, Sultan Abubakar’s emphatic that a new government would emerge as scheduled on May 29.

    His words: “There must be change because in the next few days or weeks, there will be a new government. What can we contribute to that government to stabilse?

    “Whether anybody likes it (or not), it must take place; a new government is coming on 29 May. So, what can we do besides prayers because we believe in Almighty, we believe in God that gives and takes (power)?”

    “What do we do to help the government stabilse and move the country forward?”

    The Sultan said the times call for an opportunity for religious and traditional leaders to work together for the betterment of Nigeria.

    The irrevocability of Tinubu taking the Oath of Allegiance and Oath of Office on May 29 has also been affirmed by three critical voices in the Christian community.

    They’re: Spiritual Director of Adoration Ministry, Enugu, Revd Fr Ejike Mbaka; the General Overseer of Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) worldwide, Pastor Enoch Adeboye; and Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Lagos, Primate Elijah Ayodele.

    Equally to weigh in on the most contentious issue ahead of the inauguration is former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Dr Olisa Agbakoba (SAN).

    In a post on his Facebook page of his church in early May, fiery and controversial Fr Mbaka anointed incoming Tinubu’s administration “with the blood of Jesus.”

    “In the forthcoming May 29th inauguration, I cover Ahmed Bola Tinubu’s administration with the blood of Jesus. God will show him the path of life. And he will take good decisions,” Fr Mbaka said.

    Recall that Fr Mbaka reportedly predicted defeat for Labour Party candidate, Peter Obi – a forecast that earned the cleric suspension, and months in “purgatory” imposed by the supervisory Catholic Cathedral.

    But Fr Mbaka – excoriated for his prediction by mostly young supporters in the ObIdients Movement that back Mr Obi’s presidential run – has words for the youths ahead of Tinubu’s government.

    “I also want to use this medium to urge the Nigerian youths to be calm and hopeful with the incoming government.

    “They should not give in to their fears, and not be disheartened. I say this because I can clearly perceive the hand of God upon our country, Nigeria.

    “In Isaiah 41:10, the prophet declares, ‘Do not be afraid; do not be dismayed; for I am your God: I will strengthen thee; yes, I will help thee; yes, I will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness.’”

    On May 7, Pastor Adeboye proclaimed that President-elect Tinubu would fix Nigeria with God’s help. This was at the monthly thanksgiving service at the RCCG headquarters in Ebute-Metta, Lagos, as relayed by his Special Assistant, Pastor Dele Balogun.

    It’s unclear if it’s a prophesy, as Pastor Adeboye had declined the bait in April 2022 to prognosticate the outcome of the 2023 General Election.

    He had declared then: “As I am standing before you, I still don’t know whether there will be election next year… I don’t know because my father (God) hasn’t talked to me about it at all.”

    But this time, Pastor Adeboye said Nigeria would prosper under Tinubu’s administration, and urged the President-elect “to fulfil Nigerians’ dream of a new nation.”

    “Thank God the President-elect has promised to fix Nigeria. If God helps him, Nigeria will prosper in his hands.

    “Let us pray for the incoming government that God will support it and give it the Grace to do the right thing,” Pastor Adeboye said.

    To Primate Ayodele, “only God can stop the inauguration ceremony of the President-elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on May 29,” a statement by his Media Aide, Oluwatosin Osho, said on May 7.

    A renowned weekly predictor of events around the globe – with emphasis on politics in Nigeria – Primate Ayodele had initially foreclosed victory for Tinubu at the primaries and general election, forecasting he might not survive the electoral process due to alleged ill-heath.

    But foretelling the May 29 outing, the cleric said nobody could stop Tinubu’s certification “even though the (APC) Muslim-Muslim combination doesn’t correlate with God’s plan for Nigeria, and will lead to hard times for the country.”

    “Nobody can stop Tinubu from being inaugurated as the President of Nigeria on May 29; only God can stop him,” Primate Ayodele said.

    Indicating he doesn’t support the Muslim-Muslim ticket, as “God has never approved the combination for Nigeria, Ayodele said, “there are consequences the country will face as a result of that. Nigeria will face hard times with Muslim-Muslim ticket.”

    He advised Obi against wasting his resources in court to reclaim his alleged “stolen mandate” at the February 25 poll, because “he didn’t win the election,” and “he can’t be president.”

    “Peter Obi didn’t win the election, he can’t be president. Going to court for Obi is now a waste of money, time, and energy. He didn’t win the election, and even if he goes around the world, he still will not be declared winner,” Primate Ayodele said.

    He revealed that prior to the election, he asked Obi to do certain things “if he wanted to win the presidential election, but he didn’t do any, which was responsible for his loss at the polls,” he added.

    Dr Agbakoba had canvassed a shorter timeframe for disposal of petitions before inauguration of the new President, but that’s unlikely before May 29, as pre-hearings are ongoing at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC).

    But in a statement on May 15, he stressed observance to the rule of law in Tinubu’s inauguration, saying, “we need to obey the rule of constitutionalism.”

    “It is important to state that the inauguration of Mr Bola Tinubu on 29 May 2023 is bound to happen under our constitutional process,” Agbakoba said.

    “While the election tribunal deals with the petitions, there is no constitutional process to delay the inauguration on 29 May,” he added.

    The Tinubu-must-not-be-sworn-in groups aren’t relenting, pursuing diverse schemes, including simultaneous filing of petitions at the PEPC, and writs at the normal courts – with the same or similar prayers – to stop him from the office of President, citing series of alleged malfeasance against him.

    The allegations range from certificate forgery, financial sleaze, drugs trafficking, and money laundering to dual nationality, and electoral malpractice.

    The latest gambit is an exparte application at a Federal High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, seeking to compel the Inspector General of Police to investigate and prosecute Tinubu for alleged dual citizenship.

    The aim is to deny him (and Shettima) access into the Eagle Square, Abuja, on May 29, to take the Oaths and salutes as the 16th President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria.

    Will the schemers succeed in their mission? It’s barely one week to achieve the unprecedented in a democratic setting in Nigeria!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Election petitions: Need for litigants, judges to avoid technicalities – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Election petitions: Need for litigants, judges to avoid technicalities – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    In Nigeria, losers hardly accept their defeat, and virtually every election contest ends at the election petitions tribunal.

    To regain their alleged “stolen mandate,” petitioners attempt to exploit loopholes in the laws via technicalities, and not through the so-called rigged processes.

    That’s why as fireworks are yet to begin at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC) against the declaration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as winner of the February 25, 2023, Presidential Election – parties to the dispute are already preping for appeals to the Supreme Court.

    The apex court is the last busstop in Nigeria for election matters; and the May 9 judgment on appeals from the 2022 governorship poll in Osun may serve as a template for the petitions at the PEPC.

    That ruling has buoyed, and also dampened the petitioners and respondents’ optimism to get reprieve at the Supreme Court.

    The court had weighed in on the centrality of the Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) in the transmission of election results.

    The five-member panel held that by the Electoral Act 2022, “Instant or on-the-spot transmission of the number of accredited voters in the BVAS to the backend server of INEC is not backed by law.”

    Besides, the court affirmed that to prove over-voting in an election, you’ve to present the polling unit BVAS for physical evidence.

    The judgment on the Osun poll has reinforced the “pre-eminence” of the Supreme Court as the final arbiter – from which no further appeal lies to question its decision.

    Be it a “substantial justice” or a “miscarriage of justice,” parties that submit to arbitration of the Court must accept its final opinion.

    This is exemplified by former Governor Adegboyega Oyetola, hours after the Supreme Court ruling stamped his loss of the July 2022 governorship in Osun. In a personal statement, Oyetola said:

    “We strongly believe we presented a good case before the Supreme Court but the court thought otherwise and has given its verdict. While the outcome is against our wish and that of our party members and supporters, we are all bound to accept it as law-abiding citizens… To our members and supporters across the state, I urge you all to accept the verdict of the court and move on.”

    The late Justice Chukwudifu Oputa stressed the “unquestioned decision” of the Supreme Court when he declared: “We are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final.”

    The Oputa declaration rings ominously at the PEPC, especially in regard to some of the cases the Supreme Court has delivered since the return of democracy in 1999.

    To critics, the court is viewed as overplaying its judicial activism, and at the same time relying heavily on strict interpretation of the law. Four examples will suffice:

    In 2007, the Supreme Court declared Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor-elect of Rivers State even though he didn’t campaign for the position, nor vote at the poll.

    The court held that votes belong to the party, and not the candidate. And that Amaechi, having won the PDP primaries, should inherit the votes scored by Celestine Omehia, who replaced him at the poll, and be returned as governor-elect.

    In 2019, the Supreme Court invalidated APC’s primaries in Zamfara, and dismissed the party’s governor-elect, deputy governor-elect, and assembly members-elect, and yielded their seats to the defeated PDP candidates.

    In Bayelsa in 2021, the Court, on alleged certificate forgery against the APC deputy governor-elect, sacked the governor-elect on the eve of his inauguration, and crowned the defeated PDP candidate as governor-elect.

    In 2023, Senate President Ahmad Lawan, who lost his presidential bid – and didn’t participate in the APC senatorial primaries for Yobe North in 2022 – clinched the ticket via a ruling of the Supreme Court.

    The court held that Bashir Machina, winner of the primaries, ought to proceed with a “writ of summons,” and not an “originating summons,” as his fraud allegation against the APC needed to be corroborated by sworn witnesses.

    Still, the Supreme Court has had cause to warn against over-reliance on technicalities to shut out litigants from being heard on the merit of their cases.

    Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa (SAN), in a piece on “The evils of technical justice” (SaharaReporters of February 2, 2021), referenced the case of Boniface Ebere Okezie & 3 Ors. v. Central Bank of Nigeria & 5 Ors. (2020) 15 NWLR (Pt.1747) 181 – that trasversed the judicial road for 11 years (2009-2020).

    The Plaintiffs filed an originating summons, setting out their claims in “declarations, injunctive reliefs and damages,” without questions for determination. The defendants objected to the writ as meritless, and the court lacking the jurisdiction to hear the case.

    Both the High Court and Appeal Court sustained the preliminary objection by the defendants, but the Supreme Court reversed their decisions, and “took out time to define the role of the judiciary, in very clear terms,” thus:

    “The paramount duty of courts is to do substantial justice and not cling to technicalities that will defeat the ends of justice. It is more in the interest of justice that parties are afforded reasonable opportunity for their rights to be investigated and determined on merit rather than that parties be shut out prematurely from being heard on the grounds of non-substantial compliance with rules of court.

    “It is immaterial that there are technicalities arising from statutory provisions, or technicalities inherent in rules of court. So long as the law or rule has been substantially complied with and the object of the provisions of the statute or rule is not defeated, and failure to comply fully has not occasioned a miscarriage of justice, the proceedings will not be nullified.”

    But in the earlier cited cases, the Supreme Court side-tracked substance, and relied on technicalities to deny the poll winners, and allow the losers to reap “where they did not sow.”

    Hence, the anxiety in the APC and President-elect Tinubu’s camp, as the petitions at the PEPC have the coloration of cases decided by the Supreme Court in recent times.

    As allegations of election fraud are difficult to prove “beyond all reasonable doubts,” petitioners at the PEPC have placed heavy weather on technicalities, rather than the substance of the votes cast at the February 25 poll.

    Thus, the petitioners make light of the charge of rigging, and zero in on “soft targets” to disqualify the President-elect, or cancel or annull the poll. The petitioners’ claims:

    1) That Tinubu’s forged birth, education and job records, swears on oath, and commits perjury.

    2) Convicted for narcotics and money laundering, he forfeited $460,000 to the U.S. government.

    3) He’s dual citizenship: Nigeria and Guinea, in breach of provisions of the 1999 Constitution.

    4) Shettima was nominated for two elective positions in the 2023 poll cycle, in violation of provisions of the Electoral Act 2022.

    5) INEC violated the Act, and its own regulations and guidelines by failing to transmit the presidential results via the BVAS onto the INEC Results Viewing (IReV) portal.

    On March 1, INEC declared that Tinubu of the APC won the poll with 8,794,726 votes, while Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and Peter Obi of Labour Party scored 6,984,520 votes and 6,101,533 votes, as first and second runners-up.

    Five of 17 defeated candidates and their parties had filed petitions at the PEPC, to upturn the INEC declaration, but two petitions had been withdrawn, and dismissed.

    Atiku and Obi claim to win the election, pray the court to return them elected, or cancel (or annull) the poll, and conduct a fresh one between Tinubu and Atiku, as top scorers; or between Atiku and Obi if Tinubu’s disqualified, as Obi canvasses.

    Atiku and Obi argue that the allegations against Tinubu, and rigging of the poll by the APC have unqualified Tinubu for President, and the votes cast for him are wasted, and his declaration as President-elect null and void.

    Yet, many in the opposition have expressed worries that the pre-hearings at the PEPC are coming midway into the 180 days allotted for disposal of petitions.

    But to uphold the dictum of justice delayed is justice denied, the PEPC has advised counsel to, “avoid unnecessary technicalities.”

    Chairman of the five-member panel, Justice Haruna Tsammani, said: “Election is time bound, let us not waste unnecessary time, let us cooperate with each other so that everyone will leave here satisfied.”

    “We are determined to look at all the matters brought before us. Let us look at what is good for our country and avoid time-wasting applications.”

    The tribunal’s advice is timely in that election is sui generis (of its own kind, in a class by itself, or unique) from ordinary legal issues.

    Lawyers take undue advantage of the unusualness of poll matters to file “frivolous applications” – based on technicalities – in attempts to sway or slow down proceedings.

    For now, the PEPC, and Supreme Court are under the spotlight, to deliver substantial justice, and not “technical justice” that erodes the substance of matters before them!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Buhari, governors’ casual pleas for forgiveness – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Buhari, governors’ casual pleas for forgiveness – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Who’s next among the 19 outgoing State Governors to plead for forgiveness for “knowingly or unknowingly stepping on toes” in the course of governance?

    Eighteen Governors of Abia, Akwa Ibom, Benue, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Enugu, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Kogi, Niger, Rivers, Sokoto and Taraba will leave the stage on May 29 after eight years in office; joined by the Governor of Zamfara who failed re-election on March 18, 2023.

    While nine Governors of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Kwara, Lagos, Ogun, Nasarawa and Oyo won re-election for a second term; the eight Governors of Anambra, Bayelsa, Ekiti, Edo, Imo, Kogi, Ondo and Osun were chosen at different off-season polls, and will accordingly leave office.

    Many of the Governors ruled like tin-gods that brook no opposition. But facing the exit door, they’re admitting – as human beings – their imperfection, and fallibility.

    Hanging their all-knowing attitude, the Governors of Benue, Ebonyi, Kano and Taraba have sought forgiveness from their residents, but without due accountability or show of genuine contrition for the sins they glibly want to atone for.

    A quick reminder though that the ask for absolution isn’t limited to the Governors. The Commander-in-Chief, President Muhammadu Buhari, is the cheerleader.

    Even as he didn’t kickstart the season’s pleading episode, Buhari’s craving for pardon met with sharp rebukes from a traumatised citizenry his government has taken on a rollercoaster for several years.

    Like the Governors, Buhari merely wanted to fulfil all righteousness, without situating the wrongs and the affected – definitely not the few parading the narrow corridors of power, but majority of Nigerians that are out in the elements.

    Does Buhari’s plea for remission qualify as repentance for the socio-politoco-economic and security challenges most Nigerians have endured on his watch since 2015 that bear no recataloguing?

    Buhari’s petition for grace was at the 9th and last Eid-el-Fitr Sallah homage that residents of the Federal Capital Territory paid him at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, on April 21.

    Buhari told his guests, led by the FCT Minister, Muhammad Musa Bello, that he’d accepted Nigerians’ complaints and criticisms in good faith, as part of the leadership he prayed and asked from God.

    “God gave me an incredible opportunity to serve the country. We are all humans; if I have hurt some people along the line of my service to the country, I ask that they pardon me. All those that I have hurt, I ask that they pardon me,” the President said.

    Certainly, Buhari’s speech was directed to a circle of privileged Nigerians, not the vast majority that had seen hell on earth, especially since late 2022 when government’s Naira redesign policy turned many into beggars.

    The Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele – on Buhari’s authority that defied a Supreme Court ruling for status quo ante – confiscated citizens’ hard-earned money in Bank accounts that they could only access by buying back a token amount of cash if available.

    Many deaths were recorded across Nigeria from the resultant starvation, ailments and riots by aggrieved Nigerians over the haphazardly-implemented, and spectacularly-flopped policy sprung during a General Election.

    The situation is dicey, as the new and re-legal tendered banknotes remain scarce commodities.

    Buhari ought to utilise the sober moment the Sallah homage by Abuja residents presented, to show genuine penitence for the untold financial and economic crisis that his government imposed on long-suffering, and law-abiding citizens!

    The cases of Governors Dave Umahi of Ebonyi, Samuel Ortom of Benue, Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano and Darius Ishaku of Taraba may not be different from Buhari’s.

    They court exoneration devoid of admission of their particular sins against the people, and offer of commensurate restitution.

    Umahi, who heads to the Senate in the next dispensation beginning on May 29, admitted to workers in Abakaliki on May 1 Workers’ Day that he must have stepped on people’s toes in the discharge of his duties since 2015.

    “Let me formally thank our dear workers for their partnership, love, prayers and cooperation, these being eight years of my service to Ebonyi State,” Umahi said.

    “There is no doubt I stepped on toes and offended some. It was never intentional; it was the best I knew and for the good of our people. Please forgive.

    “As I bow out, I have forgiven all those who thought they offended me. May God bless our state, our workers and our people.”

    Ortom, who lost his Senate bid, told members of his constituency and campaign council in Makurdi on March 28 that, he might’ve offended some in his duties.

    “For those I might have offended in this journey of serving the state and our country, I seek their forgiveness, as I also forgive those who have offended me,” Ortom said.

    Stressing he’d always ensured equity, fairness, justice and the rule of law in execution of the mandate given to him by God through Benue people, Ortom said he’d be available and ready to carry out God’s mandate in the future.

    Ganduje, at a Ramadan lecture series at Al Furqan Juma’at Mosque in Nasarawa GRA, Kano, on April 17, sought clemency from those he said he’d pardoned for wrongs against him.

    Ganduje, citing the Mosque leader’s espousal that “forgiveness occupies a prime spot in our religion,” begged for mercy thus:

    “I’ve forgiven anyone, who at one time disparaged my person and my character for whatever reasons, and on my part, I equally beg or seek for your forgiveness for all that I’ve done wrong to you.

    “My tenure as governor of Kano state has come to an end, and this is a farewell greeting. I wish you all the best. For those who we have wronged, forgive us, on my part, I have forgiven those who wronged me no matter the weight of the offence.”

    Somehow, Ishaku, who failed his senatorial aspiration, displayed a semblance of remorse, as he begged for compassion at separate thanksgiving services at the Anglican Church Mayo Dasa, and secretariat of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Taraba State chapter, both in Jalingo, the capital city.

    Kneeling before the congregation at the Anglican Church on April 23, Ishaku said it’s Biblical to openly apologise to people he might’ve offended carrying out his duties.

    His words: “As a leader who has led the state for almost eight years, it is likely that I might have offended so many people either knowingly or unknowingly in the course of discharging my duties as the Executive Governor.

    “Biblically, we are taught to forgive those who offend us. In this case, I am asking those I have offended to forgive me. I did this in the House of God, and if they did not forgive me, it is between them and God.”

    Urging Tarabans to let the spirit of peace, love and forgiveness guide their attitudes, actions and relations with their fellow people, Ishaku expressed appreciation to God for giving him the wisdom to serve the people effectively despite the challenges that confronted his administration.

    Buhari and the Governors claimed they’d worked for the good of the people.” If that were so, why would they seek pardon for undisclosed offences against Nigerians?

    As they exhibit a righteous indignation of, “I have forgiven those who wronged me,” Buhari and the Governors’ plea for mercy appears as a last attempt to play on the people’s intelligence. It’s farcical and an afterthought!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • As plot to stop Tinubu’s inauguration thickens – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    As plot to stop Tinubu’s inauguration thickens – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Since the return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999, May 29 (of every four years) is earmarked for inauguration of a new President and the administration thereof.

    But the May 29, 2023, change of baton between outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari and incoming President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is proving to be an exception.

    The opposition is pulling out all the stops to abort the ceremonies for which the Buhari government has emplaced a transition mapout.

    Dissatisfied with the declaration and return of Tinubu as winner of the February 25 presidential election, the opposition has moved from calls to cancel or annul the poll, or install an inerim civilian government or a Military regime.

    Although the unconstitutional clamour has met with outrage and condemnations even across the political divide, the promoters and purveyors of the scheme to halt a Tinubu presidency aren’t relenting.

    The next stage in their plot is a direct appeal to President Buhari, to adopt any excuse imaginable, to stop the handover to Tinubu.

    If Buhari refuses to breach the amended 1999 Constitution, the Courts should then intervene, by compelling the President and/or National Assembly (NASS), to extend the government tenure by three months – in the first instance – until the filings at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC) against Tinubu’s declaration as President-elect are dispensed with.

    The first option in the intrigues is  to shift the goalpost in the middle of a game, by abridging the 180 days and 60 days for disposal of petitions and appeals at the PEPC and Supreme Court, respectively.

    The second alternative is the urging of Buhari to unlawfully stop inauguration of Tinubu on account of series of allegations against his qualification for the office of President of Nigeria.

    In this regard, the proponents want Buhari to invoke unknown laws to annul the February 25 poll, and the attendant declaration of Tinubu as President-elect.

    A third option is for Buhari to write to the NASS, to invoke the “Doctrine of Necessity,” and extend his tenure that ends on May 29 by six months – in the first instance – to enable disposal of the petitions at the PEPC, or direct the conduct of a fresh presidential election.

    To the uninformed, the “Doctrine of Necessity” is alien to the 1999 Constitution, as its invocation in 2010 was due to absence of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from office for months, without handing over to Vice President Goodluck Jonathan in acting capacity.

    To avoid a total breakdown of law and order – as unelected and non-state actors had seized on the vacuum to want to run the affairs of State – the NASS stepped in and introduced the “Doctrine of Necessity,” to elevate Dr Jonathan to “Acting President.”

    Jonathan later assumed the office of President when Yar’Adua died in 2010; and the NASS next amended the Constitution in 2011, mandating that the President shall handover power to the Vice President – as Acting President – whenever the President is out of the seat of power. (Section 145(1)(2)).

    Going by section 135 of the Constitution, the President can only write to the NASS – to extend the tenure of the administration by six months, in the first instance – if the Federation is at war.

    First, section 135(2) mandates that, “the President shall vacate his office at the expiration of a period of four years commencing from the date when–

    (a) in the case of a person first elected as President under this Constitution, he took the Oath of Allegiance and the Oath of Office…”

    That means May 29, as Buhari’s first inaugurated on May 29, 2015, and again on May 29, 2019, in his two terms – of four years each – that end on May 29, 2023.

    Second, section 135(3) states that, “If the Federation is at war in which the territory of Nigeria is physically involved and the President considers that it is not practicable to hold elections, the National Assembly may by resolution extend the period of four years mentioned in subsection (2) of this section from time to time; but no such extension shall exceed a period of six months at any one time.”

    Currently, the Federation isn’t at war; no insurrection across or in parts of the Nigerian territory; and the elections have been held, and a transition plan in place to handover to the new dispensation.

    On what basis – other than mischiefmakers provoking instability in the country – will President Buhari ask the NASS, to invoke section 135(3) of the Constitution, to extend his government beyond May 29?

    That will amount to institution of a “Third Term” regime – akin to a civilian interim government or a Military junta that most Nigerians have resoundingly rejected lately!

    The same fate awaits the calls for the Appeal Court to extend the period of inauguration of a new government from May 29, which proponents argue isn’t sacrosanct, citing section 135(1)(a) of the Constitution.

    Section 135(1) says that, “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, a person shall hold the office of President until–

    (a) when his successor in office takes the oath of that office…”

    Hence, agitators of a delayed inauguration of President-elect Tinubu urge the Appeal Court to order President Buhari to remain in office until when his successor takes the oath of that office – after the disposal of the petitions and appeals at the Appeal Court and Supreme Court, in that order.

    If the Appeal Court orders such a “prohibitory injunction” – the likes requested by former candidate of Hope Democratic Party in the 2019 presidential election, Ambrose Albert Owuru – it’ll equate a “coup” in violation of section 1(2) and section 135(3) of the Constitution.

    Owuru, a Lawyer, claims he’s adjudged the winner of the 2019 presidential poll, with his intended first term in office allegedly “usurped” by President Buhari.

    On that score, he prays the Court of Appeal to prohibit President Buhari, Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from inaugurating the 2023 President-elect on May 29, until his four-year-old petition is disposed of by the Supreme Court.

    In a motion on notice marked CA/CV/259/2023, and filed at the Court of Appeal in Abuja, Owuru applies for “An order of prohibitory injunction compelling Buhari, AGF and INEC, their servants, agents and privies to preserve and give due cognizance and abstain from any further undertaking or engaging in any act of usurpation of (his) adjudged acquired Constitutional rights and mandate as winner of the 2019 presidential election.”

    Will the Appeal Court be disposed to exercising jurisdiction over Owuru’s application – and other similar prayers – to suspend and/or cancel inauguration of President-elect Tinubu on May 29?

    Until the Court affirms those prayers, the opposition members have only one avenue to retrieving their “stolen mandate” of February 25, and that’s to have faith in the Judiciary that they’ve subjected themselves to its arbitration.

    They should pursue their petitions at the PEPC – and possibly at the Supreme Court – to a logical end. Any shortcut to gaining power is a recipe for chaos and anarchy that may spare none of the instigators of the impasse in the polity!

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Tinubu, dual citizenship and Guinean passport saga – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Tinubu, dual citizenship and Guinean passport saga – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Thus far in the 2023 election cycle, President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu has proved the proverbial cat with nine lives, as he’s dodged traps set to abort his “lifelong ambition” to be President of Nigeria.

    He defeated scores of aspirants at the June 6-8, 2022, primaries of the All Progressives Congress, and tens of candidates at the February 25, 2023, presidential election.

    In 35 days on May 29, Tinubu will be inaugurated as Nigeria’s 16th President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and make history as the first acclaimed Nigerian “political kingmaker” to become a king himself.

    But how far his famed political sagacity and luck will carry him to the finish line is any pundit’s guess amid a fierce opposition that’s determined to ruin Tinubu, APC and supporters’ “pyrrhic victory.”

    As millions of voters pray for a Tinubu dispensation that can reverse Nigeria’s downward slide in the socio-politico-economic and security spheres, millions more want to halt his entry into Aso Rock Villa in Abuja, and if he gained access, must be quickly evicted from the seat of power.

    To achieve their aims, opposition leaders have adopted a three-prong strategy: litigation in court, mass street protests, and call for an interim government or a Military upstage of power.

    Yet, Tinubu looks optimistic to easily weathering all but one or two of the pleadings at the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC), and likely at the Supreme Court, which’s the final arbiter on matters relating to and/or arising from the February presidential poll.

    From his reported failure to meet requirements of the laws guiding elections in Nigeria, to be declared as winner and returned elected by the Independent National Electoral Commission;

    To alleged age falsification, certificate forgery, and indictment for trafficking in narcotics and money laundering in the United States in early 1990s;

    Tinubu’s amassed over 100 hired and volunteer Senior and Junior lawyers to defend his declaration as President-elect of Nigeria.

    But from the blue comes a fresh allegation that’s capable of finally truncating Tinubu’s political career that’s blossomed for over 30 years.

    A self-styled “Investigative Journalist” David Hundeyin, who seems to possess much Intel, has accused Tinubu of dual nationality: Nigeria and Guinea, and carrying a Guinean diplomatic passport that’s on viral display on social media.

    Tinubu reportedly denied in his nomination forms that he’s dual citizenship, and renounced his Nigerian nationality – a possible disqualifying violation of Section 137(1)(a) of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, and an offence of perjury.

    “137(1): A person shall not be qualified for election to the office of President if–

    (a) subject to the provisions of section 28 of this Constitution, he has voluntarily acquired the citizenship of a country other than Nigeria or, except in such cases as may be prescribed by the National Assembly, he made a declaration of allegiance to such other country.”

    Tinubu also faces question in Section 137(1)(d) that disqualifies a person from election for the office of President if they suffer a sentence of imprisonment or fine imposed by a competent court of law or tribunal in Nigeria “for any offence involving dishonesty or fraud (by whatever name called) or for any other offence, imposed on him by any court or tribunal or substituted by a competent authority for any other sentence imposed by such a court or tribunal…”

    But Tinubu may have remedy under 137(1)(e) that sanctions only a person who, “within a period of less than ten years before the date of the election to the office of President… has been convicted and sentenced for an offence involving dishonesty or he has been found guilty of the contravention of the Code of Conduct…”

    To underscore the potential legal jeopardy that awaits Tinubu, let’s have some background – courtesy of www.handyvisas.com (with minimal editing) – on Dual Nationality, Diplomatic Passport and how to acquire same:

    What is Dual Nationality?

    “Dual nationality, also known as Dual Citizenship, means that you are a citizen of two countries simultaneously.

    “Holding dual nationality can be a complicated legal status and its benefits depend on the relative two countries.

    “It is important to understand how this status works, before deciding if it is beneficial for you or not.

    Dual nationality definition

    “If someone has dual nationality, then they are legally recognised in both countries as a citizen. They share the same rights and responsibilities as citizens without dual nationality.

    As a citizen of two countries, you are legally bound by the laws of both of them.

    Even if you are not residing in one of the countries, you could still have the same obligations as any citizen. For example, you may still have to legally attend jury duty or serve in the military if it is legally required.

    “Sometimes, dual citizenship happens automatically. For example, in the United States, if a child is born to parents of another country, by default, they will be citizens of both the U.S. and their parents’ home country.

    “Dual nationality is also often granted through legal processes, such as marriage. If someone marries a citizen of another country, they may be entitled to citizenship of their spouse’s country, and vice versa.

    “Not all countries allow their citizens to hold dual nationality. It is necessary to check whether the country you are currently a citizen of allows it, before attempting to apply for a new citizenship.

    “In countries that do not allow dual citizenship, citizens must surrender their nationality of that country in order to become a citizen of another country.

    How to get Dual Citizenship

    “If you have decided that dual nationality is right for you, then you can start the process of applying.

    “In some countries, there is no specific process for becoming a dual citizen. You might simply need to apply for citizenship in the other country.

    “It is very important to first check that your country of origin allows its citizens to hold dual nationality. If not, you could risk losing your citizenship in the process.

    “Contacting the relevant Embassy is the best way to find out if your country permits dual nationality.”

    Diplomatic Passport definition

    “This type of identity document is most often used by diplomats and other government officials to journey overseas with more ease. It is also commonly used by diplomats who are stationed abroad.

    “The holder can cross international borders while bypassing a lot of the typical travel regulations that regular passport holders must follow.

    Clear identification as a government official

    “Using a diplomatic passport means that the holder is traveling on official government business.

    “Traveling with a diplomatic passport allows the holder to be easily recognised as a government official.

    “Authorities are able to identify those who are on official government business, and therefore treat them accordingly.

    Two Passports

    “Someone with dual nationality is also allowed to hold a passport for both countries.

    “This makes international travel easier, as they can choose which passport to travel with, depending on which one is more beneficial in the destination country.

    Diplomatic immunity

    “Those with a diplomatic passport are granted legal immunity from lawsuit or prosecution.

    “There are still limitations to this immunity. A foreign diplomat is exempt from the law to a certain extent, and at the discretion of their host country.

    What does a diplomatic passport look like?

    “A diplomatic passport varies depending on the country of issue. Usually, it is easy to differentiate from a regular tourist passport. It is likely to be a different colour, and state the words “Diplomatic Passport” on the cover.

    “The colour difference makes it easy for border officials to identify a government official and offer them the relevant privileges.

    Who can apply for diplomatic passport?

    “Diplomatic passports are only issued to those who have diplomatic status. It is not a document that can be applied for by anyone.

    “The requirements can differ depending on the country. The type of statuses that qualify for a diplomatic passport include:

    *Members of Parliament * Governors * Heads of Religious Affairs * Members of Court * Generals or Admirals * Former Presidents or Prime Ministers

    Can family members apply?

    “Once someone has been issued a diplomatic passport, their family members often qualify for one themselves.

    “Again, this can depend on the country, but generally the benefits afforded to foreign diplomats are also extended to their immediate family members.”

    Here we’re: Another roadblock – likely the most fortified to date – for President-elect Tinubu to cross before or after the May 29 handover to him by President Muhammadu Buhari! Can he dismantle this one, as others?

     

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • 42 days to inauguration, Tinubu ‘shelters’ overseas – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    42 days to inauguration, Tinubu ‘shelters’ overseas – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu flew out of Nigeria on March 21, and 27 days after, there’s no word as to where he’s resident and what he’s doing outside the country.

    No one has seen, or heard from him except, perhaps, his close family members and aides who would rather other issues in the polity engage nosey Nigerians.

    Following initial concerns about the manner of Tinubu’s departure, and where he’s headed, his media aide, Tunde Rahman, said he’s on a short rest in Europe, to plan for his new government, and also observe the Lesser Hajj in Saudi Arabia.

    Rahman’s explanation didn’t douse public scepticism, more so as it wasn’t the first time Tinubu would “sneak out” of Nigeria, and thus offer tale bearers a platter to spin all manner of innuendos to fill the void.

    Recall that early in the 2023 poll cycle, Tinubu had vanished from Nigeria, and it took quite a while to locate him in London, where he’d a knee surgery that speculators said would hinder his presidential run.

    During the primary process to pick the candidates of the 18 parties that contested in the February 25 poll, Tinubu’s off, unannounced, to London.

    His long stay prompted rumours of serious ailment, with some vowing he’s dead. A video and photos showing Tinubu doing a workout, and meeting associates and his grandchildren were labelled by doubters as photoshops to deceive Nigerians.

    But Tinubu returned, hail and hearty, to face gruelling primary and general election campaigns he’s predicted not physically prepared for nor would win. Yet, he won both polls, and is primed to assume power on May 29, as President Muhammadu Buhari bows out after eight years in office.

    Tinubu’s “disappearing act” – and its associated allegations of undisclosed ill-heath – brings to memory similar history of ailments that affected former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Buhari.

    Yar’Adua’s sickness was public before former President Olusegun Obasanjo drafted him into the contest, and was hospitalised abroad almost the duration of campaigns on his behalf by Obasanjo.

    At one of the campaign stops in the North, a report filtered in that Yar’Adua had died. Obasanjo said he’d spoken to him before the rally.

    He put a call to Yar’Adua (the phone on speaker) and said: “Umaru, are you dead? They said you are dead.” To which Yar’Adua answered, “No, I’m not dead. I’m alive.”

    Yar’Adua won the election, and ruled from 2007 to 2010, even as he alternated between Nigeria and overseas for medical care. He died abroad, and his remains brought into the country at mid night.

    Buhari’s unknown ailment(s) wasn’t public knowledge, or a hindrance during his long years of struggles to be President in 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015, respectively.

    But the sickness assumed public concerns because of frequency of its bouts, and the duration of his medical trips to London.

    At such visits, stories swirled about Buhari’s incapacitatation, being vegetative or dead, putting his aides, and media handlers at odds with the true picture, as they’re kept in the dark about Buhari’s real sickness, and medical conditions during those times.

    A video of Buhari seeing off visitors to the front courtyard, or photos of him signing documents were dissed by Nigerians, who wanted him to address them directly.

    The rumour mill even purveyed that Buhari was (or is) a “cloned Jubrin from Sudan” – a falsehood he said was one of the things that pained him, as Nigerians denigrated him.

    That Buhari’s ailment affected his governance was attested to lately by his staunch ally and Media Adviser to the President, Mr Femi Adesina.

    On Channels Television’s ‘Politics Today’ on April 10, Adesina was asked if Buhari’s sickness was a setback to his administration, and he said:

    “It should be because when he fell sick in 2017, he came back in March (and) and went again in April and didn’t come back until August 19.

    “About all, eight months. The sickness took eight months of his time in the office. Of course, nobody would like that. But what we are glad about is that he came whole, sound and better than he went.”

    Given Yar’Adua and Buhari’s long illnesses and their effects on governance – and unaccounted-for financial burden on Nigeria – some Nigerians warn that a President Tinubu will travel the same route for frequent medical tourism.

    Most concerning to Nigerians is not knowing Tinubu’s whereabouts since March 21. Only two photos and a video about him have graced the press: Tinubu among faithful in a prayer session at Hajj in Saudi Arabia; Tinubu and wife, Oluremi, in an affectionate pose; and Tinubu and family circle at an Iftar.

    These images have been dismissed as archivals circulated to keep alive the hopes of APC members and Tinubu’s supporters.

    As in previous occasions of his sudden travels overseas, Tinubu’s aides and APC officials have tried to sidetrack media queries about his itinerary, and state of health.

    The confusion in their rank was apparent in the explanation given by the National Publicity Secretary of the APC, Mr Felix Morka.

    Fielding questions on Channels Television’s ‘Politics Today’ programme on April 14, Morka wasn’t sure if Tinubu’s in Europe, although he insisted he’s taking a rest after the elections, and planning for his government.

    “He (Tinubu) is probably in Europe. He’s fine. After the elections and all of the energy expended, he just decided to take a moment of rest,” Morka said.

    “Once he returns and is inaugurated on May 29, there will be no dulling. He’ll be saddled with the responsibility of running a country as massive and complex as Nigeria. I know he’ll be back in the country very shortly.”

    Morka noted that Tinubu’s reaching out to Heads of Government and other levels of leadership of other countries “that are vital to the agenda he’s bringing in his new government.”

    “So, he’s not sleeping in his bed; he’s also in meetings regularly with all kinds of people who are travelling from other countries to see him preparatory to his inauguration. So, it’s a working visit,” Morka added.

    Various reasons have been adduced for Tinubu temporarily shifting base abroad. It’s a given that he’ll use the moment to undergo medical checkup, yet he wants to avoid distractions from unwanted visitors – many of them lobbying for positions in the next government – to his Defence House, Abuja, holdout till May 29.

    In so doing, only a few Nigerians – who are very close, and on invite – can reach him where he’s honkered down to plan for his government.

    Security is also a concern. Being a typical Nigerian savouring a hard-earned victory at the poll, it might be difficult for Security operatives at the Defence House to keep at bay the hordes of visitors, some of whom may pose security risks to the President-elect.

    Importantly, Tinubu reportedly wants to give President Buhari wide berths to finish strong, so “he’ll not be perceived or fingered by detractors as competing with the President in running the administration that’s barely one month and half to go,” as confided by a top APC official last week.

    The official said the President-elect discussed his movements outside Nigeria with President Buhari, and he’s sure “Tinubu converses with Buhari daily” while he’s away.

    “And that’s why the concerns and anxiety by Nigerians over Tinubu’s whereabouts don’t seem to bother the government, and the hierarchy of the APC,” the official said.

    The posers: Where’s President-elect Tinubu? When is he showing up, and addressing Nigerians in real time, so they know he’s alive, and a ‘Kanuri’, not another cloned Jubrin from Sudan?

    Afterall, there’s scarcity of “Bla bla blu” to entertain his haters, and “agbado” to feed his enthusiasts. So, 42 days to inauguration, Nigerians on both sides of the divide wait for Tinubu’s return!

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Obi’s alleged pressure to leave Nigeria baloney – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Obi’s alleged pressure to leave Nigeria baloney – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Things are happening – and moving in rapidity in the polity to bemuse ordinary Nigerians – since the conduct of the two-stage 2023 General Election on February 25 and March 18, respectively.

    It’s not unusual – particularly in a presidential ballot – for those not declared winners and returned elected by the electoral umpire, to protest and call for its cancellation and conduct of a fresh franchise.

    That’s why it wasn’t out of place for the some opposition parties and their candidates to lay siege to the offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission in Abuja and across the states, to rail against alleged manipulation of the poll, to deny them the voters’ mandate.

    But it becomes problematic when losers are in court to “retrieve their stolen mandate,” storm the streets, make media rounds, and call for the election annulment, an Inerim Government or a Military upstage of the incoming government.

    This is the pastime of the Obi-Datti ticket of Labour Party and their supporters since former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi came third in the February 25 poll that pollsters and prophets had predicted he’d win by a landslide.

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of Peoples Democratic Party and former Lagos State Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu of All Progressives Congress were in second and first place, accordingly.

    Having satisfied the requirements of the law – by scoring the highest number of votes cast, and securing one-quarter (25%) of votes in not less than 24 States of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja – Tinubu was declared the winner and returned President-elect of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    The Obi-Datti campaign and Labour, and their supporters in the ObIdients Movement and backers have discredited the poll, called for its cancellation, annulment, and establishment of a civilian interim or Military government.

    The Department of State Services (DSS) has alerted about moves by anti-democratic elements to seek to truncate the system by setting up an interim government.

    The DSS in a statement by its spokesman, Dr Peter Afunanya, says that it “considers the plot, being pursued by these entrenched interests as not only an aberration but a mischievous way to set aside the Constitution and undermine civil rule as well as plunge the country into an avoidable crisis.”

    “The illegality is totally unacceptable in a democracy and to peace loving Nigerians, even more so that the machination is taking place after the peaceful conduct of the elections in most parts of the country,” the DSS adds.

    The spy agency relays the plotters’ modus operandi, noting that in their many meetings, “they have weighed various options, which include, among others, to sponsor endless violent mass protests in major cities to warrant a declaration of state of emergency.”

    “Another is to obtain frivolous court injunctions to forestall the inauguration of new executive administrations and legislative houses at the federal and state levels.

    The DSS says “it fully supports President Muhammadu Buhari in his avowed commitment to a hitch-free handover on May 29, 2023 and will work assiduously in that direction.”

    “It also supports the Presidential Transition Council and such other related bodies in the states. We will collaborate with them and other security and law enforcement agencies to ensure seamless inauguration come May, 29, 2023.

    “Consequently, the service strongly warns those organising to thwart democracy in the country to retract from their devious schemes and orchestrations.

    “Stakeholders, notably judicial authorities, media and the civil society are enjoined to be watchful and cautious to avoid being used as instruments to subvert peace and stability of the nation.

    “While its monitoring continues, the DSS will not hesitate to take decisive and necessary legal steps against these misguided elements to frustrate their obnoxious intentions,” the statement adds.

    Exactly what Nigerians, including the 36 State Governors, Members of the National Assembly, Senior Lawyers, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), Civil Society Organisations, Ethnic Nationalities and Inter Party Advisory Council (IPAC) have asked the DSS to do!

    But while the APC and PDP have condemned the calls for an interim government and urged the DSS to expose, arrest and prosecute the alleged masterminds, Labour has urged the DSS to identify and punish those it says disrupted and manipulated the election.

    It may be self-implicating for Labour to condemn and call for sanction against purveyors of an inerim government or a Military junta in the country.

    When the ObIdients stormed the streets of Abuja, and marched to the Defence Headquarters, their sole message was the foisting of an illegal government on Nigeria.

    On his media rounds lately, Labour’s Vice Presidential candidate, Sen. Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed’s canvassed against inauguaration of President-elect Tinubu and his administration on May 29.

    Baba-Ahmed said a Military takeover of power is preferable to President Buhari handing over to Tinubu as President of Nigeria.

    Although Obi’s denied that, “at no time throughout the campaign and now did I ever say, think, or even imply that the 2023 election is, or was a religious war,” he’s failed to rein in his deputy and supporters in their shopping for an unelected government from May 29.

    Nigerians may recall that during the poll cycle, Obi was quoted at religious and worship places to call on the Church and Christians to “take back your country.”

    And it’s probably why Obi’s haunted when the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, flew into the United States, to counter negative reportage on the election allegedly at the behest and on behalf of the Nigerian opposition.

    In the process of his visits to major media organisations in the U.S., Mohammed levelled “treason” against Obi and his supporters.

    Obi’s decried this in a statement: “The present attempts by the APC as a party, and the APC-led government through some government officials and agencies to divert our attention from our blatantly stolen mandate is unfortunate and sad.

    “These have come and continued to manifest in different ways, such as the malicious accusation of the Minister of Information, Mr Lai Mohammed, the circulation of a fake doctored audio call, and pressure on me to leave the country.”

    But could Mohammed’s gambit – and the DSS threats – prompt Obi to develop cold feet, and allege being pressured to go into exile?

    Obi’s claims are a red herring that won’t fly because soon, we’ll hear of Obi being enticed with women or offered billions or trillions to drop his poll petition in court.

    Obi has lost his mojo since the government challenge of the smear campaigns by opposition against the February and March elections, and the leak of the audio recording of his reported call to owner of Winners Chapel, Bishop David Oyedepo, to assist him to fight alleged “religious war,” as Obi labels the presidential poll.

    It took Obi days to appear on the scene, to denounce government for linking him to alleged treasonable activities, and debunk the audio call.

    And when he did, it’s to blame the government and its officials, the APC, and impliedly President-elect Tinubu for the reported leak.

    There’s something Obi’s hiding from the public, which makes him want to vote with his feet, perhaps to avoid ensnared by the laws.

    Obi’s alleged distraction by the APC and its government with treasonable offence, and leak of his audio call with Bishop Oyedepo is a smokescreen for cover-up, and diversion from reality.

    It’s the first time Nigerians would hear a presidential candidate, who claims to win an election – and is in court to “retrieve the stolen mandate” – wants to go into exile due to alleged pressure on him.

    Who are those pressuring Obi to “japa”? Is it the APC, President-elect Tinubu, or the Buhari administration? What for? Is it due to the court process to regain his “stolen mandate”?

    Obi needs to come clean with Nigerians who’ve stood by him this while!

    Unless the forces pressuring him – which he’s reluctant or afraid to reveal are such that threaten his safety in Nigeria – Obi should stay behind and focus his commitment “to lawfully and peacefully retrieve the people’s ‘mandate,’ and secure and unite the nation.”

     

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.