Tag: Ehichioya Ezomon

  • 2023: Obi, LP and the Igbo quest for presidency – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Due to the unpredictable scheduling and rescheduling of its congresses and primaries, most Nigerians still doubt the readiness of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to hold its presidential primaries “finally” fixed for June 6 to 8, 2022, in Abuja.  The party repeatedly shifted the timelines for its political activities that culminated in the National Convention to elect party officials in March 2022, and has continued in that trajectory in the primaries to pick its presidential candidate for the 2023 general election.

    As a ruling party, the APC ought to show examples, and lead other political parties, particularly the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in the conduct of its affairs. Rather, it’s been aping the PDP in slating its political programmes.

    The APC adopts this ploy to achieve several aims: To give the party ample time to resolve its myriad of problems, especially in the state chapters; to enable it recalibrate its strategies, and align with the PDP programmes, in order to outwit the opposition; and to perfect its alleged scheming to foist a “consensus candidate” on members, as was the case in the March 2022 convention for the post of Chairman of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the party.

    On that score, President Muhammadu Buhari, in a “you-scratch-my-back-and-I’lI-scratch-yours” gesture, reportedly pleaded with the APC governors to allow him pick his successor,” as he’s given them the free hand to choose theirs. What a revelation by a president kowtowing to the whims and caprices of state governors!

    Time is running out for the APC shenanigans, as the PDP that’s mocked the shifty nature of its political activities has chosen former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as its candidate for the 2023 polls.

    The die is cast for the APC to either hold transparent and credible primaries, or manipulate the system to achieve “consensus” and trump other aspirants’ ambition to be President of Nigeria.

    The APC and its powers-behind-the-scenes would be unplaying their hands to assume that the “disenfranchised” aspirants would swallow their bait without a fight. It’s the last card the party may play before its predicted implosion en route 2023.

    Meanwhile, amid the cacaphonous agitation for the presidency to go South, and therefrom to the South-East, comes a subtle but persistent call for power to shift to the North-East, which similarly remains marginalised presidential.

    Thus, in the lead-up to the presidential primaries of the PDP, the North-East and South-East presented serious aspirants in Atiku and former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi, to vie for the sole party ticket.

    As the respective presidential and vice presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2019 general election, pundits, and some in the Atiku campaign had yearned for a repeat pairing of Atiku and Obi in the contest for the 2023 presidency.

    But the handlers in the Obi campaign, perhaps taking a cue from the aspirant, were unequivocal that their principal wouldn’t settle for the vice presidential slot of the PDP, or any other party, again.

    It’s no surprise that days before the PDP primaries, Obi, who reportedly “read correctly” that the intrigues at play were unfavourable to his securing the party ticket, decamped to the Labour Party (LP), which then picked him as its presidential flagbearer in the February polls.

    Based on a couple of factors, polity watchers had no doubt about the PDP ticket going to Atiku. First, Atiku, who’d been a member and candidate of several parties, has the political influence, the reach, the structure and the resources to prosecute the crucial and critical 2023 presidential election.

    Second, the facts on ground indicate that Northern “power brokers and kingmakers” want the presidency to remain in the North. Hence, the party also juggled the timeline for its primaries.

    In the foregoing scenarios, Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, a more formidable aspirant than Obi that could match Atiku grit-for-grit, currency-for-currency and vote-for-vote, was defeated in the alleged Northern scheming for the PDP ticket at the primaries.

    Now, the South-easterners have nothing to cheer, but to rue their missed opportunity to produce the presidential candidate of the PDP, even as the chances of the zone seem slimmer on the platform of the APC, which they’ve pinned much hopes on.

    Yet, a silver lining beckons on the South-East in the Labour Party that’s chosen Obi as its presidential candidate, with his emergence looking good to answer the zone’s quest to produce a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction.

    A popular Yoruba adage says, “What you are looking for in Sokoto is right here in your sokoto.” In other words, the presidency the Igbo have fruitlessly struggled to achieve in the PDP and APC is in their domain, and attainable under the LP.

    But this is on one condition: Ahead of the 2023 elections, the South-East should adopt, and rally behind Obi and the LP, as representing the political interest of the Igbo at the make-or-mar polls.

    The South-East boasts of having tens of millions of Igbo outside of its zone across Nigeria, and the Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has pledged to “punish the PDP” for picking Atiku as its candidate. The Igbo can translate that “punishment” into massive votes for the LP.

    With the millions of votes it’s unstingily handed the PDP in each election cycle since 1999, Obi and the LP could give the PDP and APC a run for their money and votes in 2023.

    It’s over for complaints and lamentations about being schemed out of the political equation. It’s time to seize the bull by the horns and articulate, plan, strategise and execute programmes and processes to rally Igbo nationwide, to vote for Obi and the LP.

    If Igbo, and their supporters and sympathisers across party lines answer the cry for political emancipation, Obi could sweep the five South-East states, score majority votes in three of the South-South states, one or two of the South-West states, three of the Middle Belt states, two of the North-East states and one of the North-West states.

    That would amount to the LP securing majority votes in 15 or 16 of the 36 states of the federation, leaving the APC, PDP, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and other registered political parties to scramble for votes in 21 or 20 states, in some of which the LP could garner the mandatory 25 per cent of votes.

    Well-executed, Obi and the LP would be home and dry on Election Day! But will the Igbo vote for an Igbo? Without going into history, the Igbo have never voted for their own since 1999. The Hausa/Fulani vote for Northerners, the Yoruba vote for Westerners, why can’t the Igbo vote for Easterners for Nigeria’s presidency?

    The 2023 general election is a watershed that provides the Igbo an opportunity to change, with their “overwhelming votes,” the narrative of “marginalisation of the South-East” in national governance.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • NASS: Of gender equality, life pension and immunity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    NASS: Of gender equality, life pension and immunity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Amidst the ongoing raw politicking for the 2023 general election, it’s apposite to revisit two issues in the 5th Alteration Bill 2022 to the 1999 Constitution: the Bills on Gender Equality, and Life Pension and Immunity for principal officers of the Legislature and Judiciary.

    In the storm that greeted the amendments, the National Assembly (NASS) withdrew its disapproval of, and pledged to take a second look at Gender Equality, and other areas of concerns to Nigerians.

    Lately, Senate President Ahmad Lawan has appealed to Nigerians with pending issues on constitution review not to lose hope, “as the doors of the NASS are open for further engagements.”

    Receiving members of the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, Dr Lawan said: “The D-Day (consideration of the Bills) came. And the voting took place and the rest is history, as they would say. We all feel sad but then that is democracy.

    “But what you have done today is to take democracy to Nigerians because what you have done today is to show your belief in the parliament, the National Assembly.

    “And you have given an example to the rest of Nigerians that never lose hope because your request failed. So many things failed. Of course, many more passed because we have casualties in our bills.”

    Lawan’s appeal to other Nigerians, as individuals, institutions or organisations, CSOs, NGOs: “If there was anything that you wanted done or passed during the constitution amendment exercise, the latest one, and it failed, hope should not be lost.

    “We are still around and this parliament is the people’s parliament. It is the only parliament that can kickstart the process and therefore, people can still come back and remind us about their issues and maybe we change our strategies, the lobbyists and maybe we look at why it failed and how it can pass.”

    Nigerian women had trust that the Bills on Gender Equality would be passed. But the NASS thrashed them, and incurred a semblance of the idiom, “Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned,” a line adapted from William Congreve’s play, ‘The Morning Bride’ (1697).

    The legislators had missed or misread the resolve of the women to see through the three Bills among the 68 items recommended by the Constitution Review Committees of both Chambers of NASS.

    The consideration of the 68 items preceded the commemoration of the 2022 International Women’s Day (IWD) on March 8, to mark a call to action for accelerating gender equality.

    As Gender Equality is “fairness of treatment for women and men, according to their respective needs,” Nigerian women and men had hoped that the Bills’ passage would serve to herald the 2022 IWD.

    The Beijing Declaration of September 15, 1995, envisages, at least, 35 per cent representation of women in appointive and elective positions, which campaign the Nigerian women took to the NASS.

    The Bills were for Special (additional) Seats for Women in the National and State Houses of Assembly; Affirmative Action for Women in Political Party Administration; and Providing Reserved Quota for Women in Appointments and Recruitment.

    Nothing in the public domain suggested the Bills won’t pass, but the presence of Nigeria’s First Lady, Mrs Aisha Buhari, in the Senate was indicative of the behind-the-scenes thinking of the lawmakers.

    In a hide-and-seek game, members of the Red Chamber, showing no sign that they’d diss Mrs Buhari’s pleas, gave her a red-carpet reception. But that’s exactly what they did behind her back.

    Ditto for members of the House of Representatives, who, without displaying diplomatic niceties, killed the Bills in the presence of Mrs Dolapo Osinbajo, wife of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo.

    The Joint Sitting of the NASS also dumped the three Bills, and thus generated spontaneous demonstrations, mostly headed by women, that resonated in Abuja, and virtually all the capital cities of Nigeria.

    The women exhibited a grit determination to ensure a positive response to their campaign that one woman described as “a lifelong struggle for women emancipation in this 21st Century.”

    Ultimately, the lawmakers heard the women’s voices, to reconsider the Bills, “before they (women) accuse us of being chauvinists, which they have labelled us before now,” a senator retorted.

    Now to the Bills on Life Pension and Immunity for principal officers of the Legislature and Judiciary tucked in among the 68 items (Bills) recommended by the NASS Constitution Review Committees.

    Like a sore thumb, the two items were seen for what they really were: providing for current and future political and financial interests of heads of the legislature, and the judiciary.

    More so as the committees’ heads, Senate Deputy President, Ovie Omo-Agege, and House of Representatives Deputy Speaker, Idris Wase, would’ve been immediate beneficiaries of the largesse.

    Yet, if the Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are co-equal, why not extend to the heads of other arms of government what the “principal officers” of one arm enjoy? That’s equity in practice!

    For instance, the Executive, whose principal officers are the President and Vice President, regards itself and, ipso facto, acts as the number one arm, superior to the Legislature and Judiciary.

    In that status, the President and Vice President (and Governor and Deputy Governor) enjoy life pension and immunity. Why not include the principal officers of the Legislature and Judiciary?

    That’s the review committees’ reasoning, even amid canvassing for removal of life pension and immunity from the Constitution, to check financial abuse and overreach by beneficiaries of those provisions.

    But thanks to the “Committee of the Whole” of the two chambers, and the Joint Committee of NASS, the two Bills were consigned to the dustbin in the February 2022 voting on the 68 items.

    To the harmonised 68 items. Is it by coincidence that they mimicked the 68 items in the Exclusive Legislative List in the 1999 Constitution that Nigerians have advocated for drastic trimming?

    Maybe the lawmakers wanted proponents of a lean Exclusive Legislative List to see them kicking off “restructuring” that President Muhammadu Buhari says are in the NASS purvey to discharge.

    Certainly, the NASS attempts have moved five items from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List, while one item was refused from inclusion in the Exclusive Legislative List.

    They are: Airports; Fingerprints, Identification and Criminal Records; Prisons (re-designated as Correctional Services); Railways; Generation, Transmission and Distribution of Electricity in areas covered by the National Grid; and Collection of VAT by States (an apparent win for States on the back of a favourable judgment by Rivers State in that regard).

    There’re other good Bills in the amendments, but three BIG questions: Will the 36 State Houses of Assembly concur with NASS on the 68 Bills it voted on? Will State Governors influence State Assemblies to reject Financial Independence and/or Autonomy for State Judiciary and State House of Assembly? Will President Buhari assent to the 5th Alteration Bill 2022, having regard to his repeated rejection of the Electoral Amendment Act 2022, and failure of NASS to pass a Bill to override the President veto?

    The answers to these questions are playing in the wind, as Nigerians wait on the NASS to fulfil its pledge to further rework the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant writes from Lagos, Nigeria

  • APC and issues of free primaries, presidential ‘fraudsters’ – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    APC and issues of free primaries, presidential ‘fraudsters’ – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Barely a week to the primaries of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2023 polls, the intrigues presaging the processes of choosing the presidential candidate linger in the party.

    Actually, the undercurrents in the APC don’t inspire confidence that the party will conduct free, fair, transparent and credible primaries to pick its standard bearer for the general election.

    This doubt is reinforced by the scheming that preceded the March 2022 National Convention of the APC that produced a “consensus” candidate at the behest of President Muhammadu Buhari, who browbeat the powerful state governors on the party’s platform.

    A likely scenario is happening, with the power brokers playing hide-and-seek over zoning of the presidential slot to Southern Nigeria that looked like a fait accompli a few weeks ago.

    Now, without a clear-cut statement by the APC on zoning, some Northern aspirants have begun to show real interest in the presidency, thus muddying further the political waters in the party.

    Interestingly, the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) seems a step ahead of the APC, with its bold declaration of the presidency open to all Nigerians irrespective of geopolitical zones, North or South or sections of the country.

    This has greatly reduced the political temperature in the PDP that faces a Herculean task of wresting power from the APC it’s accused of running the country aground in just seven years in power.

    Meanwhile, there’s an unprecedented number of aspirants angling to be president of Nigeria on the platform of the APC, with many of them posturing as pretenders rather than contenders for the post.

    Their un-seriousness is shown in various forms: Multiple aspirants from one state; obtaining N100 million Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms without canvassing for primary votes; acquiring additional nomination forms for either governorship or senatorial position; and dropping from the race, with flimsy excuses, when faced with losing the presidency and their ministerial seats.

    For instance, Ogun State, which’s produced a Head of State, a President, an undeclared winner of the Presidency, a Head of an Interim National Government, and an incumbent Vice President, has thrown up several aspirants, who’ve purchased and returned the nomination forms for the May 30 and 31, 2022, primaries in Abuja.

    In practical terms, the presidential aspirants from Ogun outnumber those from each of the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria, with four aspirants from the entire Northern Nigeria; five from the South-South; six from the South-East; and eight from the South-West.

    As polity watchers query, why would an aspirant spend a princely N100 million to secure the APC nomination forms and abstain from canvassing for votes to pick the party flagbearer?

    That simply is shaping out to be a “presidential fraud” by political merchants either “cajoled” or “forced” into the race, to front for others or serve as spoilers, or merely on ego trips, scheming to add the prefix, “former presidential aspirant,” to their résumé.

    Some aspirants, not wanting to put their eggs in one basket, have obtained nomination forms for the presidency and governorship or senatorial position, and appeared or will appear for screening accordingly. But will they also participate at both primaries?

    Will former Edo State Governor and National Chairman of the APC, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, who’s obtained the presidential and senatorial forms, and presented himself for screening for Senate, appear for screening for the presidency and contest at the senatorial and presidential primaries, in that order?

    Ditto for Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Cross River State Governor Ben Ayade (and other undisclosed aspirants), who’ve obtained the combined N120 million nomination forms for the respective position of president and senator!

    While Lawan, a long-time lawmaker, represents Yobe North in the Senate, Oshiomhole aims to represent Edo North, and Prof. Ayade, who rounds-off his two-term governorship in May 2023, attempts to represent Cross River North in the National Assembly (NASS).

    Ironically, unlike Oshiomhole, who appeared physically at the senatorial screening for the APC aspirants, other wily Nigerian politicians, aspiring for the presidency they’re certain or unsure of securing the ticket, have devised a strategy of having proxies or “stand-ins” for the lower position of governor or senator.

    If they failed to pick the presidential ticket, they’d promptly urge the proxies for the lower position of governor or senator to “step down” for them during the window of substitution of candidates offered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Presidential aspirants appearing for screening and/or attending the primaries for governor or senator is an exhibition of political greed in politicians, who, in some cases, are outsmarted by their stand-ins refusing to step down from the positions they’re propped up for.

    It’s about time Nigerian politicians showed some level of character and credibility, such as displayed by former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, and Kano State Governor Abdullahi Ganduje.

    Dr Kalu, the Senate Chief Whip, and an early bird for the presidency, made zoning of the APC ticket to the South-East a pre-condition for his contesting for the plum job. But sensing that the seat would elude the South-East on the APC pedestal, he withdrew his aspiration, and settled for re-election into the Senate.

    A greedy politician in Kalu’s shoe would’ve simultaneously pursued the presidential and senatorial ambitions, knowing that they’ve no chance in hell of securing the ticket for the president.

    Kudos goes also to Dr Ganduje, who, faced with exodus from the APC on his watch in Kano, dropped his aspiration for Senate to represent Kano North currently occupied by Senator Barau Jubrin.

    Jubrin, chairman of Senate Committee on Appropriation, who hails from Ganduje’s senatorial zone, was reportedly “a member of the influential G-7 faction that challenged Ganduje’s control of the APC structure in Kano,” resulting in the mass defection of members to the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) that’s sweeping Kano.

    Nigeria, and particularly the APC, needs more Gandujes, who can sacrifice their ambitions “for the overall interest of the party” that’s facing a headwind of internal convulsion and defections.

    The presidential primary processes are dicey for the APC. So, the party should stand on the principles it espouses, and conduct free, fair, transparent and credible polls, to weed out the “political fraudsters” from the crowded field of aspirants.

    This would allow for emergence of the APC flagbearer among three serious and promising contenders: The National Leader of the APC and former Lagos State Governor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu; Vice President Yemi Osinbajo; and Transportation Minister and former Rivers State Governor, Rt Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi.

    The APC has one week to answer the crucial question that will determine its prospects in the 2023 general election, and future as a viable party that outlives a single administration it birthed in 2015.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • The Tinubu, Jonathan, Emefiele, Kalu, Adesina, Malami stories – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The Tinubu, Jonathan, Emefiele, Kalu, Adesina, Malami stories – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Nigeria’s absurd political situation is playing out before our eyes in the plethora of presidential aspirants of the All Progressives Congress (APC) competing for the number one spot in the polity.

    Lately, the stories involving the aspirants are a mixed bag of the good, the bad and the ugly in the drama-filled processes of the general election that cruises into a crescendo in February 2023.
    If you consider political influence, reach, mobilisation, and perhaps war chest for the primaries, you’ll place the National Leader of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in front to lead the stories.
    But you’ll be wrong because of the scale and magnitude of shenanigans weaved around “persuadable aspirants,” such as former President Goodluck Jonathan; Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Godwin Emefiele; Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva; Senate President Ahmad Lawan; Senate Chief Whip Orji Uzor Kalu; and President of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Akinwunmi Adesina.
    For an icing on the “political cake” under review, you can throw in the mix the governorship aspiration of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN).
    Except Tinubu, all the aspirants were “earnestly begged, cajoled, blackmailed or forced” by so-called “support groups” to accept a presidential ambition or declare their intentions for same.
    Though his aspiration is of subnational, let’s view Mr Malami, who, months before he’s appointed in 2015, reportedly told a Kano radio that, “he couldn’t afford N12 million to renovate his residence.”
    But seven years after, Malami is a billionaire that can give hundreds of Sport Utility Vehicles (SUVs) to party supporters he’s wooing for the governorship ticket in 2022, and election in 2023 in Kebbi State.
    What statutory incomes have accrued to Malami, to afford giving out hundreds of cars amid accusation of owning choice property, hotels and an international school, in cities in Nigeria?
    Without speaking to the allegations of his stupendous wealth that’s ostensibly acquired in government, Malami’s real scandal is in doubling down on distributing hundreds of cars to his constituents.
    The other day, addressing his supporters, in Hausa language, Malami thumped his nose at his critics, promising that if God willed, he’d distribute airplanes for the constituents.
    His words: “They (political opponents) have been reporting that we shared about 200 Mercedes cars. They are used to distributing hard drugs, but we share cars. So, they will not be happy with the good things we are doing. If Allah gives us the opportunity, we will share aeroplanes, not just cars.” His listeners exploded in applause!
    Many pressure groups, within and outside Nigeria, have called on, and are prepared to drag Dr Jonathan into the 2023 electoral fray, to actualise his second term bid that’s thwarted in 2015 with the election of retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as president.
    Jonathan, then dubbed as “clueless” and “incompetent,” is today paraded as the “new Messiah” to cure Nigeria’s insecurity, poverty and national disunity that are more glaring than they’re in 2015.
    In their scheming, the persuaders have purchased N100 million APC Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for Jonathan, who has turned down the offer as without his knowledge and authorisation.
    Yet, the sing-song by his agitated supporters is that, “Jonathan must run,” but on the condition that he’s given “automatic ticket” by the APC, which, as insiders note, has designed the “Withdrawal Letter” attached to the nomination forms, “so as to weed out the ‘undesirable aspirants’ for Jonathan to get the ticket.”
    Dr Emefiele’s declining the nomination forms appears a ploy to stave off calls by especially Ondo State Governor Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN) for him to resign and pursue his presidential ambition.
    And going to court, to seek an injunction to stop the government and INEC from sacking him or refusing his aspiration under the APC, exposes Emefiele as a hidden partisan for a while.
    Actually, the Chairman, Ward 6 in Ika South local government area of Delta State, Mr. Nduka Erikpume, has confirmed Emefiele’s membership of the APC, for which he registered in February 2021.
    In the interim, a Federal High Court in Abuja has refused Emefiele’s prayers, moved by Human Rights Lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN), and fixed the hearing of the application for this week.
    Ironically, as Jonathan and Emefiele rejected the nomination forms from political interlopers, Chief Sylva, grinning from ear to ear in pictorials, received his from presidential promoters, who stormed the NNPC Towers in Abuja on May 9, to force him to be president.
    The question: Must tens of aspirants gear up for a single slot in the APC? Maybe due to reported promises by influence-peddlers that they’d be made president by the “kingmakers” that determine who becomes what in Nigeria!
    The presidency hawkers may’ve ensnared Dr Adesina, to persuade him to join the bandwagon from his exalted seat of the AfDB, with the purchase of nomination forms for him to be president.
    Adesina, who hasn’t uttered a word about his aspiration, is touted as the “compromise candidate of the South-West” in the shadow-boxing by Asiwaju Tinubu and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s support groups to cancel out each other’s principal in the race.
    Now the-story-that-touches-the-heart in the political melodrama of the 2023 elections. It’s the withdrawal from the presidential contest by Dr Kalu, thus throwing his millions of supporters nationwide into disappointment and regrets.
    Kalu’s an early bird to the presidency of an Easterner of Igbo extraction. He made that a condition precedent on his vying for the post, even as he pledged to match Tinubu’s formidable political machine Naira-for-Naira, grit-for-grit and vote-for-vote.
    But that epic battle will not be, as Kalu withdraws his presidential bid, obtains the nomination forms for re-election into the Senate, and backs the presidential aspiration of Dr Lawan.
    A wily Lawan, reportedly promised the presidency, and looks a sure bet to clinch the ticket that’s eluded the North-East (where he hails from) since democracy returned in 1999, has allegedly additionally obtained nomination forms for a return to the Senate.
    A favoured Lawan with the APC ticket could pick Kalu, a classmate, friend and political ally, as his running mate. And that, at least, would assuage the feelings of Kalu’s supporters across Nigeria.
    As things got weirder the past week, the Campaign Director of the Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Support Groups Management Council (ABATSGMC), Abdulmumin Jibrin, “defected” from the APC.
    In tweets, the former member of House of Representatives said: “I have done my best for APC. It’s time to move on. I will announce my new political party within the next 24 hours insha Allah. I will make a formal statement in due course.” Still waiting for his moves!
    Two quick takes: Jubrin’s action is allegedly a precursor to a Tinubu “Plan B” to dump the APC, which the “Jagaban” has denied, but insists on credible primaries; and Jubrin jumped ship because he’s refused a return ticket to the National Assembly (NASS).
    Even as Kano State Governor Abdullahi Ganduje reportedly steps in to get Jubrin a reprieve, the totality of the presidential undercurrents – to zone or not to zone, and the sheer number of aspirants – has elevated the APC to an absurd “Fuji house of commotion.”

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • 2023 and Jonathan’s hunger for return to power – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    2023 and Jonathan’s hunger for return to power – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    As Nigeria races towards the 2023 general election, so is the campaign to drag former President Goodluck Jonathan into the presidential contest that parades a deluge of aspirants.

    Dr Jonathan’s jostling would be another “first” in Nigeria. Being the first Vice President to be promoted President through the “Doctrine of Necessity,” no former president had vied for re-election after a period of interval from their first election into the exalted office.

    (Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, ceremonial President in the First Republic, had contested for a substantive chief executive post in the Second Republic, but fell short twice behind Alhaji Shehu Shagari and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, respectively, in 1979 and 1983. Shagari won the presidency in 1979, and was re-elected in 1983)

    Jonathan was elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Deputy Governor (later upgraded to Governor), Governor, Vice President (upgraded to President), and President.

    But in the campaign to return to power, he’s reportedly defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), whose candidate, retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, defeated him in the 2015 polls.

    So, if Jonathan secures the APC ticket, and wins the election in February 2023, he’d be hailed as the first “comeback kid” in the contest for the presidency in Nigeria’s convoluted electoral process.

    If he fails at the polls, the impact will be devastating. That’s why many Nigerians are worried that Jonathan is about rubbishing his reputation as a beacon of democracy in Nigeria since 2015.

    Concerned Nigerians don’t know the kind of “tea leaf” Jonathan is reading – and if reading correctly – regarding the 2023 elections, and his chances of returning to power, as trumpeted by his handlers.

    Tea leaf reading or Tasseology, according to simplelooseleaf.com, is the fortune-telling method that uses tea residue on the bottom of the cup to predict what the future will bring to the tea drinker.

    The website explains that: “After drinking the tea, the residue on the bottom of the cup forms different shapes or symbols, all with a different meaning and many ways to interpret it. That’s why tea leaf reading is not as easy as it sounds….”

    But the Jonathan vocal handlers make his return to The Villa in Abuja looks like a walk in the park if given the APC ticket to square up against the PDP pick as its flagbearer in the crucial contest.

    Jonathan’s handlers even predict that if he’s chosen as the “consensus candidate,” with the ticket in tow, most of PDP’s 17 aspirants will forgo their primaries, and defect to the APC.

    They refer to Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed’s avowal that Jonathan is the only “aspirant” he would shelve his ambition for, without being categorical about Jonathan’s platform for the poll.

    Four scenarios. If Jonathan clinches the APC ticket, will Governor Mohammed step down for him even when he has secured the PDP ticket or chosen as running mate to the PDP flagbearer?

    Will Mohammed decamp to the APC, or remain in the PDP and “sabotage” the PDP candidate’s poll prospects, such as PDP’s leaders did to Jonathan in 2015, throwing the poll to the APC?

    If Jonathan is such a formidable aspirant, why are his promoters angling for an “automatic ticket” for him rather than allow him to test his popularity at the APC primaries to choose its candidate?

    What did Jonathan forget at The Villa, or fail to implement in six years as president, from 2010 to 2015, that he desperately needs the APC ticket to retrieve or accomplish in four years?

    Recall that critics had labelled Jonathan “clueless” on account of the obvious failings of his administration, particularly in areas of insecurity and permissive and pervasive corruption in the system.

    Ironically, Jonathan’s loss at the 2015 elections gave him a soft landing of some sorts due to his novel conceding of defeat despite pressures on him to manipulate the polls, and remain in power.

    If Jonathan’s laughed out of government owing to alleged “incompetence,” what lessons, trainings and experiences has he garnered in seven years to bid for a comeback to administer a more complex, complicated and disunited Nigeria than he left it?

    Here lie the fears of Jonathan’s real supporters, different from the optimism of his handlers, associates and political jobbers intent on maximising influence and fortunes from his re-election in February.

    Two possible prognoses: The propagators of “Jonathan is the new ‘Messiah’ and the right man for the job” want to lead him to a further humiliating defeat at the polls, and destroy his hard-earned reputation and status since leaving office in 2015.

    Or they want to use him as a stopgap for a Northern presidency in 2027, by fielding him in 2023 to serve a single term of four years, and then hand over to a Northern president in 2027.

    Whether Jonathan wins or loses, the end result is that power would return to the North just four years after President Buhari rounded off an eight-year tenure of two terms of four years each.

    Thus, the ultimate aim of Jonathan’s choristers is to prevent the presidency from rotating to Southern Nigeria in full cycle of eight years, as the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria guarantees.

    The question is: Will Jonathan see the “pleas” for him to return to power for what they really are: A ploy to use him to shortchange Southern Nigeria of the presidency in the 2023 election cycle?

    While the jury is still out, the pleas for Jonathan to join the race has received a spiritual backing, with the prediction that, “God has decreed that Jonathan will be President again,” as relayed via Senior Pastor Felix Aluko of the Resurrected Assembly (GROM).

    Pastor Aluko’s emphatic that Jonathan will win the 2023 presidency, but only if he runs on the platform of the APC, which’s exactly what Jonathan’s handlers have been trumpeting.

    “The Lord has said that his (Jonathan’s) chapter in the PDP has been closed and a new chapter of his political journey has been opened, not in the PDP, but in APC,” Pastor Aluko claims.

    “God said that Jonathan should not listen to detractors but should move out from their crowd and follow His counsel. The finger of God is pointing at him to become the Nigerian president come 2023.

    “And that can only be fulfilled if he decides to follow the will of God and leave the political party where he is now, and move to the APC… That this is the set time for his return to Aso Rock and he should not let the opportunity slip away from his own hands.

    “Jonathan should not dilly-dally for too long on the issue but to take the bull by the horn (sic) by immediately moving into the APC where the key to the fulfilment of his presidential ambition lies.

    “That he is the only qualified presidential candidate among other aspirants. He is the person who will unite a country, which has been seriously polarised along religious and ethnic lines… He will be like a compromise candidate who will be accepted generally.”

    Will Jonathan fall for the bait? Yes, says Dr Reuben Ababi, former spokesman for Jonathan’s presidency, who posted on his Facebook page that, “Ex President Goodluck Jonathan has accepted to join the APC to pursue his presidential ambition.”

    But in a riposte, Pastor Reno Omokri, another former aide to Jonathan, countered Abati’s statement, saying, “At best it is a figment of the imagination of the famous journalist.”

    Coming amid these counter-claims is Human Rights Lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), stating that section 137(3) of the amended 1999 Constitution has barred Jonathan from seeking re-election.

    The section provides: “A person who was sworn in to complete the term for which another person was elected as President shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term.”

    Jonathan, as vice president, was sworn-in in 2010 to complete the first-term tenure of the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and thereafter, stood for and was elected president in 2011.

    Jonathan’s handlers have labelled Falana’s timely reminder as a misinterpretation of the Constitution, and insisted Jonathan would run. So, it’s Jonathan’s choice between inordinate hunger for power and retaining his sanity, credibility, reputation and global stature.

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Convention over, APC faces test of unity, continuity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Convention over, APC faces test of unity, continuity – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Many polity watchers, and party members, even across the political divide, hold President Muhammadu Buhari as lacking the requisites for politicking, simply on account of his not perceptively involved in “fixing” party members in elective positions.

    Save for his aspiration to be president, Buhari has been overly un-interfering, and noncommittal in party affairs, and the choice of candidates in the four political platforms he’s been involved in, viz: the All Peoples Party (APP), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and the APC.

    But the Saturday, March 26, 2022, national convention of the APC has changed the notion that the president is standoffish in matters affecting his political party, particularly the APC that’s faced crises arising from the party congresses and primaries.

    To be fair, Buhari has, seemingly to no avail, warned members of the APC against divisive tendencies that could open it to exploitation of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2023 general election that precedes end to his eighth-year tenure.

    Buhari had to intervene to put a stop to the bickering in the APC, and he did so by insisting that “consensus” be written into the Electoral Amendment Act 2022, as a mode of picking candidates for elective positions by political parties.

    Recall that in the amendment to the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended), the National Assembly (NASS) had radically changed the methods of electing candidates by political parties: from consensus, indirect or direct primaries, to only direct primaries.

    Typical of him, Buhari waited for the near-lapse of the constitutionally-allowed 30 days for a president to assent or refuse assent to any Bill approved by the legislature, before transmitting the unsigned Electoral Amendment Bill 2022 to NASS.

    In refusing to sign the Bill for the sixth consecutive time, Buhari argued that the political parties be left to choose the method of picking candidates for elective positions, and especially urged NASS to approve “consensus” with indirect and direct primaries.

    To thwart a “presidential blackmail,” and avoid a repeat of the “killing” of the Constitutional Amendment Bill 2006 over non-support for former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s alleged “Third Term” bid, and thus threw out the baby with the bath water, the NASS obliged to insert “consensus” in the Bill, “to please Buhari.”

    So, to all intents and purposes, Buhari’s insistence on “consensus” was to enable him, as a trial run, to determine “who’s fit for which position” at the national convention of the APC organised for the election of members of the National Working Committee (NWC) and zonal officers that emerged after almost two years of “planning and strategising” since June 2020.

    With “consensus” in the bag, Buhari uncharacteristically endorsed a national chairman for the APC, and thereafter engaged in lobbying – critics label it “arm-twisting” – major stakeholders, including APC governors, aspirants for the national chair and leaders of the Legacy Parties that formed the APC in 2013.

    Consequent upon a publicised “Unity List” that had Buhari’s imprimatur, all positions on offer, from the national chairman down the line, were coronated at the Eagle Square convention in Abuja.

    The “selection” of party officials is the easiest part of the processes that lead to the 2023 polls. The hardest aspect is the conduct of the primaries to choose the flagbearer of the party.

    And here come the questions: How well is APC handling fallouts from the convention some APC stalwarts hailed as a “coronation”? Can the party assuage aspirants for the national chairman that “stepped down” for President Buhari’s preferred candidate, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, a former governor of Nasarawa State? Having had his say and way at the convention, will Buhari also intervene in the APC primaries to pick the presidential candidate for the 2023 polls? Will aggrieved aspirants, and disaffected members defect to chiefly the PDP, or remain and sabotage the APC from within, such as the PDP suffered in the 2015 elections?

    Notwithstanding the hype of a successful national convention, President Buhari and Sen. Adamu have realised the enormous task ahead of the 2023 polls, and harped on a united APC.

    For a start, Buhari, at a March 23, 2022, meeting with APC governors, asked the party to refund money paid for nomination forms by any of the aspirants that would step down for Sen. Adamu and other consensus candidates at the national convention.

    Then in a speech at the convention, which he noted was “coming at a crucial time when we prepare for another round of a general election,” Buhari stressed “the need to remain strong and united for the party to exploit the rich and abundant potentials at its disposal.”

    While “passionately” appealing to APC members to support the incoming NWC, “to promote unity and avoid sentiments that are capable of causing disaffection and disunity,” Buhari said failure to realize aspirations for party offices or to fly the party flag, “should not be a basis for a campaign of calumny against the party.”

    In his acceptance speech, Sen. Adamu, who alleged that due to the success of the convention, the “PDP and other opposition parties are now sulking, wearing long faces of sadness, bewilderment and dismay,” called for a renewed faith in the APC and its leadership at all levels, “in order to herald a new dawn.”

    His words: “We need to commit to the resolution of our crisis within the confines of our party constitution. We must resist the temptation to blow every minor personal disagreement into a major party crisis.

    “It is time for us to do things differently. When we quarrel, we open our flanks to our rival political parties that are only too eager to exploit them for their own benefit.

    “I promise you… that we shall heal any wounds in our party; we shall effect lasting reconciliation among our members, and we shall go into the next general election as a strong and united party.”

    Beautiful as these exhortations are, critics within and outside the APC hold they will come short in the absence of open and transparent primaries, devoid of a forced-down-the-throat “consensus” as happened at the national convention.

    The fear is rife that having succeeded at the convention, Buhari will attempt a consensus “arrangee” at the APC primaries, what with his warning that “the APC shouldn’t give its flag to the highest bidders.”

    Note that in a January 2022 television interview when he’s asked to name his successor, Buhari said: “I don’t have any favourite for 2023, and if I do, I won’t reveal his identity because if I do, he may be eliminated before the election. I better keep it secret.”

    That speaks volume! But the president beware: The presidential aspirants, who took Buhari’s consensus bitter pill at the convention, may not accept another pungent capsule at the primaries that some of them consider as the last act in their long sojourn in politics.

    Besides, it’s not the best, politically, to play one’s hand twice in a row, which’s what Buhari’s handlers wish and plan he does at the APC primaries, “so as to coronate another preferred candidate.”

  • Edo PDP crisis requires flexibility, compromise to resolve – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Edo PDP crisis requires flexibility, compromise to resolve – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The political crisis in the Edo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) demands that Governor Godwin Obaseki, Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu and their supporters reflect deeply on why and how they defected to the party in June 2020.

    Needless to dwell on the nitty-gritty of their exit from the All Progressives Congress (APC), which gave them the platform to the Dennis Osadebey Avenue seat of government in Benin City in 2016.

    But there they’re, left in the political wilderness by the machination of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the APC, headed by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, a former governor of Edo State.

    In the run-up to the September 2020 governorship contest, Oshiomhole had sworn to disqualify Obaseki even if he passed the screening that would qualify him for the party primaries.

    Various factors, some outside of Oshiomhole’s control, were also at play to deny Obaseki the chance to vie for the ticket that ought to be his on the basis of “right of first refusal” as a sitting governor.

    The split with Oshiomhole ensured that Obaseki was taken through the rigours of primaries rather than a coronation, and disqualified over reported discrepancies in the documents he filed with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    What to do in the circumstance? That’s when and how Obaseki and his camp decided to defect to the PDP, as the sure platform to use, to pay the APC and Oshiomhole back in their game.

    Yet, it’s a tug-of-war for the PDP to admit Obaseki and his defectors, with alleged difficult conditions placed before him, including monetary inducement, and the ceding of the position of Deputy Governor to the old or foundation members of the chapter.

    In the end, a lot of water reportedly passed under the bridge, and Obaseki and Shaibu had their way as the PDP candidate and running mate, and roundly defeated the APC and its candidate.

    After every election comes the sharing and allocation of offices, and that’s the takeoff of the second stanza of the crisis in the Edo PDP. The prior agitation for a bigger role in Obaseki’s second term was only subsumed for the PDP to have a rancour-free poll.

    By losing the Deputy Governor’s position, the old members were energized to fight for other appointive offices, as the processes for elective posts would only come in the lead-up to the 2023 polls.

    The old members, headed by former Edo State chairman and national vice chairman (South-South) of the PDP, Chief Dan Orbih, have accused Obaseki of allocating “99 per cent” of party positions to members that accompanied him to the PDP.

    But Obaseki considers the old members’ demand for equity as aimed at undermining his leadership of the Edo PDP, and lately told those not satisfied with his headship of the party to take a walk.

    Obaseki’s declaration comes on the back of Hon. Shaibu’s warning that the new members would pull out of the PDP if the old members failed to integrate them into the party.

    In tandem with Shaibu’s position, Obaseki stated that the 500,000 registered new members since September 2020 “have not properly integrated into our party after two years,” adding that, “the leaders, executives and members, who came with me into the party, have still not been accepted, integrated or harmonized into the party.”

    Obaseki alleged that a cabal, led by Chief Orbih, has “vilified and ostracized” old members of Edo PDP, “who are open to inclusion and supportive of building a large party.”

    The governor recalled that “a political solution gave rise to the emergence of Chief Dan Orbih, first as acting and then as substantive National Vice

    Chairman, South South, of our party… It is therefore curious why this type of political solution is no longer tenable to resolve the political impasse in Edo State PDP.”

    The question is: Who is integrating whom? Going by Nigeria’s current skewed political arrangement, the President, Governor or a past Governor leads and controls the structures of political parties.

    This is so as the president and state governors misuse public funds to run political parties, and thus in a position to dictate what goes on in the parties, such as picking members for elective or appointive positions, and sharing of other bounties of office.

    In the instant case of Edo PDP, the power to integrate all members lies with Governor Obaseki, as the leader of the party, and not with the old members, as inferred by Obaseki and Shaibu.

    Actually, the old members started the process of integration by accepting the new members into the platform. The “proper integration” or “harmonisation” should come from Obaseki by way of an equitable distribution of positions to old and new members.

    The crisis in the Edo PDP arose from “improper harmonisation” of old and new members, even as Obaseki maintains that the process of harmonisation has started, but stalled by the old members, and yet, he’s only able to cite the choice of Chief Orbih for consecutive elevated positions in the chapter.

    What about other positions the governor had filled? How many slots went to the old members? How many Commissioners, departmental and parastatal heads were picked from among the old members? Did the positions of Secretary to the State Government (SSG) or Chief of Staff (CoS) go to the old members’ camp? What’s difficult in ceding second positions in various sectors of Edo polity to the old members, who appear not asking for too much?

    The old members will have little or no case if these questions, and more, are answered in the affirmative. But if in the negative, then there’s a problem of inequity in the system, and Obaseki needs to tackle it with an open mind.

    It’s lack of equity, and a firm willingness to rectify the anomaly that breeds the notion of “founders and joiners” and “betrayal and ingratitude” that resonates like a mantra in the camp of the old members of the Edo chapter of the PDP.

    And they’re right to feel so, considering what they did to receive Governor Obaseki, Deputy Governor Shaibu and other members that defected to the PDP after they’re alienated by the APC.

    But Obaseki may argue that it’s the old members of the Edo PDP that owe his camp immense gratitude for reviving the platform that’s out of power for 12 years, and had no hope in the 2020 poll.

    The governor can stretch the argument that had he gone to another political party, even “a smaller party,” he would’ve won the poll, what with the overwhelming supports from Edo voters!

    Indeed, the voters rooted for Obaseki’s re-election with the slogan, “4+4 Togba,” meaning, “four plus four equals eight years signed, sealed and delivered” for four more years for Obaseki in power.

    Still, Obaseki couldn’t dare to test his popularity outside the mainstream PDP, which had formidable structures in the unit, ward and local government levels across Edo State, and had acquitted itself creditably in past elections that the party lost.

    All said, the matter in the Edo PDP can be resolved satisfactorily if members, particularly Governor Obaseki, Deputy Governor Shaibu and Chief Orbih set aside ego, greed and blackmail, and adopt flexibility and compromise in handling the party affairs.

    * Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Wike, Obaseki and case of betrayal, ingratitude – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Wike, Obaseki and case of betrayal, ingratitude – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The surprise spat between Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki typifies a fight between two elephants that makes the grass to suffer unduly.

    Both governors, who’ve similar character traits, and boast of conquering and slaying political heavyweights and “godfathers” in their respective states, can fight, and are really fighting dirty.

    For the record, Wike, as Minister of State for Education, used his relationship with then President Goodluck Jonathan and his wife, Dame Patient Jonathan, to disrupt the flow of the administration of Governor Rotimi Amaechi in Rivers, simply for two reasons.

    One, to “fight the Jonathans’ fight” with Amaechi, and to destroy Amaechi’s political standing in Rivers, and nationally, for the benefit of his (Wike’s) ambition to be governor of the state in 2015.

    Indeed, Wike and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) succeeded in defeating the All Progressive Congress (APC) and its candidate, backed by Governor Amaechi, in the 2015 general election.

    The humiliation Wike visited on the APC and Amaechi in the 2019 polls was unprecedented. It looked like “APC was fighting APC” during the electoral processes, but Wike was the behind-the-scenes drummer for APC’s moles to sink their own platform.

    Lawsuits instituted by “aggrieved members” precluded the APC from fielding candidates for the governorship and national and state legislative positions. So, Wike and PDP coasted home to victory, including the presidential poll, although the APC won nationwide.

    Amaechi was the Director-General of the Buhari-Osinbajo Campaign Organisation for the election of retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and Prof. Yemi Osinbajo in 2015, and for their re-election as President and Vice President in 2019.

    The message, and lesson. Amaechi, as governor, appointed Wike as his Chief of Staff, and also nominated him as a Minister in the Jonathan administration. Yet, Wike betrayed Amaechi, and repaid him with ingratitude and near destruction of his political career.

    Obaseki came into the government of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole as a “trusted ally” of the governor, and earned the post of Chairman of the Economic Strategy Team (EST) that drove the economic blueprint of the Oshiomhole administration.

    Based on their camaraderie, Oshiomhole staked his all, alienating his political associates that brought the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and APC to Edo, and promoting Obaseki as the “right man for the job” in the 2016 governorship election in the state.

    Oshiomhole’s strategy and campaign to elect Obaseki as governor resembles former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s yeoman’s job for the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in the 2007 elections.

    Obasanjo single-handedly picked Yar’Adua to succeed him, and campaigned for him, even in the few occasions that Yar’Adua was present due to his ailment, as if Obasanjo was on the ballot.

    Oshiomhole did likewise for Obaseki to succeed him. He solely chose him against protestations by foundation members of the APC, and vigorously campaigned for him in “Alluta continua” fashion, with Obaseki often flanking him as an onlooker.

    Election Day came, and Obaseki won. But the “soulmateship” between them soon evaporated, as Obaseki accused Oshiomhole of dictating to him as a “political godfather.” He swore to fight him.

    True to his avowal, Obaseki, pre and post-defection to the PDP after the Oshiomhole-led National Working Committee (NWC) denied him the return ticket of the APC, spearheaded the campaign to sack Oshiomhole as the National Chairman of the APC.

    While Oshiomhole lost the chairmanship seat in June 2020, the APC candidate that he backed also failed the September 2020 poll that’s won by Obaseki for his second term in office.

    The message, and lesson: Obaseki betrayed Oshiomhole, repaying his benefaction with ingratitude, and trying to destroy his political career from the ward level where the stings to oust him began.

    Wike and Obaseki bid to dominate the political firmament of their states, as they’d accused their predecessors, Amaechi and Oshiomhole, of promoting. So, it’s the pot calling the kettle black!

    The difference is in their playing turfs in PDP’s affairs. With 20 years and barely one year and nine months, respectively, Wike is a senior and a grandmaster in PDP’s political game than Obaseki.

    While Obaseki plays at the local scene of Edo State, the entire Nigeria is Wike’s arena, where, as a “meddlesome interloper,” he badgers into states without the least of courtesy accorded the governors, and dabbles in varying matters, and acts as “PDP’s ATM” and a “Father Christmas” donating millions to other state governments, which critics label as buying political influence.

    Obaseki swiped at Wike, as “free to use his resources… in pursuit of his ambition,” but “he should not attempt to cow, intimidate, cajole and threaten others into doing his bidding. Edo State cannot and will not be procured for anyone’s personal ambition.”

    Make no mistake! Given the opportunity, Obaseki would surpass Wike’s shenanigans. Wike mostly grandstands, but Obaseki, not given to rhetorics, can exert maximum pain and punishment.

    Nonetheless, Wike puts financial and/or political weight behind any or would-be PDP chieftains or elections against the APC, as he had intervened in the Obaseki case after the APC refused to give him a return ticket for the September 2020 off-season election in Edo.

    Recall Wike’s viral declaration, as Obaseki angled to decamp to the PDP, that, “PDP leaders are bribe takers,” referring to allegations of demand for millions from Obaseki to admit him into the PDP.

    At that point, Wike recused himself from further negations, which he later rescinded, and stormed Benin City, in solidarity with the Obaseki/Shaibu re-election bid, which they won in a landslide.

    Regarding the genesis of the crossfire between Wike and Obaseki, the Rivers governor was miffed by threats of Edo Deputy Governor Shaibu, that Obaseki and other defectors from the APC were regarded as outcasts, and would thus decamp from the PDP.

    Shaibu stated this at a parley with the PDP National Chairman, Senator Iyorcha Ayu, who’s in Benin City to mediate the crisis in the state chapter over improper harmonisation of party positions.

    The old members, headed by former Edo chairman and national vice chairman (South-South) of the PDP, Chief Dan Orbih, have alleged that Obaseki has allocated “99 per cent” of the party positions to members that accompanied him to the PDP.

    This is the cause of the friction in the state chapter, with Obaseki lately telling members not satisfied with his leadership of the PDP in Edo to take a walk, and Hon. Shaibu warning that the joiners would pull out of the PDP if they’re integrated in the party.

    Shaibu’s statement infuriated Wike, who noted how Obaseki and Shaibu were on their knees, begging to be accepted in the PDP, for their re-election in the September 2020 polls.

    In response to Obaseki’s rejoinder to his criticism of Shaibu, Wike talked about Obaseki’s ungratefulness to and betrayal of the PDP, and apologised to Comrade Oshiomhole for PDP’s failure to heed his counsel that Obaseki would betray the party.

    “If you ask anybody or check the DNA of Obaseki, you will discover that he is a serial betrayer and an ungrateful person. I apologize to Oshiomole, who told us about Obaseki. You (Oshiomhole) have been vindicated,” Wike said.

    But in a riposte, Obaseki described as a “delusion of grandeur, for any one man to nurse the idea that he owns or has more stake in the PDP and everyone should pander to him,” warning Wike to beware of his taming of tougher political gladiators in Edo State.

    In closing, the case between Wike and Obaseki, is captured in an Esan proverb, which says: “If you don’t remember where the rain beat you, you should remember where the sun dried you.”

    The rain, as the APC, beat Obaseki mercilessly, but he’s rescued by the PDP, symbolising the sun. It didn’t only dry Obaseki, but also covered him with its wide umbrella, and rehabilitated him.

    Obaseki ought to be grateful, and show sufficient appreciation to his benefactors that rescued him from the political wilderness. Not doing so is repaying the PDP with betrayal and ingratitude, as Wike, who’s also as guilty of the same proclivity, has espoused.

    In the interim, the verbal war between Governor Wike and Governor Obaseki promises to be a slugfest, with the PDP suffering the consequences, even as polity watchers wait to see who will receive the most bruises, and be forced to call for armistice.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

  • The palace coup at APC’s headquarters – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The palace coup at APC’s headquarters – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    By Ehichioya Ezomon

    It’s reminiscent of a “palace coup” executed in a military fashion when the head of state or government, or the board chairman of a corporation is away from the country or out of sight of the premises.

    Such is the sack of Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, as acting chairman of the Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Buni was reportedly overseas when his dismissal was carried out by “students and/or masers” of the game of changing of leaderships by fiat, and without shedding of blood.

    So, a member of the CECPC and Niger State Governor Abubakar Sani Bello, son of a former military administrator of Kano State, retired Col. Sani Bello, took advantage of Buni’s absence to declare himself (so it looked) as the acting chairman of the committee.

    But Bello obviously acted at the behest of the leader of the APC, President Muhammadu Buhari, a retired General and former Head of State, who overthrew the government of President Shehu Shagari in December 1983, and was himself upstaged in August 1985 by the gap-toothed Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

    Literally “stepping aside” from power for good in August 1993, after annulling the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by businessman-turned politician, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, Babangida handed over to a boardroom player, Chief Ernest Shonekan, who’s shoved aside, in just 83 days in office, by the dark-goggled Gen. Sani Abacha, then Chief of Army Staff.

    In the running crises in the APC, President Buhari in June 2020, at a meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC) that he heads, sacked the National Working Committee (NWC) supervised by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, a former governor of Edo State.

    The NEC enthroned Governor Buni as acting chair of the CECPC that’s to last for six months, with the mandate to reconcile the warring factions in the APC, and orgainise the National Convention.

    The Buni caretaker committee fell short of this assignment within the six-month timeframe, even as it regularly shifted the goalpost, and dug in to entrench itself, while the crises in the APC festered.

    So, Buni’s sack was long overdue, for failure to achieve the committee’s set goals, and the CECPC faulty foundation that became subject of law suits, and protests by aggrieved members.

    There’re specific allegations as to why Buni was removed barely three weeks – precisely 19 days – to the repeatedly-postponed national convention that’s initially to hold in 2020. They include:

    *Delaying the national convention, to coincide with the APC presidential primaries, which he would conduct, to enhance his future political aspiration, principally a shot at the presidency.

    *Helping to feather the 2023 ambitions of some APC governors, and other party chieftains, who connived to sack the Comrade Oshiomhole-led NWC, and installed Buni as chair of the CECPC.

    *Scheming to postpone the convention on the excuse to allow the CECPC time to resolve the APC crises arising from congresses and primaries conducted by Oshiomhole’s NWC for the 2019 polls, and congresses supervised by Buni’s committee for the 2023 elections.

    *Discovering a court injunction, obtained by Buni’s foot soldiers in November 2021, to scuttle the national convention, as confirmed by Kaduna State Governor Nasir el-Rufai on March 10.

    That’s when President Buhari, “uncomfortable with the antics” of the CECPC to disregard his several directives, “and thus portrayed the president as weak,” stepped in to remove Buni and the Secretary of the CECPC, Senator James Akpanudoedehe.

    Resuming at the APC secretariat on March 7, Bello, after a meeting with members of the CECPC and the party’s state chairmen, told reporters that his chairmanship position had Buhari’s blessing.

    Embarking on a medical trip to Dubai, Buni, perhaps unaware that his days as APC’s helmsman were numbered, duly handed over power to Governor Bello, who’s denied receipt of Buni’s letter.

    But the youth representative and spokesperson of the CECPC, Ismaeel Ahmed, confirmed on March 17 that Buni wrote a letter, “requesting a leave of absence, and for Governor Bello to take over as APC’s caretaker committee chairman.”

    Fielding questions from reporters in Abuja, Mr Ahmed said: “These are two emergencies. He (Buni) had a medical emergency that could not wait for the convention. We have a convention that cannot wait for him to be healthy. So, one has to leave for the other.

    “Governor Bello has been acting appropriately, and there is no problem about that. For now, we are doing it with the full authority and backing of the law. So, there is no ambiguity in this.

    “Power by the chairmanship was transmitted to Governor Bello, and he is fully driving it right now and we are moving towards the convention with the speed that is needed.”

    Certainly, Governor Buni’s health played a cruel trick on him, as the perfect setting needed by the APC head-hunters to sack him, and Sen. Akpanudoedehe. (A member and legal adviser to the CECPC, Prof. Tahir Mamman, has been appointed to act as the secretary.)

    The removal of Buni as the chair of the CECPC fits the axiom, “What goes around comes around.” An Esan proverb also says: “The ghoul that kills for meat will also be meat for another ghoul.” Or simply put: “He who rides a tiger will end up in its belly.”

    Buni had conspired with some APC governors to sack the duly-elected Oshiomhole-led NWC at a national convention, to serve a four-year term, but was dethroned in just two years in office.

    Now, the questions: Will the Governor Bello interim management deliver, in barely three weeks, on the mandate that the CECPC under Governor Buni failed to achieve in nearly two years?

    Will the APC backers of Buni’s committee “let bygone be bygone,” as Bello has pleaded, and forge a united front for the national convention, and primaries that will usher in the 2023 polls?

    Will they undermine the APC, by defecting to other platforms, chiefly the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), or sabotage the party in similar eventualities that the PDP suffered in the 2015 elections that brought the APC to power?

    Ahead of the national convention, the auguries look bleak. There’s controversy over choice of the National Chairman, zoned to the North Central (Middle Belt), that President Buhari has endorsed former Governor of Nasarawa State, Senator Abdullahi Adamu.

    Contentious is the zoning of the APC offices, which report, turned in by a committee headed by Kwara State Governor Abdulrazaq Abdulrahman, has been adopted and published by the CECPC, that’s trimmed the membership of the convention committees.

    Besides, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had queried APC’s NEC meeting, called by Governor Bello for March 17, as violating the Electoral Act 2022 that requires political parties to provide 21 days’ notice prior to any convention or meeting.

    But the CECPC youth member, Mr Ahmed, has clarified that the committee’s notice of February 5, for the aborted February 26 national convention, subsists, needing only a letter of reminder to INEC, for the national convention or any meeting preceding it.

    “We served that notice on February 5, and that was the required 21 days. If you are going to make any adjustment to that date, all you need is a letter making an adjustment to the date.” Ahmed said.

    He added: “You don’t need another 21 days, and that letter was written about two weeks ago, when we realised that we couldn’t hold it (national convention) on February 26.

    “The moment the CECPC agreed on March 26, as the date for the national convention, that letter was written to INEC. INEC has accepted that letter. So, that is long gone; it’s not an issue. It has always been the case; that has never changed, and now we have a convention on March 26.”

    As the APC members look forward to a successful national convention, they won’t forget its many unwarranted postponements by Governor Buni, which earned him a palace coup-style removal, to serve as a deterrent to others eying the chairmanship seat!

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • 2023 zoning and aspirants’ pairing permutations [5] – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    2023 zoning and aspirants’ pairing permutations [5] – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    By Ehichioya Ezomon

    However their posturing and positioning for attention, the crowded field of aspirants for the president in 2023 will be streamlined in a matter of weeks, to separate the pretenders from the contenders.

    The main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), like its counterpart, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), has tens of aspirants for the Office of President of Nigeria, who, alternatively present themselves for the post of president or vice president.

    Similarly, their pairing for a joint ticket is not limited to one aspirant, but a gambling with multiple choices, to avoid being caught off guard whenever the issue of rotation of the presidency is settled between the North and South in the 2023 election cycle.

    Until the field is weeded, the list below summarises the match-making in the PDP that’s few aspirants in the North – perhaps due to the number of state governors on the party’s platform in the region – unlike in the South that has a suffuse of such aspirants.

    Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, a Governor-elect of Adamawa State, who traded the position for a vice presidential slot in 1999, and won the presidency along with former Head of State, retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, remains the number one contender at the PDP primaries, and at the general election beginning in February 2023.

    A serial presidential candidate on several platforms, Atiku has a wide berth to choose a running mate in Southern Nigeria, among whom is his joint ticket holder in the 2019 polls, Mr Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State.

    Other aspirants that can pair with Atiku are former Senate President, Chief Anyim Pius Anyim and Governors Nyesom Wike of Rivers State, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu, Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta, Seyi Makinde of Oyo, Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom, Godwin Obaseki of Edo, and former Governor Segun Mimiko of Ondo State.

    Mr Obi stands out as the foremost contender in the PDP if the presidency were to shift to Southern Nigeria, and to the South-East. If otherwise, he can pair with Atiku, Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State or Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal of Sokoto State.

    Chief Anyim, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and an early jumper into the ring in the South-East, bolstered by a high-profile birthday bash in Abuja lately, has garnered momentum and popularity to pair with Atiku, Governor Mohammed, Governor Tambuwal or former Governor Ahmed Makarfi of Kaduna State.

    Mr Tambuwal, former Speaker of the House of Representatives, who tested his mettle in the PDP primaries in 2019 and fell short to Atiku, is being matched with Mr Obi, Chief Anyim or Governors Wike, Ugwuanyi, Okowa, Makinde, Emmanuel or Obaseki.

    Governor Wike, reputed as the PDP major financier and trouble shooter, was a shoe-in as running mate to Tambuwal had the latter gained the ticket in 2019. But he’s switched his support, first to Governor Mohammed, whom he describes as “overqualified” for president in 2023, and now to any Southern candidate under PDP.

    Even as Wike has warned Atiku about misjudging the support of Southerners in the 2023 electoral runs, all Northern PDP aspirants, including Atiku, Tambuwal, Mohammed and Makarfi want to give their all to be on a joint ticket with him.

    Governor Ugwuanyi, a quiet operator, outwardly concerned with rolling over the APC in the coming local government poll in Enugu, is using the campaigns for the candidates to ask the PDP hierarchy to look how he would garner votes if handed the party ticket. And a group of “Northern Elders” has endorsed his candidacy to pair with Atiku, Mohammed, Tambuwal or Makarfi.

    Governor Makinde, the stand-alone PDP governor in the South-West, is positioned to clinch the ticket or the running mate position. He can also pair with either Atiku, Mohammed or Tambuwal.

    Governor Okowa, an unassuming personality, hasn’t been overly sensitive to the post of president. Still, he’s eminently qualified not only by reason of his training as a Medical Doctor, but also his experience as a former Senator and Secretary to the Government of Delta State. So, he’s good to go on either way of the presidential calculus with Atiku, Mohammed, Tambuwal or Makarfi.

    Governor Emmanuel is the first State Chief Executive to broach a successor for 2023, and free himself of any local encumbrances, as he buys the urging of support groups to give the presidency a shot, and pair with Atiku, Mohammed, Tambuwal or Makarfi.

    Governor Obaseki, in the APC, would’ve had the blessing of President Buhari, who reportedly regards him as a “worthy son” even as he’s in the PDP by circumstance of being denied the APC ticket in the 2020 governorship poll in Edo. That said, he stands a good chance, as other aspirants in the South, to couple with Atiku, Mohammed, Tambuwal or Makarfi for the presidency.

    Senator Makarfi, a former Caretaker Committee chairman of the PDP, was a viable presidential material pre-2019 elections, but declined to test his acceptability at the primaries. He hasn’t also been forthcoming in the lead-up to 2023, but stands a chance to run with Governors Wike, Ugwuanyi, Okowa, Emmanuel or Obaseki.

    Dr Mimiko, a two-term governor of Ondo, has sojourned in several political parties before returning to the PDP, where he can run for the president with Atiku, Mohammed, Tambuwal or Makafi.

    Dr Abukakar Bukola Saraki, former governor of Kwara and Senate President (2015-2019), has long courted the presidency, which he’s sure is within reach in 2023. But the zoning of PDP’s chairmanship to North Central (Middle Belt) may’ve punctured his ambition that could flourish pairing with any of the Southern aspirants.

    Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State is also caught in the web of zoning the PDP chair to North Central. Otherwise, pundits were positioning him with his roaring friend, Governor Wike, in a Christian-Christian ticket they’d predicted would scale through.

    Mr Dele Momodu, a journalist and publisher of Ovation magazine, has surprised pundits, as he forges ahead with his presidential ambition after defecting to the PDP, and blasting the APC administration of President Buhari that he’d staunchly supported.

    Momodu’s seriousness is gleaned from his homecoming to Owan, Edo State, to get the blessings of his community people, and the wide consultations with power brokers across the country.

    He’s selling a mantra of “I’m the right man for the job,” arguing that having hobnobbed with heads of governments in many countries, and with local mandarins in Nigeria, coupled with his experiences in journalism and business, he’s the answers to Nigeria’s problems. So, he can pair with any of the contenders from the North.

    As the presidential field expands, so are the chances shrinking for aspirants to clinch the PDP (or APC) ticket either as the candidate or running mate in bruising primaries, and in the February 2023 polls featuring serving or past governors with loaded war chests.

    *Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.