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Tag: Ehichioya Ezomon

  • Edo 2024 guber petitions: Let the legal fireworks begin (1) – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Edo 2024 guber petitions: Let the legal fireworks begin (1) – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Monday, January 13, 2025, is a day of reckoning for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and its candidate in the September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State, Dr Asue Ighodalo. On that date, the party is expected to begin the process of proving that Ighodalo, and not Senator Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC), won the poll.

    The PDP’s made all the claims, leveled all the allegations, and may’ve successfully pled its petition before the court of public opinion. But it’s no longer time for rhethoric, as reality has set in at the Edo Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal holding in Benin City, where the party must replace claims with facts, allegations with evidence, emotions with reasoning, and equivocation with clarity.

    The PDP will open the legal fireworks to convince the three-member tribunal – looking into separate petitions filed by the PDP and six other parties that participated in the election – that the APC, in collaboration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Police, “stole” Ighodalo’s victory and handed it over to Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central).

    The PDP had claimed – pre-declaration of results by the INEC on September 22, 2024 – that Ighodalo, a Lagos-based Lawyer and business tycoon, outrightly won the poll, but that the APC and the Police pressured the INEC Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, and Edo State Resident Electoral Commissioner, Dr Anugbum Onuoha, to manipulate the collated figures in favour of Okpebholo.

    The PDP also alleged that INEC’s approval of Okpebholo as winner of the election confirmed its charge that the party’s votes were suppressed in several councils, while those of the APC were inflated to give Okpebholo the edge over Ighodalo at the state collation centre in Benin City where the INEC made the final returns on the poll.

    Going by INEC’s tally, Okpebholo won the ballot in 11 councils, scoring 291,667 votes, to defeat Ighodalo, who won in seven councils, and polled 247,274 votes to place second. With a margin of lead of 44,393 votes, the INEC declared Okpebholo as Governor-elect and his running mate, Hon. Dennis Idahosa (APC, Ovia Federal Constituency), as Deputy Governor-elect.

    Prior to that declaration, Adamawa State Governor Umar Fintiri, who led a delegation of the PDP governors to monitor the election, called for INEC’s postponement of announcement of the results, for a review of the reported rigging by the APC.

    The only reason INEC can’t declare a winner is if the election is inconclusive by virtue of none of the parties meeting the legal requirements for a decisive win, or the process was substantially flawed that the commission needs to review the outcome within seven days allowed by the electoral laws before taking a definitive action.

    However, on September 27, iterating that the PDP won the poll – and it’d be proved in court – Ighodalo, in an interview on Channels TV’s ‘Politics Today’, as reported by Daily Trust, laid out his case, accusing the INEC and the police of robbing him of his “mandate.”

    Ighodalo said: “There was a collusion between the INEC and the police to suppress the will of the people of Edo State. People of Edo State purposely voted for us (PDP). We won the election clearly… But we have serious collusion by INEC and the APC working towards votes not counting.

    “But this time around, we will go through the judicial process and the vote will count. We are quite clear that with the evidence we have, we will show clearly that we won the election. And the mandate of the people will be upheld.”

    Exonerating the PDP from vote-buying, Ighodalo added: “We were not involved in vote buying at all. APC agents came with minted notes straight from the CBN (Central Bank of Nigeria); they were offering N20,000, N30,000 and N50,000 per vote. Our guys went to them and told them, ‘you can’t come here to buy votes.’”

    To “retrieve” their alleged “stolen mandate,” the PDP and Ighodalo need to prove – “beyond all reasonable doubts,” and “in substantial compliance” with the relevant electoral laws – their weighty allegations of disenfranchisement of voters; suppression of votes; over-voting; vote-buying; manipulation of the process; and connivance of the APC, the INEC and the Police to flip Ighodalo’s “victory” for Okpebholo.

    Above all, the PDP and Ighodalo must show how they won the votes in each of the polling units, wards and councils in contention, and how the total votes they claim they scored are the authentic figures, and a true reflection of the votes Edo people cast on September 21, and not the figures that the INEC declared for the parties on September 22.

    Certainly, the opportune moment begins on January 13 for the PDP and Ighodalo to adduce impeccable and impeachable evidence before the three-man panel of Justices Wilfred Kpochi A.B. Yusuf and A.A. Adewole, to prove the allegations contained in their petitions.

    With the conclusion of pre-hearing formalities on Saturday, December 21, 2024, and the sitting for the hearing proper adjourned to January 13, the chairman of the tribunal, Justice Kpochi, has revealed that 290 witnesses are expected to testify for and against the outcome of the election that returned Okpebholo as Governor of Edo State.

    Noting that the parties agreed to call a total of 290 witnesses, Justice Kpochi, as reported by Vanguard, said the adopted pre-hearing report outlined the timeframe for the examination of witnesses, with 40 minutes allocated for examination-in-chief for each star witness, 30 minutes for cross-examination by the petitioners, and 20 minutes for cross-examination by each respondent.

    Other agreements include the allocation of 10 minutes for re-examination of each star witness and 25 minutes for examination-in-chief for other witnesses, with the petitioners expected to call their witnesses within 21 days or less, and the respondents have 10 days each to call their witnesses.

    While the tribunal will sit daily from 10 a.m., except on Sundays and other public holidays gazetted by law, there shall be no consolidation of petitions, as there was no application in respect thereof, and no amendment of such shall be entertained during the proceedings.

    According to Justice Kpochi, the parties agreed to call only witnesses whose statements on oath had been frontloaded (filed upfront to be issued at trial), and may call subpoenaed witnesses where necessary, adding that, “there shall be an interpreter for some witnesses from English to any native language like Benin, Esan, Auchi dialects and vice versa.”

    Snippets of what to expect during the proceedings were on display on December 18 when counsel to the APC, Ferdinand Orbih (SAN), sought dismissal of the PDP and Ighodalo’s petition as “incompetent, and not filed in accordance with the extant law,” as reported by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

    Noting that further grounds for seeking the dismissal of the petition are contained in the motion paper dated November 30, and supported by a seven-paragraph affidavit, Orbih also prayed for expunging of some paragraphs of the petition, and urged the tribunal to rule on the motion before it commenced hearing into the petition, even as he asked the tribunal to hands-off the petition for lack of jurisdiction.

    Countering the APC, Ken Mozia (SAN), one of the lead counsel for Ighodalo – who’d also moved four different motions, for the tribunal to expunge various paragraphs in the replies of INEC, APC and Okpebholo to PDP’s petition – urged the tribunal to discountenance the APC submission, as the PDP had filed a reply and counter-affidavit to challenge APC’s motion, which he sought its dismissal for lack of merit.

    Justice Kpochi, however, discountenanced the arguments of the APC counsel, declaring that rulings on all preliminary motions would be delivered on the day of the final judgment.

    Amid blackmail, intimidation and threats – and with “all eyes on the tribunal” to see if it’ll appropriately “dispense justice without fear or favour,” Justice Kpochi, following the December 9 pre-hearing, had asked all stakeholders, including political parties, parties in the suit, their supporters, counsel, security agencies, and the media to cooperate for a smooth and successful hearing.

    He appealed to counsel to show ultmost restraints, and not to engage in unnecessary arguments that could lead to shouting, and jeopardising the convenient atmosphere during the tribunal proceedings. “I am impressed by the conducive and calm environment I am seeing, and going forward, I will want this to continue,” Justice Kpochi said.

    “I appeal to you all to let us put our eyes on the ball so that we can have serene proceedings. You have SANs (Senior Advocates of Nigeria) and very senior lawyers here, nobody is going to shout at you, (and) please don’t also shout at us. If there are areas you feel not comfortable about, please draw our attention to it.”

    As Mozia (SAN) pledged the commitment of the counsel to the proceedings, “as long as other parties would do the same,” it’s hoped, too, that security operatives will check further incursions by armed thugs into the tribunal premises, injuring party supporters and lawyers, and overshadowing proceedings of the pre-hearings.

    There must be a conducive environment – both inside and outside the tribunal – for the petitions to be heard and concluded within the timeframe of six months (180 days) mandated by the laws guiding elections in Nigeria. So, let the legal – and not the thuggery – fireworks begin!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • From Zik to Obasanjo to Yakubu, ‘fake death’ purveyors on the loose – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    From Zik to Obasanjo to Yakubu, ‘fake death’ purveyors on the loose – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    There’s a resurgence of “false or fake” reports of death of prominent Nigerians spurned by the mischievous for inexplicable reasons. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and Chairman of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, are among the latest victims of repeated reports of their deaths by mongers.

    The canny thing about these reports is that they come mostly towards or at the end of the year, in November and December. Is it that the creators and spreaders of such rumours don’t want the affected to live into the New Year, or it’s mere coincidence that the news often appears at the twilight of the year?
    The most (in)famous “false death” reports in Nigeria came in early November 1989 when news broke that the first President of Nigeria, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Owelle of Onitsha, had passed away. He’s then 85.

    Nigerians and members of the global community were shocked and saddened, such that many – even his kindred Igbo, friends and political associates – took the news on its face value, and began sending condolences to the Azikiwe family, and the Government and people of Nigeria, and making arrangements for a state burial for him.

    But alas, the “Great Zik of Africa” was “alive, hale and hearty,” and unprepared yet to leave the world! He said so unmistakably by wishing the purveyors the death they’d wished him. Indeed, some of those emergency mourners and “arrangers” of Zik’s funeral died before he finally departed at 91 on May 11, 1996.

    Prof. Olatunji Dare, a respected communication scholar, teacher, author, satirist, columnist and editorialist, is the first awardee of First Class in Mass Communication of the University of Lagos in 1973. A Professor of Communication, Emeritus, of the Bradley University, Peoria, Illinois, USA, and a recipient of multiple Scholarships, Fellowships and Awards, he’s a journalism great, and among the best craftmen in the profession. He served as chair of The Guardian Editorial Board and Editorial Page Editor, and was one of the “intellectual editors” that moulded The Guardian into its mantra of “The Flagship of Nigerian Press”. The Editorial Adviser of The Nation since its inception, Dare recalled the media faux pas on Dr Azikiwe, in vivid prose, in a piece, “The day Zik didn’t die,” published in The Nation on November 8, 2016 (as excerpted below).

    According to Dare, “Rumours of Zik’s death started swirling on Wednesday, November 8, 1989, apparently triggered by enquiries from a BBC correspondent about his condition. By Friday, the rumours had gained so much traction that two newspapers published speculations about his death.

    “If any doubts lingered about Zik’s condition, they were dissolved by the newscast the NTA beamed to its fabled 30 million viewers the following night, almost one-half of it a moving depiction of Zik’s life and times. The newscast, a marvelous production featuring footage and archival material that captured Zik’s illustrious career, as well as moving tributes by those who knew him well, plunged the country into mourning.

    “By Saturday, November 11, virtually every newspaper had the story of Zik’s reported death as front-page lead, in type size and headline vocabulary that sought to do justice to the great man’s memory. Even those newspapers that left some room for doubt still felt obliged to refer to Zik in the past tense. The obituaries were adulatory, as indeed they should be.

    “At the convocation of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, in Kuru, near Jos, the assembled dignitaries reportedly observed a moment of silence in honour of Zik’s memory.

    “The whole thing had begun with a ‘letter of condolence’ that Dr Kingsley Mbadiwe had sent with accustomed magniloquence to the Federal Government on the ‘passing’ of Zik. For good measure, he also sent a copy to the NTA. That letter, plus a statement issued on behalf of the ‘National Committee for the Transition of Dr Azikiwe’ by four prominent Nigerians, was all the NTA had relied on for its categorical pronouncement on so weighty a matter.

    “Out-of-work politicians saw an opening and moved in swiftly. A First Republic legislator and former stalwart of the Zikist Movement, Chief RBK Okafor, panting as if he had sprinted all the way from Nsukka to Rutam House in Lagos, narrated breathlessly how he had cradled his “beloved Zik” in his arms and how, even as his life ebbed, the great nationalist had said to him: “Chief RBK Okafor, my political son, remember that I am a Pan-Africanist and should be given a Pan-African burial,” or words to that effect.

    “When the tale appeared in cold print, Okafor denied it vehemently. He forgot that Ebube Wadibia, The Guardian’s resourceful and street-smart news editor, had caught him on audiotape word for word. It turned out that Okafor had not seen Zik in several years.

    “Nor were desperate politicos the only groups with eyes on the main chance. At the airport lounge in Lagos, a person claiming to be a doctor told a Newswatch executive with critical solemnity that he had just come away from performing the autopsy on Zik and signing the death certificate. That disclosure won him instant celebrity.

    “By lunchtime on Saturday November 11, reports of Zik’s death had fallen apart. Television network news on Saturday showed Zik alive and well in his living room talking with Colonel Robert Akonobi, the military governor of Anambra State and a team of journalists.

    “Zik, it turned out, had been watching the newscast at his home in Nsukka with his vivacious wife Uche, thinking that it was his birthday tribute until he heard, ‘And may his great soul rest in peace.’

    “What went wrong? Dr Azikiwe was of course not the most accessible of eminent Nigerians. Still, how was it that, for more than 36 hours, the entire news media and the government’s information machinery and the security apparatus could not establish his condition?

    “Zik-gate (which Dare says was ‘invented’ by Eluem Emeka Izeze, ex-Editor, Editor-in-Chief and Managing Director of The Guardian) showed how narrowly the news media cast their net and how vulnerable they were. It was as if they had resolved not to let the facts get in the way of a ‘good’ story. If they had checked and re-checked, they would have saved themselves a shameful outing that they will never quite live down.

    “And if a government obsessed with ‘national security’ had swung into action with all the resources at its disposal as the rumours spread, a national embarrassment would have been averted.”

    Rounding off the beautiful article on the media failure on Dr Azikiwe, Dr Dare asked: Can Zik-gate happen today? And he answered in the negative, as “there are far more news sources, and the media have become more enterprising and sophisticated.”

    But that’s before the age of social media in our clime! Because of the bitter lessons learned from the Zik episode, the media, for a while, appeared to self-censor from rushing to publish unverified news about the death of prominent Nigerians. It wasn’t that there weren’t false news about such occurrences, but they’re few and far apart.

    On December 31, 2010, Obasanjo quoted one of his friends as saying that he’d “counted seven times” that Obasanjo’s rumoured to’ve died between 1999 and 2010. Obasanjo stated this at his Hill Top home in Abeokuta, capital city of Ogun State, when he addressed the news about his “demise.”

    Obasanjo spoke to newsmen, thus: “I think people take delight in speculation and rumouring. A friend of mine told me this morning (December 31, 2010), breaking to me the news of my death, and he was trying to confirm. He said he had counted seven times that I have been rumoured dead since the eve of my inauguration in 1999 as a democratically-elected President of Nigeria till today.

    “Those who indulge in this – and those who have superstitious belief that when there are rumours and speculations like this, it means longevity – will not give up. Whether longevity or not, what I know is that until the Good Lord, who has created me, decides to say yes, ‘I have reached my take-off point to return to Him,’ people may speculate, people may rumour and that will be their own handicap.

    “My word to Nigerians is that wishes are not horses. People wish and God does not make it to happen. But I know that anybody created is bound to die sometimes. When my time comes, it will not be man that will decide; it is in the hands of God,” he said.

    Obasanjo debunked the latest “fake news” about his death on November 26, 2024, during the inauguration of a dual carriageway in Osogbo, Osun State capital city, to commemorate the second anniversary of Governor Ademola Adeleke.

    Going after the rumour peddlers with a “return-to-sender” message they’d intended for him, Obasanjo said: “I heard the rumour that I was dead. I saw it on social media. I quickly told my children and my relations that it was not true and that I was alive. Those who want me dead, that is their wish but God still keeps me alive.

    “Why would anyone wish me dead? Those who harbour such thoughts will not escape tragedy themselves. This kind of rumour is not only disturbing but shows the extent to which some people misuse technology. It is unacceptable.”

    As for Prof. Yakubu, the second rumour about his death came in December 2024, three years after a similar “fake news,” prompting the INEC chairman to declare that, “I am alive, hale and hearty,” and presented the itinerary of his activities in Nigeria during the timeframe of his reported hospitalisation in London.

    A statement by Yakubu’s Chief Press Secretary, Rotimi Oyekanmi, reads in part: “Our attention has been drawn to a fake news narrative circulated by a section of the social media, claiming the purported death of the INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, at a London hospital. The story first appeared on Monday, 9th December, 2024.

    “We hereby appeal to the public to disregard the rumour. Prof. Yakubu is alive, hale and hearty. In fact, he has not travelled to London in the last two years. He was present at an interactive meeting with the House of Representatives Committee on Electoral Matters on Wednesday, 11th December, 2024.

    “He also chaired the commission’s meeting with Resident Electoral Commissioners on Thursday, 12th December, 2024. Both events were widely covered on television and reported on the front pages of most newspapers yesterday, Friday, 13th December, 2024.”

    Recalling that “mischief-makers on social media carried a similar fake story in 2021,” Mr Oyekanmi warned that, “those who indulge in this practice, as well as those who spread it, should be mindful of its effect not only on the individual, but also the wider society,” pledging that the INEC “will continue to work with genuine media professionals to combat the scourge of fake news and the danger it poses to society.”

    Will people stop to create and spread “false or fake” news about deaths of prominent Nigerians? Whose death will next be conjured? Will the media, as usual, fall for it without authentication? Such, in the words of Prof. Dare, will be a “shameful outing that they will never quite live down.”

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • Okpebholo’s tussle with council chairmen needless distraction – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Okpebholo’s tussle with council chairmen needless distraction – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    During a congratulatory visit to Governor Monday Okpebholo at the Government House in Benin City on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, the Edo chairman of Association of Local Government of Nigeria (ALGON) and chairman of Orhiomwon local government, Newman Ugiagbe, pledged the loyalty and collaboration of the 18 council chairmen, to ensure the success of the Okpebholo administration.

    “We are here to congratulate the Governor and the Deputy on the mandate Edo people gave them, and to pledge our loyalty to your administration,” Ugiagbe said, adding, “Our doors are open to your instructions, policies, and programmes, as we are ready to bring your policies down to the grassroots, to enable our people to benefit from the dividends of democracy as we will work to ensure your administration succeeds.”

    Responding, Deputy Governor Dennis Idahosa, who represented Governor Okpebholo, said: “I have listened to you keenly, the ALGON Chairman. The Governor is a leader of all of us. Election has come and gone and we are all one family. The Governor has asked me to assure you that we are one family. He has also asked me to tell you that we will work closely together.”

    As if to test the council chairmen’s pledge for collaboration with the administration, Idahosa said: “I guess you are aware that few weeks ago, the Assets Verification Committee was constituted. Mr. Governor is committed to transparency and accountability in this government and that committee would not have the resources to go across the 18 local government areas of Edo State.

    “The Governor would want you to submit your statement of accounts from 4th of September 2023, to date, to the Assets Verification Committee within the next 48 hours (2 days), as that would help and enable the committee do its job effectively and efficiently… The Governor thanks you for your time.”

    But in a matter of days, the promise of “collaboration and working together as a family for the government to succeed” flew out the window, and politics took the front burner, as the 18 chairmen – all members of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – reneged on their assurances to Okpebholo, and refused to submit their statement of accounts for verification, as the governor directed.

    Following the chairmen’s resistance to the directive, citing their financial autonomy as upheld by the Supreme Court, Okpebholo, in a December 16 petition titled, “Insubordination and Gross Misconduct by the 18 Local Government Chairmen Over Their Refusal to Submit Financial Records for Scrutiny,” reported the chairmen to the assembly, which, pending investigation, suspended them and their deputies for two months, under Section 20(b) of the Local Government Act, for “insubordination and gross misconduct” for refusal to submit their financial records for scrutiny.

    Now, a huge political and constitutional crisis is brewing in Edo State, as the council chairmen have dragged in the judiciary to intervene – and it did intervene by setting aside the two-month suspension the House of Assembly clamped on the chairmen and their deputies.

    As reported by ICIRNIGERIA.ORG on Thursday, December 19, a Benin City High Court, presided by Justice Efe Ikponmwonba, has ordered reinstatement of the 18 council chairmen and their deputies to their pre-December 17, 2024, positions, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice adjourned to February 17, 2025, for a hearing.

    Directing that hearing notices be issued to the defendants, the court ordered a mandatory injunction, compelling the defendants, including Governor Okpebholo, the Edo State Government, the Attorney-General, and the Accountant-General to restore the claimants to their respective offices, and restrained the defendants from acting on the resolution passed by the House of Assembly suspending the chairmen and their deputies.

    Obviously complicating matters for Governor Okpebholo is the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), who on Thursday, December 19, declared as “illegal and unconstitutional,” the suspension of the chairmen and vice chairmen of the 18 councils in Edo State.

    Fagbemi, fielding questions from journalists in Abuja, said that, based on the Supreme Court ruling of July 11, 2024, granting autonomy to the 774 councils in Nigeria, the prerogative to remove or suspend any elected council official rests with the councilors, adding, “under the present dispensation, the governor has no right to remove any local government chairman, that much I know.”

    Nonetheless, Governor Okpebholo’s fighting back by instituting, on December 18, a seven-member panel to investigate the stewardship of the council chairmen, even as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), has jumped into the fray, to investigate the embattled council officials.

    Hours after the High Court ordered reinstatement of the council chairmen and vice chairmen on Friday, December 20, a defiant Okpebholo declared that their suspension was within his oversight function of the local governments, as reported by Nigerian Tribune.

    Admitting that the suspension of the chairmen has sparked an intense debate, Okpebholo said that, “a closer examination of the Constitution, and the Federal Attorney-General’s comments, reveal that the decisions by the Edo State House of Assembly, vis-a-vis the Governor of the State, are entirely justified.”

    “From a legal perspective, the governor’s request to the House of Assembly, to suspend the chairmen, was done within his constitutional powers. The House of Assembly had the right to turn down the request but opted to act on it. It is therefore unfair to blame the governor,” Okpebholo said.

    He argued: “If the governor had the powers to suspend the council chairmen unilaterally, he would not have resorted to drafting a letter to the House of Assembly. Again, for the record, the chairmen were not removed from office but suspended due to suspicious activities, and the governor has the right to exercise the power of oversight.

    “The concept of autonomy is often misunderstood, and in this case, it does not mean that council chairmen cannot be oversight. The House of Assembly has the power to oversight the activities of the governor, and similarly, the governor has the right to exercise oversight over local government chairmen. The ongoing EFCC investigation of the 18 local government chairmen underscores the importance of accountability in governance.”

    Actually in a letter dated December 17, 2024, and signed by its director of investigation, Abdulkarim Chukkol, the EFCC has summoned the council chairmen for questioning, requesting certified documents, detailing payroll records, bank statements, and council finances from January 2024 to date, with chairmen from six councils, including Akoko-Edo, Egor, and Esan Central, summoned to appear on December 19, while others were scheduled for December 20.

    Senator Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) comes with a mantra of “Edo Rising Again,” and a five-point agenda to revamp the state for “rapid development and economic growth” from where former Governor and Senator Adams Oshiomhole (2008-2016) reportedly stopped.

    Unencumbered by any “godfather” breathing down his neck, Okpebholo, “hitting the ground running” barely 24 hours of his inauguration on November 12, 2024, with the ground-breaking of construction of first-ever flyovers in Benin City, Edo capital city, continued in his no-time-to-waste haste to achieve tangible results in his first 100 days in office.

    But like the typical politician he boasts he isn’t, Okpebholo may’ve begun giving in to distractions, to tackle what perhaps he sees as partisan antic of the council officials, who, as members of the PDP, and backed by the Edo chapters of the PDP and ALGON, have called the governor’s bluff.

    Affirming their commitment to fulfilling their constitutional roles, as “no authority can prevent us from serving our councils,” the council chairmen declared that, “We will remain in office till September 2026… as our tenure runs from September 2023 to September 2026, as stipulated by law.”

    Both in context and in the contest, the outcomes of Okpebholo’s directive, playing out real-time, have evoked scenes reminiscent of the hit song, “Trouble Sleep Yanga Wake Am,” off a 1971 album, “Roforofo Fight,” by the legendary Afrobeats maestro, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, as the 18 council chairmen and their deputies have rejected their two-month suspension by the Edo State House of Assembly.

    Relating to Fela’s depiction of the oppressor and the oppressed, Okpebholo, as “yanga” the oppressor wielding executive power, went and woke up “trouble,” the council chairmen, the oppressed (who, in their areas of jurisdiction, are also oppressors). And that’s what Fela preaches against in “Trouble Sleep Yanga Wake Am” – and indeed in all of his musical career of advocacy against societal ills, and the oppression of Nigerian people.

    In the song, Fela warns that, “the suffering of the oppressed be respected and that if it is not, then the oppressed is justified in their decision to revolt, to take arms against the persons who mock their suffering and remain unempathetic to their oppression.” (Culled from, “The Shuffle: ‘Trouble Sleep Yanga Wake Am’ Was Fela At His Most Succinct,” written by The Native, October 18, 2017).

    The council chairmen – all of PDP, which still nurses its defeat by the APC at the September 21, 2024, governorship election that returned Okpebholo as winner – were on their own when the governor gave them that 48-hour ultimatum to submit their financial records from September 23, 2022, when they came into office, till date.

    The council chairmen’s failure to obey Okpebholo’s directive, and their subsequent suspension from office, has created a constitutional crisis that may require intervention of the Supreme Court to clarify the relationship between the state and local governments under the financial autonomy the court granted to the councils in July 2024.

    As the battle line is drawn, what next for Governor Okpebholo, as the odds seem stacked against him? Will he put his foot down, and breach the rules and the Supreme Court judgment that’ve granted local governments financial autonomy? That’ll be illegal and unconstitutional, and against the avowal by the governor to work harmoniously with the opposition!

    Will the council chairmen back down, and submit their financials, as directed by the governor? That’s unlikely, as the 18 councils are very strategic, politically and financially, to the presence and participation of the PDP in Edo polity, especially ahead of the 2027 elections, even as the party pins its hope on “retrieving” its alleged “stolen mandate” at the Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal holding in Benin City.

    What Okpebholo doesn’t need now – certainly not in the future – is unnecessary self-induced distractions. The opposition – with nothing to lose – is at liberty to do anything to distract and divert his attention. But it’s in the governor’s interest, the interest of Edo people, and the daunting tasks before him, to prevent that from happening!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • Edo guber petitions: Thuggery may ‘replace’ evidence at tribunal – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Edo guber petitions: Thuggery may ‘replace’ evidence at tribunal – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The days, weeks and months ahead may witness further clashes, and severer bloodletting between alleged political thugs of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Edo State, over petitions filed by dissatisfied seven parties to overturn the victory of the APC in the September 21, 2024, governorship election.

    There’re conflicting claims about the sympathy of the thugs in the Monday, December 9, 2024, attack during the inaugural sitting of the Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal at the High Court in Benin City. While some reports speak of clashes between the thugs, the APC and PDP have accused each other as the aggressors in the mayhem.

    The acting chairman of the Edo APC, Emperor Jarret Tenebe, alleged in a statement on December 10 that the party had alerted security agencies of the probable assault, noting, “despite our repeated efforts to alert the authorities ahead of this attack, the police ignored our warnings, leading to these senseless acts of violence.”

    Tenebe added: “These PDP thugs, who were in branded Asue Ighodalo’s T-shirts and caps, came with battle axes, bottles and other dangerous weapons, which they used freely on APC members, who did not provoke any fight. They took over the court premises and adjoining streets without resistance from the police. Several of our members and lawyers were injured, while the police failed to act decisively to stop the violence.”

    However, the Edo PDP caretaker committee chairman, Dr Tony Aziegbemi, accused the APC and Governor Monday Okpehbolo of “sending thugs after the PDP members, who were at the court,” adding, “It was clear that the APC and Governor Okpebholo sent thugs after the PDP members at the court. They were the aggressors and we have reported the case to the police.”

    On September 22, 2024, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Senator Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central) as winner of the previous day’s election, with 291,667 votes, defeating the candidate of the PDP, Dr Asue Ighodalo, who polled 247,274 votes, and the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Olumide Akpata, who scored 22,763 votes.

    The PDP, which rejected the election while still in progress, has – along with the Action Alliance (AA), Accord Party (AP), Action Democratic Party (ADP), Allied Peoples Movement (APM), Social Democratic Party (SDP), and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) – filed petitions with the three-member tribunal, led by Justice Wilfred Kpochi, seeking to overturn the results, and declare its candidate, Ighodalo, the winner of the poll.

    One fact has emerged from the back-and-forth between the APC and PDP over the thugs’ attack, which’s that PDP supporters wore Asue Ighodalo-emblazoned T-shirts and face caps to the tribunal premises, provoking reactions from the APC members. But as, “The hood does not make the Monk,” donning Ighodalo’s campaign paraphernalia can’t influence the petitions at the tribunal, and shouldn’t have caused any conflict.

    From Election Day, the PDP and Ighodalo have claimed they won the poll “hands down,” referencing reported “votes tally” uploaded to the INEC Results Viewing (IReV) portal. But it alleged attempts by the APC to pressure INEC to manipulate the collated figures in its (APC’s) favour.

    The PDP national publicity secretary, Debo Ologunagba, urging INEC against conniving with the APC to suspend collation of results – as a precursor to changing the figures – warned of dire consequences “from aggrieved Edo voters,” reports The Guardian on September 22.

    “Intelligence available to the PDP indicates that the APC is mounting pressure on the INEC Chairman and Edo State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) to suspend the collation process so as to make way for the manipulation of the INEC portal and replace the real results from the units with fabricated figures in favour of the APC,” Mr Ologunagba said in a statement.

    “INEC and the APC must note that any attempt to change the results of the Edo State governorship election will provoke worse consequences, as the people have indicated their readiness to use every means allowed in a democracy, including legitimate physical confrontation, if necessary, to protect their votes,” he added.

    But the APC, via its national publicity secretary, Felix Morka, urged the Edo voters to ignore the “fake results” by the PDP, as collation hadn’t even been concluded at the ward level. “Our great party wishes to clarify that collation at the ward level is still ongoing and has yet to be concluded. Certainly, local government level collation has yet to begin in most of the LGAs in the state let alone concluded,” Mr Morka said.

    “Consistent with the Electoral Act, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is the sole authorised body empowered to collate results at the Ward, Local Government and State levels, and to officially declare the result of the election,” he added.

    Similarly advising the public to await its final announcement, and disregard speculative results “being circulated on social media,” the INEC warned social media users, “announcing unverified results of the Edo gubernatorial election,” that the electoral body “has the authority to announce official election results.”

    The PDP’s sustained the propagation that it won the election, even after Okpebholo’s declaration as “Governor-elect,” and his swearing in as “Governor of Edo State” (with Deputy Governor Dennis Idahosa) on November 12, 2024.

    The PDP refrains include: “Asue Is Coming,” “We Are Going To Retrieve Our Stolen Mandate,” “Okpebholo Is Using A Stolen Mandate,” and “Okpebholo Is A Six-month Governor” – the latter message refers to the six months (180 days) allowed by the electoral laws for the tribunal to dispose of petitions before it.

    So, the onus is on the PDP and Ighodalo to prove the series of allegations of electoral malpractice by the triumvirate of APC, INEC and security agencies, to suppress reported PDP’s votes, and inflate APC’s scores in several council areas, and at the final tallying at the INEC headquarters in Benin City.

    Recall lately Governor Okpebholo’s accusation that PDP’s claim of securing majority votes at the election was juiced-up from a “fake IReV” purporting the figures to come from the official IReV portal for real-time sighting of poll results as they’re uploaded at the polling units.

    Okpebholo, on November 30, at a reception in his honour by the Esan people of Edo Central at Irrua, headquarters of Esan Central local council of Edo State, stated that, “The people, who wrote results and were announcing fake results on the internet, are the same people crying today that somebody rigged the election.”

    “It is sad to say that the criminals are crying today that they have lost, and will continue to lose,” Okpebholo said. “They are spending money day and night and wasting their money, and they will wait in vain. Edo people have spoken. They have chosen the path of development, peace, and unity. This is what Edo people have chosen, and that is how it will remain.”

    While the public expect the PDP and Ighodalo to prove that they – and not the APC and Okpebholo – won the September 21 governorship in Edo State, the election petitions tribunal, chairman, Justice Wilfred Kpochi, has asked all stakeholders, including political parties, parties in the suit, their supporters, counsel, security agencies, and the media to cooperate for a smooth and successful hearing.

    During the tribunal’s sitting on December 9, as reported by PUNCH on December 10, Justice Kpochi, with Justices A.B. Yusuf and A.A. Adewole, urged the counsel not to engage in unnecessary arguments that could lead to shouting, and jeopardising the convenient atmosphere in the court.

    “I am impressed by the conducive and calm environment I am seeing, and going forward, I will want this to continue,” Justice Kpochi said, adding, “I appeal to you all to let us put our eyes on the ball so that we can have serene proceedings. You have SANs (Senior Advocates of Nigeria) and very senior lawyers here, nobody is going to shout at you, (and) please, don’t also shout at us. If there are areas you feel not comfortable about, please draw our attention to it.”

    As Ken Mozia (SAN), one of the lead counsel for Ighodalo, pledged their commitment to the proceedings, “as long as other parties would do the same,” it’s to be seen what next the alleged party thugs will do, and how the Police will respond to such scenarios at subsequent sittings of the tribunal.

    It’s to be seen what next the alleged party thugs will do, and how the Police will respond to such scenarios at subsequent sittings of the tribunal, as the presence of security agents at the inaugural sitting didn’t deter the violent thugs from attacking party members and lawyers, injuring several persons in the process.

    More worrying is Edo APC’s avowal not to restrain its members from matching the antic of alleged PDP thugs in subsequent court dates, with the APC chapter chairman, Tenebe, declaring that in the circumstance of the alleged December 9 attack on APC’s members, “We are left with no option but to defend ourselves and also be on ground to arrest those we have identified as killers of Inspector Akor, some of whom also inflicted life-threatening injuries on our members today.”

    (Inspector Akor Onu, a security detail attached to then-Senator and APC governorship candidate, Okpebholo, was killed on July 18, 2024, at the entrance of the Benin Airport by alleged thugs, who attacked the convoys of Okpebholo and then-reinstated Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu as they arrived at the airport from Abuja. The APC alleged that the gunmen acted on behalf of the PDP, which vehemently denied the accusation, and that failure of the Police to bring the attackers to book “may have emboldened those who participated in Monday’s (December 9) attack” on APC’s members at the tribunal’s sitting.)

    Henceforth, the law enforcements must rein in any armed hoodlums from molesting innocent party members and lawyers attending the tribunal proceedings. No room for thuggery, but evidence to substantiate the issues in dispute!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • The charade of council elections in Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    The charade of council elections in Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    In Nigeria, we often make references to issues and happenings in the United States of America as a guide for emulation. Hence, we replaced the British parliamentary system with the American presidential model of government. In the U.S., all elections – federal, state, and local – are administered by the individual states, with many aspects of the system’s operations delegated to the county and local level.

    And these elections, to the satisfaction and acceptance of majority of Americans, are conducted relatively freely, fairly and creditably, without unduly and overly seen to be manipulated to favour the governing political parties in the states. So, can we also allow state law, not federal, to regulate most aspects of Nigeria’s elections, including administering federal, state, and local elections?

    Well, in light of the sweeping victories claimed in local council elections by parties in control of the states across Nigeria, the outcomes of all elections administered by states and councils would be better imagined than experienced. It’d result in perpetual one-party control in the states, and possibly at the national level!

    There’s been a rash of council polls in the States in Nigeria since the Supreme Court in July 2024 gave a 90-day window to state governments to conduct council elections, “to ensure a democratically-elected local government system,” and to accord with the autonomy granted the third tier of government, which state governors have opposed.

    However, it’s been a tale of democratic underhands reportedly committed by State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) allegedly appointed by state governors to scoop all votes for them during council elections – a scenario that’s played out before, and since the July 2024 Supreme Court pronouncement.

    Reports from the states indicate that where council elections have been conducted, the parties in control of the state governments have claimed virtually 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions, leaving the opposition to join the calls to scrap the SIECs, and mandate the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct all elections in Nigeria.

    For lack of faith in the SIECs, the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – mostly boycotting participation in states they’re not in control of – have alleged that council elections are organised solely to favour the ruling parties in the states.

    Even where elections were held, the SIECs would abridge the 90-day advance notice for preparation for the balloting, and on poll day, starve the opposition strongholds of ballots, especially the result sheets, while state-aided thugs run rampant and seize and/or destroy votes cast in such places.

    And in the absence of display of vote scores of the participating parties, and proper collation, the SIECs, like in a press conference, would announce – and not declare – the results, and award all or 98% to 99% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions to the parties in control of the states.

    More surprising is the speed at which the SIECs issue Certificates of Return to elected chairmen and councillors, who are also quickly sworn into office. It’s as though the certificates – with the electeds’ names embossed – are prepared in advance of the elections. That’s why the opposition accuse the ruling parties in the states of forewriting results.

    Below is a schedule of dates for council polls in many states since July 2024: Adamawa, July 14; Delta, July 14; Ebonyi, July 20; Kebbi, August 31; Enugu, September 21; Imo, September 21; Kwara, September 21; Sokoto, September 21; Akwa Ibom, October 5; Rivers, October 5; Jigawa, October 5; Benue, October 5; Plateau, October 9; Zamfara, October 16; Kogi, October 19; Kaduna, October 19; Kano, October 26; Abia, November 2; Cross River, November 2; Nasarawa, November 2;  Ogun, November 16; Ondo, January 18, 2025; Katsina, February 15; and Osun, February 22.

    Let’s flick through the results of council elections held since July 2024, showing – except in Abia, Jigawa, Nasarawa and Rivers – near-identical or similar winning streaks by parties running the states. Most of the results were announced at the headquarters of the SIECs, represented hereunder with their acronyms in the states.

    *Adamawa (July 14): Chairman of the ADSIEC, Mohammed Umar, announcing the poll results in Yola on July 21, said the PDP cleared all 21 councils (chairmanship) and 226 wards (councillorship) seats, while New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) picked one ward.

    *Delta (July 14): Chairman of the DSIEC, Jerry Agbaiki, in Asaba on July 21, said the PDP won all 25 councils and 499 wards, with the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) taking one ward.

    *Ebonyi (July 20): Chairman of the EBSIEC, Jossey Eze, on July 21 in Abakaliki, said the APC won all 13 councils and the 171 wards.

    *Kebbi (August 31): Chairman of the KESIEC, Aliyu Muhammad-Mera, declared in Birnin Kebbi on September 1, that the APC won all 21 councils and the 225 wards, with the PDP boycotting the poll over alleged “mutual relationship” between the KESIEC and the APC.

    *Enugu (September 21): Chairman of the ENSIEC, Prof. Christian Ngwu, in Enugu on September 22 and 23, announced the PDP as winner of the 17 councils and 260 wards, respectively.

    *Imo (September 21): Chairman of the ISIEC, Charles Ejiogu, at a press briefing in Owerri on September 23, said the APC won in all 27 councils and 305 wards, even as he promised to release specific vote counts in due course.

    *Sokoto (September 21): Alhaji Aliyu Suleiman, chairman of the SIEC, announced on September 23 in Sokoto that the APC swept all 23 councils and the 244 wards, and quickly issued the winners with certificates of return. The PDP boycotted the election.

    *Kwara (September 21): Chairman of the KWSIEC, Mohammed Baba-Okanla, in a statement released on September 22 in Ilorin, noted that the APC won all 16 councils and the 193 wards.

    *Akwa Ibom (October 5): A list signed by the Chairman of AKISIEC, AniediAbasi Ikoiwak, in Uyo on October 6, showed that the PDP won 30 of the 31 councils, and the APC got one seat where Senate President Godswill Akpabio hails from, with the APC craving for the day the INEC would takeover conduct of council elections.

    *Benue (October 5): Chairman of the BSIEC, Richard Tombowua, announced in Makurdi on October 6 that the APC won all 23 councils and the 276 wards.

    *Jigawa (October 5): Chairman of the JISIEC, Hon. Auwalu Muhammad Harbo, via a statement in Dutse by JISIEC’s spokesman, Habibu Yarima, on October 6, said the APC won all 27 councils and 281 of the 287 wards, with Accord Party (AP) securing four wards, and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) winning one ward, leaving the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) protesting.

    *Rivers (October 5): Chairman of the RSIEC, retired Hon. Justice Adolphus Enebeli, announced in Port Harcourt on October 6 that the Action Peoples Party (APP) – a proxy of Governor Siminalayi Fubara of the PDP – won 22 of the 23 councils, and Action Alliance (AA) took one seat. While the APP swept 314 wards, the APC, Boot Party (BP), Labour Party (LP), Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Young Peoples Party (YPP) won one ward each. The election held despite protests by the PDP, and the APC that got a court injunction to stay the poll.

    *Plateau (October 9): Chairman of the PLASIEC, Plangji Cishak, announcing in Jos results for 15 and two councils on October 10 and 11, said the PDP claimed all seats in the 17 councils, with the APC alleging electoral heist.

    *Zamfara (October 16): Chairman of the ZASIEC, Bala Aliyu, on October 17 in Gusau, declared that the PDP won all 14 councils and the 147 wards, with the APC boycotting the poll over ZASIEC’s alleged contravention of the three-month notice the electoral law mandates.

    *Kogi (October 19): The Chairman of the KOSIEC, Nda Eri, stated in Lokoja on October 20 that the APC secured all 21 councils and the 239 wards.

    *Kaduna (October 19): Chairman of the  (KADSIECOM), Hajara Muhammad, said in Kaduna on October 20 that the APC won the 23 councils and 255 wards.

    *Kano, (October 26): Chairman of the KANSIEC, Prof. Sani Lawal Malurnfashi, briefing reporters in Kano on October 27, said the NNPP swept all 44 councils and the 484 wards.

    *Cross River (November 2): Chairman of the CRSIEC, Dr Ekong Boco, announced on November 3 in Calabar that the APC candidates, including three females, took all 18 councils and the 193 wards.

    *Nasarawa (November 2): Chairman of the NASIEC, Barr. Ayuba Usman, announced on November 3 in Lafia that the APC won the 13 councils and 140 of the 147 wards, while the SDP won five and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) won two wards, respectively.

    *Abia (November 2): Opposition ZLP – allegedly a front for Governor Alex Otti of the LP – emerged victorious in 15 of the 17 councils, while the YPP claimed two councils, as announced by the Chairman of ABSIEC, Prof. George Chima, on November 2 in Umuahia.

    *Ogun (November 16): Chairman of the OGSIEC, Babatunde Osibodu, announcing the results on October 17 in Abeokuta, said the APC won all 20 councils and the 236 wards.

    While the schedules for council elections in 2025 in three states are: Ondo, January 18, Katsina, February 15, and Osun, February 22; states that conducted council polls between July 2021 and June 2024 also claimed blowout victories, as follows:

    *Lagos (July 2021): APC won all 20 councils, and 375 of 377 wards. * Niger (November 22): APC won all 25 councils and the wards. * Edo (September 2023): PDP won all 18 councils and the 192 wards. * Taraba (November 2023): PDP claimed all 16 councils and the 168 wards. * Ekiti: (December 2023): APC won all 38 councils and the 177 wards.

    Others are: * Borno (January 2024): APC clinched all 27 councils, including first female chairmanship, and the 312 wards. * Bayelsa (April 2024): PDP won all eight councils and the 103 wards. * Gombe (April 2024): APC won all 11 councils and the 114 wards. * Oyo (April 2024): PDP secured all councils and the wards. * Yobe (June 2024): APC won all 17 councils, with 15 of the chairmanships returned unopposed.

    The irony of council elections in Nigeria is that their conduct have attracted little or no monitoring and reporting by election observers, and civil society organisations (CSOs), who overlook unbridled rigging at the polling units, where votes may not be counted, declared and displayed, and collation of results done behind the scenes, and yet, the governing party in the states would claim 100% of the chairmanship and councillorship positions.

    Election observers and CSOs –  fixated on federal and state ballots upon which they make parallel and contradictory claims to INEC’s, even when the processes are still in progress on election day – shut their eyes to massive manipulation of council polls across board, and give an all-clear and a “Grade A” passmark to the SIECs for “a job well done.”

    Where does the salvation lie in checking electoral malpractice at the council levels? Is it in the INEC? Many Nigerians think so, even as they vilify the commission as incompetent, corrupt and compromising during national and state elections. Hence, the Akwa Ibom APC publicity secretary, OtoAbasi Udo, reacting to the sweeping victory of the PDP in the October 5 council poll in the state, despite robust campaigns by the opposition, prays for a future without SIECs.

    His words: “The Party, ably led by Obong Stephen Leo Ntukekpo, uses this opportunity to express her sincere thanks and appreciation to you all for your tireless, steadfast,  unalloyed support and commitment to the Party and assure you that with the Supreme Court judgment that returned full autonomy to the third tier of government, the local government, enshrined in our Constitution, and the steps taken by the National Assembly to give full effect to the judgment, from the next election, all SIECs, in charge of local government elections now, would have been dismantled, incapacitated and laid to rest, and a bright prospect for future local government elections firmly put in place.”

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • EFCC vs Bello: Trivialising corruption allegations – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    EFCC vs Bello: Trivialising corruption allegations – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    In my November 18, 2024, article entitled, “That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit it? Who sponsored it?” I held that snapets from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) moves to investigate, arrest, detain and prosecute ex-governors “are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office,” so giving them the jitters to “either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.”

    I however observed that lately, the anti-graft agency’s threat against former governors “has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception,” adding that, “it appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.”

    Former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State has mostly proved these assertions right, even as he finally presented himself to the EFCC for “arrest and detention,” and arraignment and prosecution for alleged looting of Kogi’s resources during his eight-year tenure in office (2016-2024).

    For months, Bello’s engaged in a hide-and-seek, only to suddenly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja on September 18, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained – as he’s on the wanted list of the agency and the courts – but with the commission reportedly asking him to leave and come back at a later date. Why?

    EFCC’s intel reportedly indicated that Bello’s prepared for a showdown, having allegedly stormed the premises with armed details. Thus, the authorities tactically allowed him to while away for hours in one of the offices. Indeed, EFCC’s later efforts that night to arrest Bello at the Kogi State Government Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja, were allegedly thwarted by his armed guards.

    Bello, facing a couple of EFCC’s alleged fraudulent cases in courts in Abuja, continued in his disappearing act, while the commission failed in its attempts to force his trial – in absentia – before Justice Emeka Nwite on October 30 at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello’s facing a 19-count charge for alleged laundering of N84bn.

    But on November 26, Bello – billed for arraignment since April 2024 – reappeared at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja, and this time, the agency “detained” him overnight in the facility he’d avoided for months, as he shunned invitations and court summons to answer for his alleged looting of resources during his governorship of ‘The Confluence State’.

    And on November 27, the EFCC arraigned Bello and two others – Shuaibu Oricha and Abdulsalam Hudu – before Justice Maryanne Anenih of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Maitama, Abuja, on a 16-count charge for conspiracy, criminal breach of trust and possession of unlawfully-obtained property, amounting to N110.4bn.

    After some legal fireworks over bail for the three defendants between the lead counsel for the accused, Joseph Daudu (SAN) and the EFCC, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), Justice Anenih adjourned ruling on the application to December 10, and directed that the defendants should remain in the EFCC custody.

    This notwithstanding the EFCC administrative bail granted to Oricha and Hudu, which Pinheiro argued had expired in October, but with Daudu pointing to a fresh application of November 22, based on the fact that the defendants deserve their liberty on the presumption of innocence until they’re proven guilty, as alleged.

    Meanwhile, Bello certainly was in a celebratory mood when – for the first time in over seven months of a cat-and-mouse game with the EFCC – he’s docked for the alleged N110.4bn theft of Kogi’s resources. Dressed in a pair of contact lenses, and a light sky-blue attire, Bello, amidst a throng of aides and political associates,  walked energetically through the expansive premises and into the courtroom of the FCT High Court.

    As he covered the distance from the parking lot to the courtroom, Bello’s all smiles – as he turned right and waved with the right hand, and then turned left and waved with the left hand – to acknowledge greetings and cheers from his supporters, many of whom sandwiched him into the court, where he continued to return courtesies even while in the dock to plead not guilty to the charges preferred against him.

    Perhaps to Bello, his arraignment was a moment to savour, and bask in the frenzy of journalists and EFCC’s operatives scrambling to capture and record his every posture and every gesture as evidence, and for prime-time broadcast and publication in the mainstream and online media.

    A similar scenario played out on November 29, at the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Bello couldn’t take his plea, and had to “stand for himself” in the absence of his lead lawyer in the suit, Abdulwahab Mohammed (SAN).

    With well-armed security operatives falling over themselves to dominate the court premises, Bello, with a more somber mien this time, and accompanied by aides, supporters and operatives of the EFCC, still walked briskly into the courtroom, with the door quickly closed behind him.

    Once inside, as reported by PUNCH ONLINE, Bello told trial Justice Emeka Nwite that he won’t take any plea, as he’s only made aware of his arraignment in the night of November 28, and couldn’t get across to his lawyer, Mohammed (SAN). This prompted the judge – in the interest of fair hearing – to order that Mohammed be put on notice for the adjourned date of December 13, and for Bello and his co-defendants to be reminded in the EFCC custody.

    The EFCC lawyer, Pinheiro (SAN), attempted to convince Justice Nwite to commence the trial without Bello’s counsel, arguing that, “What the law requires is the presence of the defendant, not the presence of his lawyers.”

    This was reportedly a rehash of a similar argument at the sitting on October 30, when Pinheiro requested that the court proceed with the trial. Noting that two witnesses were present and ready to testify,” Pinheiro suggested that the “court enter a plea of not guilty on Bello’s behalf and commence the trial.”

    But as in that prior instance, the judge turned down Pinheiro’s entreaty on November 29, citing Bello’s right to a fair hearing, and reminding the EFCC lawyer that, at the October court session, the matter was adjourned to January 21, 2025.

    “The matter came up on the 30th of October 2024. It was adjourned to 21st January 2025. From the statement of the defendant, his lawyers are not aware of today’s (November 29) date. In the interest of fair hearing, I will not proceed for arraignment,” Justice Nwite said.

    “This matter is peculiar in the sense that we have already agreed on a date, which is in January. It will be unfair if the matter is taken without the defendant’s counsel. It would be a different thing if the defendant had no counsel.

    “Since the defendant has said his counsel is not aware of today’s proceeding, I am of the view that a bench warrant cannot be sacrificed on the altar of fair hearing. The defendant deserves to be represented by counsel,” the judge added.

    After the court waited for 45 minutes, “but with no sign of the defence counsel,” Justice Nwite adjourned the matter, directed that Bello remain in the EFCC custody until the next hearing on December 13, and granted Pinheiro’s application for “new date hearing motions and possible arraignment to be served on the defendant’s counsel.”

    As the clock ticks towards December 10 at the FCT High Court, and December 13 at the Federal High Court both in Abuja, will Bello and his co-defendants get a bail reprieve, or be further remanded in the EFCC custody, or sent behind bars at one of Nigeria’s capital city’s jail houses, to spend the Yuletide season there? Such would be a canny experience the ex-governor had fought strenuously for months to avoid!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. Can be reached on X, Threads, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp @EhichioyaEzomon. Tel: 08033078357.

  • Assault: Bolt driver throws public, police, lawyers under bus – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Assault: Bolt driver throws public, police, lawyers under bus – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    What’s become of the three-count charge of “abuse of office, assault, and threat to life” instituted by the Nigeria Police against a House of Representatives member, Alex Ikwechegh, for dehumanising an e-hailing Bolt driver, Stephen Abuwatseya, on October 27, 2024, in Abuja?

    On October 28, the Police interrogated Ikwechegh, and on October 30, they announced his prosecution, with a post on X by the Force Police Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi, stating, in all caps: “RULE OF LAW: POLICE PROSECUTES HON ALEXANDER IKWEGH FOR ASSAULT.”

    At his docking, Ikwechegh pleaded not guilty to the charges, and after an oral application moved by his counsel, the presiding Chief Magistrate Abubakar Umar Sai’id granted him bail for N500,000, and in-like sum by two sureties, who must reside in the court’s jurisdiction, and show evidence of payment for utilities, and adjourned the trial to November 8.

    But in the intervening period, several twists were introduced into the matter. On October 29, Ikwechegh apologised for his misguided physical abuse of Abuwatseya. On November 7, Abuwatseya apologised to Ikwechegh for provoking him prior to the assault. And on November 8, Abuwatseya’s lawyers withdrew their pro bono service following his apology to Ikwechegh.

    Abuwatseya’s travail began on October 27 in Abuja when he delivered a package to Ikwechegh’s house, and asked the lawmaker to come to the gate to receive it. One thing led to another, and Ikwechegh hit Abuwatseya three times, threatened to make him “disappear anywhere in Nigeria,” and dared him to report the incident to the authorities, including the Inspector General of Police (IGP).

    To worsen matters for Abuwatseya, the police orderly attached to Ikwechegh bundled him to the Maitama police station, and accused him of going to Ikwechegh’s house to attack him. But a video posted by Abuwatseya on social media told a different story, and the IGP’s office moved the case apace therefrom.

    Stunned Nigerians were quick to condemn the not-so-strange but abhorrent behaviour of a high-up against a lowly individual, with a near-unanimous call – even from his constituents, political party, the National Assembly (NASS), and a coalition of civil society organisations (CSOs) – for Ikwechegh’s head.

    It’s one of the fastest pursuits of justice by the State, and on behalf of an alleged victim. While the Police woke up from their lethargy and took immediate steps to prosecute Ikwechegh, the Kuje Chief Magistrates’ Court, Abuja, didn’t delay to dock the lawmaker.

    Besides, lawyers from Deji Adeyanju and Partners, Abuja, offered Abuwatseya a pro bono (free) service on October 28 – a day after the incident – when a “visibly distressed” Abuwatseya approached it, seeking legal action, and “after verifying his claims, the firm took steps to defend his rights on a pro bono basis, leading to the arraignment of the accused.”

    But on November 8, the story got curiouser as Abuwatseya, in a video recording, admitted he’s to blame for the incident, saying he wanted to “apologise” for provoking Ikwechegh to rough-handle him.

    In the video release on November 7, Abuwatseya said: “Good day, Nigerians. My name is Stephen Abuwatseya. I had a misunderstanding with Rt. Hon. Alex Mascot Ikwechegh a few days ago. I actually want to apologise to him for whatever I must have said or done to provoke him to that level of anger.

    “I want to tell Nigerians that it’s not time for us to start dividing ourselves based on religion, tribe, or region. We should actually come together, see how we can unite this nation, and move it forward.

    “Please, Nigerians, let’s forgive and forget, as it’s even contained in our Lord’s Prayer, that ‘Lord, please forgive us, as we forgive those who trespass against us.’ For there is no justice without forgiveness. Thank you very much.

    “I want to use this medium to thank my family members, my parents, my brothers, my uncles and everybody that stood by me. I want to thank all of you. I love you all. Thank you. God bless you.”

    What a disappointment, disservice, desertion of and disrespect to the public, who condemned Ikwechegh’s behaviour and called for action against him, the Police, who expeditiously arraigned him for prosecution, and the lawyers, who represented Abuwatseya pro bono!

    If Abuwatseya were to allow the assault case to run full course, it’d be a “locus classicus (a classic case or example). Hence the November 8 headline by the online publication, Theconclaveng, aptly captured Abuwatseya’s peace overture as, “Anti-climax as Bolt driver apologises to Abuja lawmaker, Ikwechegh.”

    In pleading for the understanding of Nigerians to “forgive and forget,” Abuwatseya suddenly remembered the biblical injunction: “And forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors” (Matthew 5:22 and 6:12-15, Mark 11:25-26, and Ephesians 4:31-32).

    But Abuwatseya forgot to also recall the injunction in Matthew 5:38-40, which counsels that: 38 “You have heard that it was said, ‘Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth.’ 39 But I tell you, do not resist an evil person. If anyone slaps you on the right cheek, turn to them the other cheek also. 40 And if anyone wants to sue you and take your shirt, hand over your coat as well.”

    If Abuwatseya had weighed the admonition of “turning the other cheek,” he wouldn’t have sought justice for his assault in an “Eye for eye” by consulting the law firm of Deji Adeyanju and Partners, and allowing the Police to arraign, and the court to dock Ikwechegh. He would simply have licked his wounds and forgot the incident ever occurred!

    Abuwatseya took all Nigerians, the institution of the Police and the legal profession for granted, and threw them under the bus, as his plea for forgiveness doesn’t appear genuinely-introspective. Has some water passed under the bridge, with Abuwatseya pressured or “paid” to recant, which he’s kept away from the public, the Police, and his legal team?

    Ironically in this drama, Ikwechegh’s unfussily presented himself for arraignment, granted bail on non-self-recognisance, showed contrition for his misbehaviour, and made a pledge for community service initiatives to promote respect, empathy, and understanding.

    Ikwechegh’s statement to that effect on October 29 reads: “A video has surfaced, showing me engaging in unacceptable behaviour towards an Uber driver who came to deliver a waybill for me. I am deeply sorry for my actions and acknowledge that they were unacceptable and unbecoming of a public official.

    “As a public servant, I recognize the trust placed in me by my constituents and the Nigerian people. My behaviour fell short of the standards expected of me, and for that, I am truly sorry. I understand that my actions have caused harm and embarrassment to the driver, my constituents, and the nation at large.

    “I want to assure the public that I am fully cooperating with the Nigerian Police investigation into this matter. I support their efforts to ensure that justice is served and that those responsible are held accountable. I also appreciate the swift condemnation of my actions by my party and the Nigerian Police, demonstrating our collective commitment to upholding the law and protecting the rights of all citizens.

    “I am taking immediate steps to address the underlying issues that led to this incident. I am seeking professional counselling to ensure that such behaviour never happens again. I urge all Nigerians to join me in promoting a culture of respect, tolerance, and understanding. We must work together to build a society where everyone is treated with dignity and respect.”

    The latter path Ikwechegh’s trod belies the attitude of most politicians and people of high stations in life in Nigeria, who throw around their power and influence, and ride roughshod on hapless Nigerians, like Abuwatseya.

    Nonetheless, two painful reminders have emerged in this episode: Abuwatseya casting the incident as a “misunderstanding” that needed no third-party intervention; and his treatment of the lawyers, who offered him pro bono service on humanitarian grounds.

    While many may shrug their shoulder and say, “What’s our business if Abuwatseya wants the case closed,” his lawyers’ response touches on his apparent breaking of the attorney-client relationship, which rubs off on their integrity and the legal profession they wanted to uphold by withdrawing their free service to Abuwatseya.

    “We wish to formally announce the withdrawal of our legal representation in the case involving the alleged assault of Mr. Stephen Abuwatseya,” a statement by Zainab Ortega, on behalf of the law firm, said of their withdrawal from the case.

    “After careful consideration, we have made the decision to withdraw our legal representation in order to protect our professional integrity and maintain the highest ethical standard in the legal profession,” the statement added, even as the law firm wished Abuwatseya well, and reaffirmed its commitment to defending the rights of the oppressed and marginalised individuals in society.

    Abuwatseya’s about face reflects a somber lesson for Nigerians, whose quick expression of sympathy for assumed victims verges on a mob’s mentality. Were obviously enraged Nigerians to have access to Ikwechegh at the scene of the “misunderstanding” with Abuwatseya, or soon after, they would’ve given him “jungle justice” before asking – if at all – to know what happened between the duo. By then, it might be too late!

    Yet, the public, the Police and human rights lawyers shouldn’t be deterred and discouraged by the turnabout in the instant case. They’d continue to defend ordinary citizens against the predatory menace of the powerful and the mighty across Nigeria’s landscape.

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit? Who sponsored it? – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    That ‘fake’ Sanwo-Olu vs EFCC suit: Whodunit? Who sponsored it? – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Strange things happen in Nigeria, one of the latest being a suit purportedly filed by Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, to prevent the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) from investigating, arresting, detaining or prosecuting him or his aides after his eight-year tenure of office in 2027.

    However, the Lagos Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Lawal Pedro (SAN), has debunked the widely-publicised suit, saying Sanwo-Olu neither sued nor authorised any legal practitioner to file a suit on his behalf concerning the matter, adding that the EFCC isn’t investigating the governor and hasn’t invited him or threatened to arrest any of his staff, domestic or otherwise.

    The odder and curiouser angle to the alleged pre-emptive writ at the Federal High Court in Abuja is that it’s filed in June 2024, almost three years ahead of Sanwo-Olu’s terminal governance of Nigeria’s commercial capital, the richest State in the Federation, and the fifth largest economy in Africa as of 2022 GDP figures, which Sanwo-Olu’s pledged to advance further by 2027.

    Thus, the suit is a new one on Nigerians, as the proverbial bridge is way too far off – 36 months to Sanwo-Olu’s end of tenure – to attempt to cross before getting there! Snapets from EFCC’s moves against outgoing governors are telegraphed a few months or weeks before they bow out of office, so giving them the jitters. They either begin to express being squeaky clean, alleging political witch-hunt or daring the EFCC to carry out its threat to make them account for their stewardship.

    Since democracy returned in Nigeria in 1999, a few ex-governors have escaped overseas and were forced to return to Nigeria to face prosecution; many have remained in the country to face the EFFC and years of legal ordeal; a couple of them, such as former Ekiti State Governors Ayo Fayose and Kayode Fayemi, have presented themselves to the commission for interrogation and/or prosecution.

    Some former governors have engaged in a hide-and-seek, for instance, Yahaya Bello of Kogi State, who’d gone underground for months only to unexpectedly show up at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja in October 2024, and yet wasn’t booked, interrogated, or detained having been on the wanted list of the EFCC and the courts; two have been tried, jailed and served their sentences; one was tried and jailed but his sentence overturned on appeal and was released from prison; while one was tried overseas and served his sentence before returning to the country.

    Lately, the EFCC threat to investigate, arrest, detain or prosecute former governors has become mostly academic, and the norm rather than the exception. It appears some ex-governors now relish being dragged by the EFCC, at least, as a way to keeping themselves in the news after missing the years of free spotlighting.

    But even as Sanwo-Olu’s reported  counsel, Darlington Ozurumba, sues the EFCC as sole defendant over the said threat to arrest, detain and prosecute the governor after his tenure, the EFCC has denied knowledge, contemplation or plans by the commission or any of its officers to harass, intimidate, arrest or prosecute Sanwo-Olu after May 29, 2027.

    As reported by The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), when the matter was called for mention on October 29, Ozurumba informed the court that he’d withdrawn the earlier originating summons, and that the EFCC had been duly served with the latest court documents, which the commission’s counsel, Hadiza Afegbua, said she’s yet to sight, even as the proof of service of the processes wasn’t in the court file, and Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter to November 26 for further mention.

    In an originating summons, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/773/2024, dated and filed on June 6, Sanwo-Olu, reportedly raising seven questions and seeking 11 reliefs, prays for a declaration that, under and by virtue of the provisions of Section 37 of the amended 1999 Constitution, “the plaintiff, as a citizen of Nigeria, is entitled to right to private and family life as a minimum guarantee encapsulated under the Constitution, before, during and after occupation of public office created by the Constitution.”

    Besides craving a declaration that, upon community reading of the provisions of Sections 35(1) & (4) and 41(1) of the Constitution, the threat of his investigation, arrest and detention by the EFCC during his tenure of office as governor is illegal, Sanwo-Olu allegedly prays the court to declare that the incessant harassment, threat of arrest and detention against him upon the EFCC’s instigation by his political adversaries based on false and politically-motivated allegation of corruption, is a misuse of executive powers and abuse of public office.

    Hence, he purportedly seeks, among others, an order restraining the EFCC from harassing, intimidating, arresting, detaining, or prosecuting him in connection with his tenure as the governor of Lagos State.

    However, the EFCC, describing as speculative and a conjecture the alleged Sanwo-Olu’s claims and reliefs in his fundamental right enforcement suit, has denied it threatened, invited or took any step at all to encroach on the governor’s right to freedom of movement or violated his right to private and family life and personal liberty.

    Countering the originating summons Ozurumba purportedly filed on behalf of Sanwo-Olu, the EFCC, in an affidavit filed on October 31 by its lawyer, Hadiza Afegbua, the deponent, Ufuoma Ezire, told Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court, Abuja, that the plaintiff’s depositions in Paragraphs 4, 5, 6, 7 and even 8 are unfounded, untrue and unknown to the defendant, and calculated to mislead the court, and are hereby denied.

    Noting that the EFCC isn’t investigating Sanwo-Olu, and has never invited him or threatened to arrest any member of his staff, domestic or otherwise, Ezire states that the EFCC invites members of the public for interview, interrogation or any engagement vide a written invitation, phone calls or text messages by any of its officers, who shall introduce themselves by name, rank, designation, and section to enable the invitee trace the officer easily.

    Ezire says the EFCC is unaware of any threat to arrest Sanwo-Olu’s “aides, accusation of maladministration or diversion of Lagos State’s funds nor is it aware of any likelihood of a breach of the applicant’s right to liberty or right to own movable and immovable properties in this case.”

    Stressing that there’s no petition or any intel gathered before the EFCC to warrant its officers to invite, or threaten to arrest the plaintiff at the moment, Ezire asserts that the entirety of the alleged Sanwo-Olu’s dispositions isn’t true, as the application is “misconceived and brought in bad faith to mislead this honourable court,” adding that, “it will be in the interest of justice to refuse the reliefs sought by the plaintiff.”

    Similarly, Mr Pedro, the Lagos Attorney General, in a statement on October 29 rebutting “the news circulating in a section of the media, titled: ‘Sanwo-Olu sues EFCC over alleged plan to arrest, prosecute him after tenure,’” clarified as follows:

    “Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, at no time, sued or briefed any legal practitioner to file a suit on his behalf concerning the above subject matter. Moreover, it is implausible for the Governor, who enjoys immunity as conferred by the Constitution, and has almost three years remaining in office, to engage any lawyer on this matter.

    “To the best of my knowledge, my inquiry confirmed that the EFCC is not investigating the governor and has never invited him or threatened the arrest of any member of his staff, domestic or otherwise. We are currently investigating how the case came to be without our knowledge.

    “For the avoidance of doubt, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu has demonstrated exemplary service delivery and prudent, judicious management of public resources. Therefore, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who is tirelessly working to improve the living conditions of all Lagosians, has no cause for concern when he eventually leaves office at the end of his tenure in May 2027.

    “We, therefore, urge media organisations to be cautious about the reports they publish on their esteemed platforms to avoid misleading the public.”

    Needless to ask: Whodunit? Who sponsored it? Without a doubt, the so-called Sanwo-Olu’s suit, filed by an “unauthorised legal practitioner,” against the EFCC is the handiwork of his political adversaries trying to induce, instigate or coerce the anti-graft agency to embark on a fishing expedition it’s no reasonable grounds for, either from a petition(s) or intel that points to a likelihood of (mis)appropriation of funds and resources of Lagos by the governor or his aides.

    That said, many will defend Governor Sanwo-Olu for perceptively seen as deploying the resources at his disposal to upgrade and develop existing and new infrastructural and human capital needs to match the Lagos motto of “The State Of Excellence” and its Mega City status that’s attracted unprecedented public and private investments.

    These include the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA-) managed ground-breaking Blue and Red Rail Lines, the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system, the proposed Fourth Mainland Bridge, the Atlantic City project, the fully-automated Imota Rice Mill, and the Lekki Free Trade Zone that houses the multibillion dollar 650,000bpd-capacity Dangote Petroleum Refinery – the largest single-train refinery in the world at full capacity – which’s Nigeria’s window to self-sufficiency in production and supply of petroleum products.

    Other areas in the Lagos socio-economic sphere: Education, ICT, innovation and technology, healthcare, commerce, agribusiness, small-scale industries, entertainment, showbusiness, tourism, and youth and sports development are receiving adequate attention, and have become a source of pride to Lagosians, and emulation by other States in Nigeria.

    Lagos, a hub of international engagements all-year-round, has moved up the ladder as one of the most preferred destinations on the continent of Africa, and is up-scaling on the global leisure spots, thanks to Governor Sanwo-Olu and his vastly young, professional, dynamic and dedicated team, who’ve deployed their expertise in various fields to achieve a shared dream of Lagos leading or being among the best in all human endeavours.

    Sanwo-Olu isn’t just a workaholic delivering on the promises of his administration, but he’s the epitome of the alias, “Mr Project,” in the true sense of the lingo in our clime. So, why should he be worried about the EFFC when he’s deploying the resources of Lagos to develop the state to an enviable standard! The “amiable” governor should free his mind and continue “to finish strong” with the good works he’s been doing, for which he’s received unblemished praises, accolades and awards within and outside Nigeria.

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Dangote Refinery’s solo fight against ‘dirty fuel’ dump on Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Dangote Refinery’s solo fight against ‘dirty fuel’ dump on Nigeria – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    If Africa’s richest man and Chairman of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, had thought his efforts and dogged determination to brace the odds and establish the multibillion dollar 650,000bpd-capacity Dangote Petroleum Refinery would bring him praises, and alleviate Nigeria’s decades-long dependence on corrupt and costly fuel importation, that expectation has turned into a nightmare – if not outright mirage.

    The coming on stream of the refinery, launched by former President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday, May 22, 2023 – and subsequent roll-out of its products – has met with obstacles deliberately erected by government officials, institutions and major players in the oil sector that are supposed to encourage, support, and enhance the production, accessibility and affordability of the products to the consumers.

    From failure or refusal of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and International Oil Companies (IOCs) to supply crude to the refinery, to the initial allegation by the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) that the refinery products are inferior and laced with high sulfur.

    And from NMDPRA’s continued issuance of licences to marketers to import reported refined but “dirty fuel” when the Dangote Refinery has enough high-quality fuel in stock, and to NNPCL’s assuming the sole off-taker and retention of power to fix prices for the fuel, it’s been a journey from one problem to another wilfully created by interested parties to impede the refinery’s progress.

    Nonetheless, Mr Dangote and the refinery seem equal to the “oil cabals” at every turn of their shenanigans, the latest being the alleged plans by an indigenous oil company to import off-spec fuel and blend them with products from the Dangote Refinery, and possibly pass them off as sourced from the refinery, or to scramble with the Dangote products for market share.

    Revealing the plot in a statement on November 3, 2024, without mentioning names, the Dangote Refinery said: “An international trading company has recently hired a depot facility next to the Dangote Refinery, with the objective of using it to blend substandard products that will be dumped into the market to compete with Dangote Refinery’s higher quality products.”

    The company – unveiling itself as Pinnacle Oil & Gas Limited – located about 500 metres away, had approached the refinery to extend its pipeline to the company’s tank farms “for the purpose of blending our high-quality products with their imported products and selling them to Nigerians.”

    Following a report about the antic of the company, Pinnacle Oil, without prompting, let itself out of the bag, clarifying that, as the only depot located close to the refinery, it sought to address the concerns raised by the refinery and reinforce its dedication to maintaining high-quality standards in all its products.

    The company said: “Pinnacle Oil & Gas has the only depot facility next to the Dangote Refinery. Without equivocation, we state that Pinnacle Oil & Gas would never engage or attempt to import or distribute any off-spec or substandard product into the Nigerian market. Our company has a reputation for integrity and regulatory compliance, which is extremely important to us.”

    Skirting the issue of blending of off-spec products, the Pinnacle Oil, ostensibly attempting to cast the Dangote Refinery as monopolistic in the oil sector, said that, “deregulated commodity markets work best with an open system of multiple sellers and multiple buyers bidding to establish the market price.”

    “For Nigeria to have supply options that include local refineries or imports is the mechanism that will establish the lowest sustainable prices,” the company said, adding that, “a free market is also regulated to ensure that all products meet the country’s specifications and that all players behave responsibly.”

    But in response to the comment by Mr Robert Dickerman, CEO of Pinnacle Oil & Gas Limited, in defence of his company’s business dealings, the Dangote Refinery, dismissing the notiion of being a monopoly, noted that deregulation isn’t a licence to blend off-spec products, to “jeopardise national interests,” The ConclaveNg reported on November 5.

    “The Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals Company has long been an advocate for deregulation and industrialisation in Nigeria, but our support is rooted in a commitment to the sustainable growth of the country’s economy and the protection of its people from any exploitation,” the refinery said, adding that, unlike Dickerman’s view, “deregulation should not be a licence for the importation and distribution of off-spec products or the subversion of national interests.”

    The refinery noted that, as an American, Dickerman should be aware of how the United States protects its industries, including opposition to the sale of U.S. Steel to Japan’s Nippon Steel; restriction on the use of Chinese-made cranes in American ports; imposition of a 100% tariff on electric vehicles and 50% duty on medical equipment from China; efforts to boost American production of computer chips and medical supplies; and anti-dumping laws that impose tariffs on Chinese goods considered to be unfairly priced.

    The refinery explained that these measures – driven by national security concerns and the need for economic self-sufficiency – are an example of protectionism that prioritises national economic interests over short-term profit, and further demonstrating America’s commitment to safeguarding domestic industries.

    “It is therefore perplexing that Dickerman, with all his experience in the U.S. market, would advocate for the importation and blending of petroleum products to Nigeria under the claim of deregulation and a free market,” the refinery said.

    “The fact is that he (Dickerman) had deceitfully approached us and pleaded that we extend the pipeline from our refinery to Pinnacle’s tank farms for the purpose of blending our high-quality products with their imported products and selling them to Nigerians.

    “We categorically rejected his request to extend our pipeline to their tank farms for such devious purposes because it would be a betrayal of the Nigerian people’s trust. The health and safety of Nigerians cannot – and should not – be compromised for profit.”

    The Dangote Refinery iterated its commitment to ensuring that Nigeria becomes self-reliant in petroleum production, saying, “we welcome competition that drives innovation and quality,” adding, however, that, “we will never allow the continued importation and blending of petroleum products, nor the deliberate destruction of our national economy.”

    Believing that a strong, self-sufficient energy sector is vital to Nigeria’s economic growth, the Dangote Refinery said it “will continue to advocate for policies and practices that protect our industries and the well-being of all Nigerians,” and eagerly anticipates the coming on stream of the Kaduna, Warri, and Port Harcourt refineries before the end of this year, as promised by the Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of NNPCL, Mele Kyari. “This milestone will not only end all baseless rumours of monopoly (by Dangote Refinery) but also position Nigeria as a refining hub for petroleum products in Africa,” it added.

    It’s not the first time that Pinnacle Oil & Gas would be accused of underhand tactic in the importation and/or dealing in unwholesome oils in the Nigerian market. But as reported by The Nation on August 21, the company denied accepting any product that didn’t meet the standard of the NMDPRA and Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) into its tanks.

    In a rejoinder to Mr Dangote’s accusation of NMDPRA’s non-stop issuing of licences to traders to import high-sulphur content diesel and jet A fuel from Malta – which Dangote specifically described as “dirty” – into the country, Mr Dickerman said, “Pinnacle has never accepted any product into our tanks that does not meet all specifications of Nigerian regulations, and we never will.”

    Pinnacle added: “Our regulators oversee quality control of all imported product and has the product inspected by independent, qualified inspectors before issuing a discharge certificate. We can not and will not ever be involved in the distribution of product that does not meet all specifications of Nigerian regulatory agencies.”

    Perhaps, by approaching the Dangote Refinery for extension of its pipeline to the company’s tank farms that deal mainly in imported fuel, Pinnacle Oil may’ve presented its tradusers a villainous fait accompli to scapegoat it as an alleged importer of off-spec or substandard products into the Nigerian market.

    Remarkably, though, Aliko Dangote – and the Dangote Petroleum Refinery – appears the lone voice crying in the wilderness against the unhealthy practices in the oil sector, necessitating the question: Where’s the government in the ding-dong, back-and-forth that’s grave implications for the health of the nation, its citizens and the environment?

    What’s the Tinubu administration – both the executive and legislature – done to ascertain the veracity of these imported substandard products, and the instant revelation to blend same and push them into the market? Is the government handicapped in the circumstances, or it’s abetting and enabling the unpatriotic acts in the industry?

    The situation calls for urgent intervention and investigation, as suggested by the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA), which, via its coordinator, Comrade Emmanuel Onwubiko, on November 5, noted that Dangote had raised similar concerns about “dirty fuel” dump in Nigeria.

    According to HURIWA, substandard fuel, which can cause significant air pollution, increased vehicular emissions, and engine degradation, releases harmful pollutants such as sulfur dioxide and carbon monoxide, contributing to air pollution and potential respiratory diseases,” adding that allowing such products into the market is “tantamount to an assault on public health.”

    Recalling that prior allegations from Dangote regarding “dirty fuel” imports were presented to the House of Representatives, “with little to no follow-up action taken, and accountability remains unaddressed,” HURIWA urged the National Assembly to “prioritize this matter and convene a public hearing to thoroughly examine the allegations.”

    Besides, HURIWA asked the government to demonstrate its commitment to public safety by initiating a swift, transparent, and unbiased investigation into the quality of fuel entering Nigeria, asserting that, “protecting public health is the highest public good.”

    Saying the government must take immediate legal steps to halt the distribution of potentially-harmful products, act decisively, and send a clear message that public safety and product quality are non-negotiable, HURIWA noted that, “this latest controversy presents an opportunity for the government to reaffirm its commitment to public welfare, environmental integrity, and stringent regulatory enforcement.”

    HURIWA argued that Nigeria’s credibility on the global stage is at stake if it fails to maintain stringent standards domestically, stressing, “Nigeria cannot demand accountability from the international community on climate issues while neglecting pollution control at home.”

    Demanding that the regulatory bodies enforce strict standards and conduct due diligence in fuel quality monitoring, HURIWA called for upgrades to NMDPRA’s testing facilities, to ensure all imported products meet the necessary quality standards before reaching consumers, while any individuals or entities found responsible for compromising fuel quality should be sanctioned to deter future incidents.

    The HURIWA recommendations should earn the support of well-meaning Nigerians, while all concerned authorities, including the government and regulatory bodies, should consider them, and do the needful for the sake of the health of the citizens, the protection of the environment, and the maintenance of the good image and reputation of the country in the global community. This isn’t the time for government to dilly-dally, and play the ostrich. It’s time to show leadership, and act quickly, decisively and responsibly!

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

  • Fuel price hikes: NNPCL’s antic to sabotage Dangote, Nigerians – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Fuel price hikes: NNPCL’s antic to sabotage Dangote, Nigerians – By Ehichioya Ezomon

    Nigerians have lost count of the number of times that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has increased the price of petrol (premium motor spirit, PMS) since on May 29, 2023, when President Bola Tinubu, during his inauguration, took the nation by surprise and declared that, “fuel subsidy is gone.”

    Coupled with subsequent floating of the Naira, to find its “true value” within the vagaries of market forces, and other crunchy policies that his administration has introduced, such as the hike in electricity tariffs – all subject to removal of subsidies – Nigerians’ social and economic lives have changed for the worse from the day of the Tinubu sceismic inaugural speech at the Eagle Square in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital city.

    Prices of goods and services have not only skyrocketed, but manufacturers have embarked on shrinkflation (reduction in size or quantity) and skimpflation (reduction in quality) of their products, even as prices keep increasing amid a hyperinflation and low or none purchasing power that’s caused unprecedented hunger and anger across the country.

    Exacerbating Nigerians’ dire straits is the propensity of the NNPCL for incessant increases of the price of petrol, which the so-called state-owned enterprise raised from N184 to N577 per litre moments after Tinubu announced the removal of the fuel subsidy in May 2023, and to N617 and then N897, sparking nationwide outrage, and protest.

    The case has always been that each new fuel price increase comes at an inauspicious time when Nigerians are settling down, and coming to terms with the previous hike, with the latest on October 29 jerking up the prevailing price from N998 to N1,025 per litre in Lagos, and from N1,030 to N1,060 per litre in Abuja.

    Between September and October 2024, the pump price has increased from N897 to N998, and to N1,025 per litre at the NNPCL mega filling stations in Lagos. It now sells in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, at N1,040 per litre, between N1,020 and N1,030 in Lagos, N1,060 in Abuja, and up to N1,350 in far-flung northern States. And it continues to climb, with industry watchers predicting that it could hit N1,500 per litre by Christmas 2024.

    Meanwhile, the NNPCL, which often surreptitiously introduces new fuel prices, has undisguisedly dabble in the affairs of the privately-funded and owned Dangote Petroleum Refinery, which Nigerians have long expected would bring succour and free them from the stranglehold of the NNPCL that’s never served their interest even under the alleged corruption-ladden fuel subsidy regime dominated by frequent hikes in pump price, and induced scarcity of the product, especially during festive seasons.

    From deliberate dithering to supply crude to the multibillion dollar 650,000bpd capacity Dangote Refinery, to fighting to be its sole PMS off-taker, and to continue to import fuel on the pretext that the refinery isn’t meeting its daily requirements, the NNPCL has retained its power to fix prices in a deregulated oil sector that’s supposedly open to willing sellers and willing buyers.

    Lately, the monopolistic tendency of the NNPCL has constrained it to withhold a princely N40bn that members of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) have reportedly paid through the company (NNPCL), to enable them lift fuel from the Dangote Refinery.

    Reacting to the claim by the refinery’s owner and Chairman of the Dangote Group, Mr Aliko Dangote – that marketers were avoiding his refinery in favour of imported petrol –  IPMAN’s President, Abubakar Garima, revealed on Channels Television’s ‘Sunrise Daily’ on October 30 that the IPMAN members were eager to purchase fuel from the refinery if allowed to do so directly.

    “We have over ₦40bn in outstanding debt with the NNPCL. I was surprised when Dangote said he has over 500m litres of PMS. We are ready to buy the product from Dangote if he is ready to sell it to us directly,” Garima said, adding that his members weren’t importing petrol, contrary to Dangote’s suggestion, and urged the refinery to register independent marketers directly, and bypass the NNPCL, to allow for easier loading.

    “If he (Dangote) can sell the product directly to us, we can buy because we pay upfront before loading. Currently, we have ₦40bn with the NNPCL, yet we can’t access the product. Recently, some marketers were sent to load at the Dangote Refinery but were unable to load even after waiting four days with their trucks,” Garima said.

    Noting that IPMAN represents over 20,000 marketers, Garima suggested that, “if the Dangote Refinery allows independent marketers to lift petrol directly, similar to the NNPCL arrangement, Nigerians will likely a reduction in pump prices.” VANGUARD reported on the story.

    On October 30, Aliko Dangote, along with the Minister of Finance, Wale Edun and NNPCL’s Group Chief Executive Officer, Mele Kyari, met with President Tinubu in Abuja, and announced that he had over 500m litres of petrol in storage at his refinery, but that marketers weren’t using his facility – perhaps to remind the president that all his efforts to ensure that the refinery came on stream, and  enough crude supplied to it daily in Naira equivalent, was falling through by no fault of the refinery.

    Debunking IPMAN’s claim, Dangote Refinery’s Group Chief Branding and Communications Officer, Anthony Chiejina, stated on October 30: “The Dangote Petroleum Refinery wishes to clarify that it has not received any payments from the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) to purchase refined petroleum products.

    “Although discussions are ongoing with IPMAN, it is misleading to suggest that they (IPMAN members) are experiencing difficulties loading refined products from our Petroleum Refinery, as we currently have no direct business dealings with them. Consequently, we cannot be held responsible for any payments made to other entities.

    “The payment in mention has been made through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), and not us. In the same vein, NNPCL has neither approved, nor authorised us to release our Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) to IPMAN.”

    Emphasising that the refinery can meet Nigeria’s demand for all petroleum products, including petrol, diesel, and aviation fuel, Chiejina said: “At present, we can load 2,900 trucks per day and we have also been evacuating petroleum products by sea. We advise IPMAN to register with us and make direct payment as we have more than enough petroleum products to satisfy the needs of their members.”

    He appealed to “all stakeholders to refrain from making unfounded statements in the media, as that could undermine the economic re-engineering efforts of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Conducting business through public speculation is counterproductive and unpatriotic.”

    “In the interest of our country, we encourage all stakeholders to collaborate and heed the advice of President Tinubu, while promoting a unified approach, rather than engaging in media conflicts and needless propaganda,” Chiejina said.

    The foregoing illustrates the fact that, if the IPMAN didn’t cry out over its members’ inability to lift fuel they’d paid for from the Dangote Refinery, and the later didn’t rebut the IPMAN claim of its members paying the huge sum into its coffers, the NNPCL would’ve withheld – if it’s still not withholding – the N40bn, ostensibly to trade and earn illegal bountiful commission on the money, and retain both its sole off-taking of fuel from the Dangote Refinery, and the power to dictate its price in the Nigerian market.

    The NNPCL’s antic is a “financial sleight of hand of the worst sort,” and a brazen act of corruption that embodied the subsidy regime that Tinubu’s  vowed to eliminate. But what Nigerians have seen over the past 18 months is that the more things change under the Tinubu administration, the more they remain the same!

    Which begs the question: Does Tinubu really want to tame the octopodal corruption in governance, and particularly in the oil sector managed and manipulated by the NNPCL, or he’s part of the system, and has ascended the presidency to protect it? As the Minister of Petroleum Resources, why is it difficult for Tinubu to combine that pedestal with the almighy powers of the presidency to conquer the “cabals” in the oil industry that the NNPCL seems to be holding their forte?

    The clock is ticking, and the time is running for the Tinubu presidency! The moment has come for him to declare that “enough is enough,” and use his political platform’s “broom” to sweep the NNPCL clean as the starting point of his government’s much-hyped reforms in the oil sector.

    Whether Tinubu’s involved or not in the shenanigans going on under his nose, and on his watch, he should realise that the deliberate stoking of the anger of Nigerians with incessant increases in the price of petrol won’t bode well the next time Nigerians themselves declare that “enough is enough.”

    Indeed, as the Chairman, Centre for Accountability and Open Leadership, Debo Adeniran, noted, as reported by PUNCH on October 30, the decision of the government could “stoke the embers of discord and unleash the people’s anger against the government.”

    Adeniran added: “What the government is doing is to stoke the embers of discord. Of course, the administration is losing support daily, and it will get to a stage whereby nobody will be able to stop the people’s anger. And when the people’s anger is unleashed on the government, we can’t predict what will end it.”

    Patriotic, concerned and rifgt-thinking Nigerians hope and pray that the fuel situation, and its attendant ramifications won’t get to that stage. But as the saying goes, “A stitch in time saves nine.” President Tinubu should act now!

     

    Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.