Tag: Letter

  • PDP in confused state as letter recalling Orbih emerges

    PDP in confused state as letter recalling Orbih emerges

    The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP has been thrown into a state of confusion as a letter showing that Cheif Dan Orbih, the party’s national vice-chairman, South-South was actually recalled from suspension in 2024 has emerged.

    The dilemma of the party is in the face of contentions by some elements in the National Working Committee, NWC that he was not in a position to call the South-South zonal congress where a new zonal executive emerged.

    The letter clearly shows that Orbih was recalled from suspension with an apology by the NWC following the assertion that he was cleared of the allegations of anti-party made against him.

    The letter to Orbih dated October 7, 2024 recalling him from suspension issued by the National Secretary of the party, Senator Samuel Anyanwu read thus:

    Recall From Suspension

    Sequel to the resolution of National Working Committee at its 586th meeting of Wednesday July 10, 2024 to suspend you from al NWC activities and a committee set-up to investigate your alleged involvement in anti-party activities, I write to convey the decision of the NWC at its 592nd meeting to reinstate you and and all the privileges as the National Vice Chairman, South-South with immediate effect.

    The decision was reached after the committee cleared you of the allegations against you.

    The National Working Committee regrets all the inconveniences you may have suffered throughout the period of the suspension.

    Please accept the assurances of our highest regards while we expect your presence in the forthcoming NWC meetings.

    Sen. Samuel Nnaemeka Anyanwu

    National Secretary

    Recall that Nigerian news media was flooded with claims and counter claims on Orbih’s status and his capacity to organise the recent South-South Zonal Congress which elected a new zonal Executive for the PDP in the South-South.

  • Letter to my son in heaven on his birthday – By Adekunbi Ero

    Letter to my son in heaven on his birthday – By Adekunbi Ero

    By Mrs Adekunbi Ero

    My dear Toks, as we all fondly called you; but I proudly called you Apostle of the Most High God, and will continue to do, this letter ought to have been sent to you, July 26, 2024, on the first anniversary of your glorious exit, but I had been too overwhelmed by my emotions to do that.

    It’s incredible; it’s been a whole year since you left us. It’s just like yesterday! The tears have not ceased, the pains still gnawing, tugging at my fragile heart. Your siblings are yet to recover from the shock and agony of losing you.

    Dear son, you left footprints on my heart that time and sorrow can never wash away. I never could have imagined that you would, like a candle in the wind, be blown away so soon – 40 years, overlooking your 41st birthday.

    Today, August 2, you would have turned 42, but we are constrained to celebrate you posthumously. I have no doubt that the saints triumphant are celebrating with you your brief but impactful life. If there’s ever a shindig in heaven, please my love, enjoy every bit of it. You deserve it.

    My darling, like I promised you, your loved ones have been in safe hands. Your humanitarian works have not suffered. Your siblings and I have made sure of that. Ogooluwa, your beloved son, is growing very fast. I am comforted that he called you daddy even before he could call mummy, though his memory of you has gradually faded away. It hurts. He talks well now, and like the one-man army I call him, he is everywhere turning things upside down around the house. He’s quite a handful.

    There are times he would stray to the back of the kitchen overlooking the slum behind us where you normally sat with him, especially in the cool of the evening. There were times he would cry as if longing for you. You were a doting father. You indeed amazed me the way you splashed so much love on him and provided generously for his every need. You found it a great delight and sense of duty bathing him, baby-sitting him, and changing his diapers; making his food and feeding him, acts you mastered so fast. Even when his mother felt frustrated by his cries, you magically pacified him, and rocked him to sleep. It came so naturally to you.

    When people say you cannot give what you don’t have, or that your experience defines you, I dare say you and your brothers were exceptions. The love, care, and attention you didn’t get from your father, you gave generously to your children. In fact, what you went through with him seemed to have acted as catalyst for your resolve to dare to be different. He hurt you, but you were forgiving.

    Judith is fine. She’s now getting ready for call-up for National Youth Service. She’s into business now and trying her hands on other things to be financially independent. But I must say the business environment has been very challenging, and economic survival in the country quite daunting. On this day you would have been celebrating your birthday, you would have been witnessing demonstrations that Nigerians protesting hunger and economic hardship in the country tagged ‘Days of Rage’. It began yesterday, and already, some lives have been lost. Seeing what is happening now, you would have exclaimed, as you were wont to do, ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee!’

    By the way, it would have been so apt because this has been our new national anthem since May 29 when President Bola Tinubu marked his one year in office. Behold, the old has become new, and the new confined to the dustbin of history. Talk about a misplaced priority amid hunger and starvation.

    This brings me to the next issue. Apostle of the Most High, just as you prophesied in one of your video messages released shortly before your exit, famine is here. Hunger is ravaging families. The poor are selling some of their children to buy a bag of rice to feed other members of their families. Let me shock you; a bag of rice sells for as high as N90, 000 and above, far higher than the celebrated new minimum wage of 70, 000 Naira. Nigerians are no longer able to buy a whole tuber of yam, which sells for about N9,000 to N10,000 and traders have devised the means of cutting one into three or more so that those who crave it can afford it. We now ingeniously cook our stews with carrots and cucumber because the prices of tomatoes and pepper have gone sky high.

    I remember you also personally warning your siblings and I during one of our Bible studies to prepare ahead like it was done in Egypt. You said a Joseph needed to arise to plan for the imminent days of leanness and famine. We never thought it would come upon us so soon, and that you would not be around to experience it. But we are comforted by the words of Apostle Paul in Philippians 1: 20 – 23. You chose the far better option of going to be with Christ. Yet, we thank God for His mercies that when people are saying there is a casting down, His beloved are saying there is a lifting up. (Job 22:29)

    Just as you also prophesied, a lot has happened in the African continent, and a lot still unfolding in line with the vision God gave you as documented in your hurriedly produced book, ‘God’s Vision And Purpose For Africa’ published in October 2016.

    You said, “The writing of this book is in obedience to His instruction to “publish it all over Africa”. The message is: “God is doing a new thing in Africa; “Shall you not know it?” (Isaiah 43:19). This new thing is succinctly summarised thus: “An African continent that is wholly Christian; First World; and galvanised by a new generation of young Christian leaders … As with God, whenever he wants to do anything great with any generation, he usually sends someone who would champion that cause.

    “We have received the revelation from God about his plan for Africa and the things that are going to be coming to pass shortly in Africa. Being revealed are already prepared young Christian leaders that God is going to bring to the limelight to champion the cause he has for Africa in these times. These young Christian leaders have already been prepared and are still being prepared and will continue in the work that God has called them to do. They will also raise other Christian leaders who would succeed them by duplicating themselves such that the vision is continued, and everything goes smoothly as God has planned.

    “When God wanted to take away the sins of the world, he sent his only son Jesus Christ to die on the cross of Calvary to redeem us from the curse of sin and usher us into a new life of salvation. When God wanted to bring out the children of Israel from slavery in Egypt, he sent his son Moses to go unto Pharaoh and tell him about His will for His people – the Israelites). And we know the signs and wonders that followed at that time, such that Egypt and the Pharaoh had no option but to let the people of God go. We know also of the story of Joshua and Caleb and how God used them to lead the Israelites from the wilderness into the Promised Land. These were very young men, who championed the cause of leading their nation into the promised land after the death of Moses”.

    Even in your lifetime, the vision had started to come to fulfillment with the rise of such vibrant, spirit-filled young preachers like Pastor Arome Osayi, Michael Orokpo, Jerry Eze, Joshua Selman, and a host of others who are shining the light and taking the gospel of Christ round Africa and the world.

    Similarly, you prophesied a shaking in the leaderships of countries in the continent. Under the sub-title, Riot Act, you had written: “and that we may be delivered from unreasonable and wicked men; for not all have faith.” (2nd Thessalonians 3:2 NKJV)

    “Old and wicked leaders who are currently benefiting from the poor state of the African continent and continue to perpetuate themselves in office and maintain the precarious status quo will be disgraced, destroyed, and punished by our God. The foolishness of the past has ended. You have had your time. The curtains have been closed on your era. Your time has elapsed. You have expired. This is a new season.

    “Any attempt to continue the evils of the past or to stifle the rise of the young will be met with God’s wrath and fury. I advise you not to dare God or believe that you can try His patience and probably gain a second chance at wisdom and repentance. You will be sorry. God is as wrathful as He is loving and merciful. You cannot afford to gamble with Him now. The consequences are dire: death, debilitating and incapacitating illnesses, etc. Be warned!!!”

    God’s word to you have not fallen to the ground but found fulfillment in happenings around Africa where, barely four years after the book was published, seven coups had taken place in the continent since August 2020, with the one in Niger Republic, our very close neighbour, taking place exactly the day God took you away to be with Him – July 26, 2023.

    Then there was Burkina Faso with two putsches in eight months – January 24, September 30, 2022; Sudan, October 25, 2-21; Guinea, September 5, 2021, after 11 years rule by President Alpha Condé; Mali, two coups in nine months – August 18, 2020, and May 24, 2021.

    Three of these countries – Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso in January 2024, announced their withdrawal from ECOWAS which they accused of slamming them with “inhumane” sanctions to force them to reverse their respective coups.

    And guess what! Presently, in some African countries, the heat has been turned on the leaders for the unbearable hardship and hunger they have inflicted on their citizens. The youths are revolting and are determined to have the wicked and corrupt politicians for supper. President Tinubu, current leader of West African States, is not spared. The recent uprising started in Kenya; Uganda took the baton, and now Nigeria has taken her position on the track, wielding the baton. Who knows which country will take over and breast the tape. The greedy and corrupt politicians are no longer comfortable in their outlandish mansions, and like the common citizens, they are fleeing, ‘japaing’ out of the country in droves to escape the wrath of the asphyxiated people. The days of rage are here. The youths say they want to take back their country.

    My sweetheart, enough of my epistle on our present trajectory in Nigeria, and Africa. It was foretold.  Before I conclude, let me thank you immensely for the seed of love and kindness you sowed that we are harvesting now. Some of your family members and friends have been very supportive. Uncle Okuns, (Okungbowa Isaac Ero) as you and your siblings fondly called him, has kept faith with the guardianship role your father gave to him. He has remained a pillar of support to the whole family – your wife, your son, your siblings, and I, your mother. So also, your cousin, Mary-Jane who had been committed to the welfare of your son, Ogo. My big sister, Mrs. Ibidun Olufunwa, and my younger sister, Omowaleola Adeleye, have also been awesome. May the Lord reward and bless them all immeasurably.

    Marvin Ogo in the UK, your brother from another mother and ethnic nationality, has been awesome. He is a friend indeed, even though I didn’t know much about him until your passing! I don’t know how to begin to enumerate how he has stood with the family emotionally and financially. There was one thing he said to me that brought tears to my eyes. He said, “if I were the one this happened to, Toks would have done much more for my family”. I pray that God will grant him longevity and perfect everything concerning him. He’s simply been so amazing.

    How can I fail to mention my amazing boss, Nosa Igiebor, who daily encourages and lifts my spirit with inspirational and Biblical quotes.

    Spiritually, Rev. and Rev. Mrs. David Izuagie and Pastor Samuel Izirein and His Elect Ministry, have continued to uphold us in prayers. They have been good shepherds. So also, Pastor and Pastor Mrs. Ademola Adesina, of the RCCG Gates of Zion, my new family in Christ since I moved to Lagos who never left me alone all through the period of our grief.

    Enough of my banter, my love. It is prayer time. I know you will be happy to hear that. You were a man given to ceaseless prayers and fasting. I am praying that God will grant me and all your loved ones that same grace such that with our last breath, as it was reported of you in your final moment, we would still be praying.

    Goodnight, my love. A true Apostle of the Most High God.

    Your Dear Mama

    MRS. ADEKUNBI ERO

  • I don’t care, my letter to PSG didn’t kill anyone – Mbappe

    I don’t care, my letter to PSG didn’t kill anyone – Mbappe

    Paris Saint-Germain star Kylian Mbappe admits he expects to play out next season with the Ligue 1 champions.

    The striker is about to enter the final year of his contract and has no intention of extending it – which he informed PSG via letter.

    A move to Real Madrid has been mooted, but Mbappe says: “I’ve already answered that. My objective is to stay, that’s my only option for now. I’m waiting for questions from now on about the match of my national team.

    Much has been made of the letter he sent to PSG, informing the club hierarchy that he would not be extended his stay with the club. but Mbappe feels as though this has been blown out of proportion.

    “I don’t think that a letter kills someone, I don’t care about that. I didn’t think it would offend anyone: I just sent a letter.

    “It has not been sent now, there are things that surprise me and I insist, I expect questions about the match.

    “People can talk, criticize…. I know why I do what I do and why I say what I say. People don’t know all the ins and outs”.

  • Letter from Emeka Odimegwu Ojukwu – By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha

    Letter from Emeka Odimegwu Ojukwu – By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha

    If you had any doubts about the authenticity of this letter, let me assure you that I am still involved, very involved in all that you do, and experience in our beleaguered country, especially with the stupid wanton killings in the southeast, by unknown gunmen, the ubiquitous Fulani herdsmen, Eastern Security Network and the Buhari-government-outlawed-IPOB. And we are deeply upset hereabouts. Not even in the period preceding the 1967 conflagration did the nation witness so much brutality, hopelessness, uncertainty, and poverty. It is unbecoming of a nation so blessed with natural and human resources!

    How are you all? We know things are not rosy. The entire world is currently in a turmoil. Poverty and hunger are real. Indeed, Nigerians are coping better with the economic hardship than Europeans who have lived a life of luxury. Else, how do you account for a worker on a 30k monthly salary still paying school fees for three kids and feeding once a day and still smiling to church or the Mosque? It is not a happy thing. No, not a happy situation.

    I’m involved not simply with my beautiful, delectable-First Lady-slapping Bianca whom I parted with when I joined the ancestors! I’m involved in the Nigeria project; an arcane project which was cobbled together by the colonial old-fashioned rapacious British, battered by politicians, and militarized by adventurists in the Nigeria Army and thrown into confusion by the extremists occupying Aso Rock and some State government Houses, north and south currently. I’m still at a loss why and how the people of Imo State allow Hope Uzodinma to happen. We know the role of the Supreme Court in the whole matter, and we are waiting for those renegades to join us and face interrogation from their ancestors! Injustice fuels rebellion. Guerilla rebellion creates permanent instability, thereby making progress difficult or impossible. In a sense, Nigeria is the very definition of injustice. I will dwell on this at some length in future.

    It is true that I led the movement to dismember Nigeria into different sovereign nations. Looking back now, I do not regret the breakaway effort. It is also true that if that quest for Biafra had succeeded the nation would have been better for it. Nigeria can only fully develop its potential in a truly federal state; not the unitary system that was foisted by the military and now sustained by civilians. Isn’t that why different movements for ethnic and regional autonomy have sprung up? This is not the purpose of my letter which I am writing on behalf of the Assembly of Past Stakeholders in the Celestial realm! Sorry for going into my personal thoughts.

    I’m involved at a higher, indeed the highest level, that of an ancestral statesman, sitting in conference with such veterans as Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Tafawa Balewa, Anthony Enahoro, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, JS Tarka, KO Mbadiwe, Abubakar Rimi, Aminu Kano, Efe Jereton-Mariere, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh (Omimi Ejoh), Sir Aderemi Adesoji, Chief Akintola, Umaru Dikko, Shehu Shagari, and the many others. We asked the soldiers to stand aside because we haven’t forgiven them for plunging the nation into years of administrative misadventure. Murtala Mohammed has been in the forefront of apologia, stating that their intervention was in the national interest. Who determines the national interest?

    The last letter from Chief Awolowo to your earthling conveyed our worries. I was advised to write this time because of the uncertain situation in the southeastern part of the country. It is the belief of Conference that the armed boys in the southeast are killing that region. What sense does it make to order all peoples in Igbo land to sit at home every Monday, the first day f business? Who does it help? Who does it hurt? Where did such foolishness, unknown among the Igbo spring from? I am at a loss.

    So, this is an appeal from me, erstwhile main fighter for Igbo liberation to my people. I know that you are yet to reap the state benefit of reintegration after the civil war. But my advice is that you should reconsider your strategy. Conference of Elders here has decided not to endorse any candidate. Out of respect for plurality and the need to remain united up here, we have decided that every Nigerian should vote according to their conscience. The presidential contest is a four-way track. They all have their strengths. I have my candidate and have since sent my personal endorsement to the leaders in Awka, Enugu, Owerri, Aba, and Abakaliki. Some of them were arguing with me about mainstream politics, but I ignored them. They argued that Ifeanyi is also our son. No problem with that. He has my support too. Let the kite perch. Let the eagle perch. One of them will eat the lion share and the reward will come to Ndigbo. This is my personal response to them though as a conference we have not endorsed any candidate.

    Am I talking from both sides of the mouth? You should be discerning enough to know that the wind could blow in any direction. We are not clairvoyant yet, though we have joined the occupants of the multiple-storey building. So, we are not too certain. By the way, what has become of Nigeria Air? There was so much noise about flying the Nigerian Flag through the skies. Too bad. A national carrier will give the nation great mileage apart from ferrying millions of Nigerians across the world daily!

    It is foolishness to continue to impot fuel. It is another level of foolishness to hinge the stoppage of fuel importation on one man, I mean, Dangote. This is the time to diversify things. What has happened to the country with cement monopoly should not be replicated in the oil sector. The danger is that if anything goes wrong, we will return to Square One. Let a thousand flowers bloom in the fuel refining business. It is our considered view that a southern businessman or a group of southern businessmen should float a refinery too. Such a project should be in the Niger Delta. Equity demands this.

    Finally, we wish you well as you move nearer the month of February when elections will be held. We are not likely to write another letter till after the elections. Just remember that there is life after elections.

  • Letter from Chief Awolowo – By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha

    Letter from Chief Awolowo – By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha

    It has been a while since I last wrote to you compatriots if I may still refer to you as such. Up here we are disturbed by the insane and criminal hustling that has become politics in the country.

    We are also worried about the economy, (what is this story about the Central Bank Governor and the DSS?), insecurity, inflation, poverty, banditry, and hunger in the land.

    We had a meeting last week; it was chaired by Zik. Ahmadu Bello, Balewa, Ojukwu were all present. Murtala came in late and sat quietly through the meeting, fuming over corruption and why his erstwhile colleagues had become so compromised that they looked the other way.

    I saw a recently deceased Army Chief of Staff remonstrating with him over the outmoded violent way of changing governments. What about Mali and Burkina Faso the fiery General asked loudly. Zik advised him to give up such thoughts because their misadventure in 1966 did not save the country from anarchy. If civilians had been running the country in 1966, there would have been no war, he concluded.

    Fela sent a message through the young Okposo that he wasn’t going to attend a meeting with the ‘politicians who destroyed the country’ and that he was still waiting for the militician who threw his mother out the window in Kalakuta. Madam Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was in full attendance still spitting fire about the absence of women in the centre of power. What about Shehu Shagari and Umoru Yar ’Adua? They were present too, along with Tunji Brathwaite and Lateef Jakande. Tarka and Daboh sat in one corner throughout the meeting discussing Fulani incursion inro Tivland and how they must urge Ortom to stand firm against restoring grazing routes!

    The ASUU strike occupied our attention here. Sadly, the government handled the situation poorly. How do you pay a professor four hundred thousand naira monthly? Why did they allow the strike to drag for eight long months? Yet we hear that trillions of naira from Stamp Duty have been cornered by a few powerful persons. Heaven will punish them with an ailment that nobody can cure for exploiting the poor and killing education. The government should pay the backlog of salaries due to ASUU. The spirit of teaching has been killed in many of them. This government will only kill the public university system if they continue this way.

    The debate centered on whether we should intervene in the hocus-pocus that has become politics in your world, and the level of looting of public funds. Gani Fawehinmi argued brilliantly for hours on why we should guide you all with knowledge from the other world. On the other side of the argument was Justice Oputa ably supported by Archbishop Idahosa. Their view was that if politicians do not listen to the preachers with them what would they make of a letter from an assembly of dead old People, asking whether a drop of water could quench the thirst of people in hell? I finally advised that there was no harm in trying to tactfully steer the affairs of our people and that things have degenerated so badly that even God Almighty was alarmed. It was for this reason I was mandated to write this letter.

    It seems that the Man in Aso Rock is the only good main this government. Sadly, he does not seem to have enough information about the ongoings in his government. Old age debilitations and a mind that trusts people who pledge to be good seem to affect him. We are indeed worried about how loose his grip is over government officials. He seems to be surrounded by a brood of vipers, feeding fat on the integrity of the Aso Rock Man. I remember when he in 1983 his government claimed that Chief Bisi Onabanjo had been interrogated and I corrected them that at the time that pronouncement was made, Chief Onabanjo had not been interrogated at all. General Idiagbon was running the show and giving him feedback. Who is his point man in the scheme of things? Who are his genuine loyalists? Are they truly loyal? Are they managing the economy well? Is it a free for all government? He should remember that a government is not jugged by its intentions. A government is assessed both in the short and long terms by its actions. There is too much hunger and anger in the land.

    As for those fellows jostling for the Presidency, we have decided not to endorse anyone of them. We would like Nigerians to make a sensible choice. INEC seems to be serious about conducting a free and fair competition. Politicians are still scheming anyway to scuttle things. This CBN policy that is designed to mop excess currency from private hands appears good on the surface. But we have no faith in it. The big men of the country have already done enough damage and made emergency plans to access cash. The time has come for revolutionary thinking. Do not elect a leader whose health is a challenge even before occupying the seat. The current experience is enough pointer to the danger of electing a sick leader. Indeed, we expected PDP like APC to zone power to the south after eight years of President Buhari. There is need for regional balancing. PDP should put its house in order. I wonder why Atiku has not been able to pacify Wike. That man is a one-man riot squad, and he seems to sway opinions against Atiku. With the dismal state of the national economy, APC should stand no chance in 2023. But voting patterns in Nigeria have never followed any logic. Indeed, Shagari has told me here that I should have been allowed to manage Nigeria in 1979.

    As for Peter Obi he has gained popularity across the country. We do not endorse anybody because even here we have not reached a consensus. But we agreed to urge all Nigerians to vote according to their conscience. We commend President Buhari for saying that Nigerians should vote whoever they think can right the wrongs of the country. That is the spirit of a statesman.

    Finally, the year is coming to an end. Let the government work on food security. Let the economy work. Let hope be restored to the people. The picture we see here is frightening. May God save the country that we so worked for.

  • A letter to Sam – By Azu Ishiekwene

    A letter to Sam – By Azu Ishiekwene

    Dear Chairman,

    It was about this time eight years ago, wasn’t it? I’m talking of course of when you took what was perhaps the most audacious, some may even say, most controversial political decision of your career at the time to run for the Presidency.

    You had talked and written about what was possible for over 20 years. Now, it was time to just get in there and do it! To show that Big Ideas was not a pipedream but a possibility.

    I don’t know which was more difficult: the decision to run or the decision – when you finally made it – to tell your mentor of several decades, General Muhammadu Buhari (as he then was), that you were going to run against him. 

    Do you still remember when we first talked about the latter in my office around early 2014 before the APC presidential primaries in December of that year? 

    “O-o-o-f course, now!”, I can almost hear you say, rocking with laughter and a mocking glare.

    I’m sure you do. And I remember, too, what you said happened when, after a long period of consultations and meetings, you finally visited the General in his Abuja lair, to tell him you would be running against him.

    You told me, as you set your trademark red cap on my office table that harmattan afternoon, that the discussion started with your usual jokes and laughter. And when you finally told him you had something very important to say, the atmosphere changed. 

    He invited you into his inner room where you both sat down to talk. He probably knew what it was – you both knew – because the rumour was rife. But you both pretended neither knew. And I still remember what you said his response was, after you finally told him you were going to run against him in the party primary for the presidential ticket.

    “That’s OK, Nda. I wish you the best.” And then, a cold chill descended on the room. That chill was to later spill out of the room, spreading to Buhari’s inner political circle where some who could not accept the courage of your conviction made heavy-weather of it, and even weaponised it afterwards.

    It didn’t matter that you said at your remarkable speech in Minna when you launched your campaign that it was not a do-or-die affair. That anyone of the five of you who emerged APC’s presidential candidate would be far, far better than the incumbent. The rest, of course, is history.  

    What that history will say about your mentor, Buhari, who is rounding up his eight years in office is still being written. You saw and read a bit of it before Friday, December 11, 2020 when you crossed to the other side. You were already becoming visibly uncomfortable discussing Buhari’s government. That was clear to people who knew you.

    With less than six months before your mentor leaves office, I wonder how much time you spend these days following the media thread on his administration? Inflation, according to the National Bureau of Statistics is 19 percent; but food inflation is worse. Groundnut, your favourite snack, for example, which was around N800 a bottle when you passed two years ago, is now N1,200. 

    The number of out-of-school children has nearly doubled from 11million in 2020 to 22million as of this year. And as if that is not bad enough, university teachers, on the watch of your very good friend Malam Adamu Adamu, just returned from an eight-month-long strike – one of the longest in the country’s history with enough blame to go round for the teachers and the government, but without any hint that it might be the last time it would happen.

    And, oh, was the Japa wave the social currency of migration before you passed? I’m not sure it was. But believe me, Chairman, the wave is so big today that friends in the financial services sector tell me that “proof of funds” – the evidence of financial sufficiency required of intending japa-rers by embassies – is the largest stream of income for a number of finance houses in the country today. 

    About 727 medical doctors trained in Nigeria relocated to the UK in the last one year alone. Data from the registry of the Nursing and Midwifery Council of the UK reported that the number of Nigeria-trained nurses increased by 68.4 percent from 2,790 in March 2017 to 7,256 in March 2022.  

    In the 2022 brochure of graduating students of the University of Hertfordshire, UK, for example, out of the 131 students graduating in Nursing alone, 79 are Nigerians.

    A current subject of UK public interest, for example, was a report that the number of dependents accompanying our students is 40 percent of all dependents accompanying UK-based students.

    Perhaps I should say a word, at this time, about our relationship with China, a relationship which you contributed your quota in nurturing as a private sector citizen who believed it was both the prudent and practical thing to do, especially in light of the shenanigans of the West. 

    Our love of China is waxing cold. That has nothing to do with the extraordinary efforts of the current ambassador, Cui Jian Chun, to model a relationship rooted in the core value of “harmony”. 

    Apart from COVID-19, which created its own global supply chain problems, I think the Chino-Nigerian relationship is overdosed on low-interest loans from China. We currently owe China about $10billion, which is about 12 percent of Nigeria’s debt stock. 

    Although the government insists that the Chinese loans are tied largely to infrastructure, there have been concerns that we’re not just owing, but that, in fact, our children may have also borrowed from China.  

    While the hairsplitting continues over whether Nigeria is facing a debt crisis – or whether, as the Ministry of Finance insists, we’re facing a “revenue problem” – there’s no controversy over the massive vandalism and stealing of crude oil. 

    When you were still threatening to take a cane to Aso Rock, Nigeria was losing $1.63 billion yearly from the theft of 200,000 bpd. Between January and July this year alone, we have lost $10billion! Which means, to use your words, “We have been stolen with the oil.”

    It’s the sort of absurdity over which you used to famously describe a former President as “utterly clueless” and yet, lacking in grace to accept his incompetence. 

    “Azu, what is this now…w—h—a—t is this?”, I can almost hear you stammer in embarrassed agitation.

    Yet, if you were here, writing these closing chapters of Buhari’s story as you wrote those of President Goodluck Jonathan and President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua so eloquently and so unsparingly, I sometimes wonder what you would be saying. 

    Of course, you stopped writing shortly before you threw your hat in the ring, but your heart did not stop beating for Nigeria, for the unfinished work of making Nigeria great again, and for the belief that with the right leadership in one united country, we can show the world the way.

    What was it you used to call them – I mean your friends in high places who occasionally let the country down so badly, you didn’t just know what to do? 

    Ah, I remember! “My S-O-B….Ha!ha!ha!” That’s what you used to say. But believe me, Chairman, if they were few two years ago, they’re quite a community these days and growing strong!

    Of course, the government has not been without its reasons, chief among which have been COVID-19, the fluctuation in oil prices and, the latest of which has been the Russian-Ukraine war, which has lasted 10 months now.  

    By the way, I’m sure you know your party’s candidate for the February 2023 election and how your party’s primaries went this time. For days before, and later, weeks after the primaries, I couldn’t help thinking what you would have done this time. 

    Your party presented a most interesting list indeed, one that included a few of your very close allies. At one point, in fact, I was nearly certain it would also include former President Jonathan! 

    Every party primary, as you know, has its dramatic moments and this one was no exception. 

    I don’t know how it would have ended if you had been around. But looking back at your party’s primary in May, it seemed to me that perhaps that was exactly the moment you were preparing for eight years ago. How it was not to be, only God knows. 

    But the sheer lack of content, depth and thoroughness this time was so evident it made the outcome an anti-climax and your absence even more painful.

    But as they say, it is what it is….

     

    Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP

  • The letter, the spirit, and The Letterman – By Azu Ishiekwene

    The letter, the spirit, and The Letterman – By Azu Ishiekwene

    If there was a prize for Nigeria’s number one letter writer, journalist-turned-lawyer and one-time minister, Tony Momoh, would appear to be the undisputed champion.

    The late Momoh performed the difficult task of making sense of General Ibrahim Babangida’s largely messy and convoluted political and economic programmes by writing regular letters to “fellow countrymen”. His extensive and elaborate undertaking later packaged as a book entitled, Letters to my Countrymen, was, to put it mildly, a labour of misery. It was a thoroughly thankless job.

    But how can Momoh’s letters ever hope to compete with those of former President Olusegun Obasanjo? It’s not about differences in the audiences alone. There are also significant differences in approach, temperament, style, context, message and, of course, potency. 

    Momoh may get the prize for the most consistent cabinet minister who tried to endear a largely despised government to the public through regular correspondences later codified. 

    But the record of the most controversial, most volatile — and some might even add, most annoyingly pontifical epistles — may deservedly go to Obasanjo, a medal that only his daughter, Iyabo, attempted in vain to snatch in just one devastating piece of literary ambush. 

    It would seem that this was a latter-day hobby, cultivated in the last one and a half decades or so after Obasanjo was accused of behaving as if he left something behind in office. But a new book by Nigeria’s foremost investigative journalist, multiple award-winner, and Editor-In-Chief of Premium Times, Musikilu Mojeed, suggests very clearly that Obasanjo’s love of letter-writing has been a life-long indulgence.

    Mojeed’s new book, The Letterman, an enthralling narrative in presidential history, provides rare access into the literary closet of a man loved and despised almost in equal measure, but who remains – like him or not – perhaps the most consequential leader in Nigeria’s turbulent 62-year history.

    As far as good occasionally comes from bad, it is gratifying that the Obasanjo Presidential Library, which was built with over N6 billion largely from cronies rounded up in Obasanjo’s last days in office in defiance of public criticisms, is turning out to be a treasure trove of extremely valuable historical stuff.   

    Until I read The Letterman, I wasn’t quite sure who the real letterman was — whether it was Mojeed, a journalist with well over two and a half decades of extraordinary variety of stories — or Obasanjo whom most might be forgiven to think used Babangida as first target-practice at letter-writing.

    From the account in The Letterman, however, by the time Obasanjo took on Babangida in the public arena around the mid-1990s, the former president was already an accomplished author of sorts, with a fairly large and even dangerously vitriolic collection to show for his long-standing talent. 

    Apart from letters written to him by his parents 70 years ago, he started cultivating his love of correspondences as far back as over five decades ago. In Mojeed’s words, “Obasanjo’s records show that he has been writing to almost every key person who played important roles in the affairs of Nigeria, Africa and the world since 1969.”

    From head of State Yakubu Gowon to President Shehu Shagari and from Babangida to Sani Abacha and even first premier of the Western Region, Obafemi Awolowo, and a number of foreign leaders, Obasanjo never shied away from telling them, in writing, exactly what he thought, sometimes even at considerable personal risk.

    His letter to his superior officer, Brigadier Eyo Okon Ekpo at the height of the Nigerian civil war in 1969, for example, made me wonder if many officers who were compelled to fight Boko Haram with bare hands at some point during the insurgency, would have dared to think of, much less compose, such a letter. 

    And what did Obasanjo have against his superior? While the war raged, Brigadier Ekpo had managed to enroll as a part-time law student of the University of Lagos. Obasanjo found out. 

    Instead of enriching the rumour mill with his own version of gossip, he wrote his boss questioning the propriety of his decision in war time, when other officers who could also squeeze out spare time for a past-time sacrificed it for the country. 

    Yet, credit must also go to Brigadier Ekpo who, instead of taking offence (Major General Mamman Vatsa was executed for reasons that remain unclear), took the criticism in his stride, saying, “I will continue with my reading, and any officer or individual who does not like it may please himself.”

    There’s no indication what Obasanjo did after that.

    But that encounter certainly did not impair his appetite for throwing punches above his weight. He landed a literary blow against his army chief, Brigadier Hassan Katsina, who had expressed concern about some changes he was making in his Division. Obasanjo said, in writing, to his boss, that he was “disappointed and disturbed” that his boss should express apprehension based on a suspicion of tribalism.

    Obasanjo did not spare his commander-in-chief, Gowon. During the war, for example, he wrote “at least four unsparing letters”, accusing the military authorities of tempting defeat by sleepwalking over his request for vital war equipment supplies, a charge that, if the shoe had been on the other foot, Obasanjo would hardly have taken with the calmness with which Gowon treated it.

    But Obasanjo being Obasanjo, neither personal safety nor sense of danger matters when national unity, reputation — or as it sometimes turns out, personal ego — is at issue. In about 130 published and previously unpublished letters and mimeographs, with a collection of a few rare photos of the former president laid out in 462 pages of 25 chapters, The Letterman is a story of Obasanjo’s odyssey through his personal letters.

    Hardly a man of few words when he chooses to write, perhaps the longest of the letters in the book was Obasanjo’s response to Major James Oluleye, who upon the outbreak of the civil war decided to voluntarily forgo his scheduled staff course in India and requested, instead, to be posted to the warfront. 

    The erstwhile National Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Audu Ogbeh, had his fair share of Obasanjo’s lengthy epistolary attack too, which eventually ended in his removal; but Oluleye’s letter beats Ogbeh’s for length, though not for vitriol.

    A disagreement over strategy between him and Obasanjo led to an incredible literary crossfire, in which Obasanjo reminded Oluleye (the operations officer of the Nigerian Army at the time), in one of the most ponderous pieces in the collection, that he (Obasanjo) read his battle more “on the ground, rather than on the map”, a sarcastic reference to the former’s background role during the war.

    If the letterman’s missile to Oluleye stood out for its length and sarcasm, the cache of letters to Babangida in this collection was remarkable for both length and sarcasm, not to mention their frequency, intensity and, well, damning wit. Yet, given Babangida’s gift for taking Nigeria for a ride at the time, not a few thought he was eminently deserving of Obasanjo’s bitter tongue. 

    Just like he would do to Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari many years later, although under different circumstances, Obasanjo told Babangida to stop playing games with the country. “Just pack and go,” he said in a letter that summed up the country’s mood at the time. 

    In six years of painstaking work rendered with significant restraint, Mojeed curated letters that captured Obasanjo’s domestic wars (the face-off with Lt. Col. Godwin Alabi-Isama raged for years, spilling into their post-service era). If Obasanjo was a prophet without honour at home, the book doesn’t leave out his clout on the foreign stage, where he is without question, one of the continent’s most durable, respected and accomplished figures. 

    The Letterman also portrays the little-talked-about side of the man — his sense of gratitude and loyalty to his friends (he cherished and preserved his relationship with Chukwuma Nzeogwu beyond the latter’s death and never forgot, to the last person, those who stood by him when Abacha imprisoned him). 

    Obasanjo gave as much as he took. Yet, in over five decades of his epistolary odyssey, two responses to his letters shed important light on his psychology. 

    One was Obafemi Awolowo’s response to Obasanjo’s letter of December 13, 1979. In an attempt to set the records straight, and possibly absolve his government of favouring Shagari in 1979, Obasanjo had taken exception to Awolowo’s damning address at his party’s congress. 

    Within two days, Awolowo replied in detail, with logic, argument, facts and language that would seem to condemn the retired military head of state to a place in hell and yet make him feel obliged to look forward to the trip. 

    It was one of the few responses in the book for which Obasanjo had nothing to say in reply. But more importantly, it also said something about the letterman’s psychology: in spite of his extraordinary appetite for literary pugilism, he knows when to throw in the towel!

    Yet, there was another famous reply, omitted in the book, which the letterman will not forget in hurry: the July 18, 2003 reply of Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka. 

    The letter, released after Soyinka insisted that there was “a nest of killers” in Obasanjo’s government following the murder of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Bola Ige, was in response to Obasanjo’s letter of July 14, saying Soyinka was harsh with his government because he did not give the laureate’s nominees government positions.

    After Soyinka’s reply in which he described Obasanjo as a “Rambo on the loose” and the former president’s letter as “the low watermark of his correspondence career”, nothing more was heard from the letterman for a very, very long time.

    But The Letterman is not a psychoanalysis of the bully complex. It’s a story of Obasanjo’s patriotism and his opportunism, his heroics and his hubris, his courage and his conceitedness. 

    It might be harsh to liken the letters to the Picture of Dorian Gray, Oscar Wilde’s Gothic fiction of how our obsessions reflect our inner turmoil however we might try to disguise or deny them. But the truth is, in those letters, we see Obasanjo, not as fiction, but as he really is.

    He is, after all, human.

     

    Ishiekwene is Editor-In-Chief LEADERSHIP

  • El Rufai: Letter From the Front Line – By Chidi Amuta

    El Rufai: Letter From the Front Line – By Chidi Amuta

    The reign of terrorists is not without its own sardonic humour. Soon after storming Kuje prison in Abuja to free their comrades in arms, ISWAP terrorists indicated an interest in two pricey trophies: President Muhammadu Buhari and, my friend and brother, Nasir El Rufai, Governor of Kaduna State. While their interest in the president as their adversary in chief is understandable, the choice of El Rufai was somewhat curious. Why not Bello Matawalle of Zamfara, the national epicenter of all the variants of terrorism or Babagana Zulum of Borno state where it all began or, for that matter, even Aminu Masari of Buhari’s home state of Katsina who has advocated that citizens arm themselves against bandits and terrorists. In the buffet menu of ready targets for the jihadists’ human acquisition, there are too many attractive gubernatorial takeaways. I am fascinated by the terrorists’ fascination with el Rufai.

    Maybe the attraction is somewhat mutual. Kaduna State’s uncommon governor, Nasir el-Rufai, has been relentless in his hawkish disposition towards the terrorists and bandits who have been tormenting the entire north and his state in particular. In turn, the terrorists have been unrelenting in their attacks on targets in Kaduna state. Kaduna state may have witnessed the highest incidence of terrorists and bandit attacks in the last five years on a state by state basis.

    El Rufai has now authored an unusual but very consequential letter to President Buhari on the matter. In the normal ritual of governance, communications between our governors and the president ought to be routine. But this letter is existential in its timing and geo strategic origins and very consequential for the nation at large. It is rooted in the very kernel of our festering insecurity as a nation. Simply put, the central contention in the present state of our insecurity has been reduced to whether or not the sovereignty of Nigeria as we know it will endure. It is no longer a matter of abductions for ransom by cash strapped incidental bandits and casual criminals. It is now serious business, a contest for the sovereign control of the Nigerian state. The terrorists and jihadists want to capture control of the state so they can help themselves to the treasure pot instead of waiting endlessly to negotiate ransoms in miserable tranches.

    El Rufai’s message is simple and yet of fearsome urgency. He has technically formally informed the president that his strategic state is in immediate danger of a terrorist overrun. Among other things, the governor, a man of unusual courage and sterling patriotic zeal, has served notice that Kaduna state is at the verge of falling to the rampaging power of relentless terror. The state is sliding towards ungovernability as the terror squads have literally overrun the rural and sub urban areas.

    But Mr. El Rufai has in his characteristic direct manner posed the question to an audience of one that matters the most. The president probably needs to be told by no less a person than a state governor that the Nigerian state and its component parts are gradually being eroded. The activities of unrelenting violent non- state actors are chipping away at the territorial sovereignty of the Nigerian state, leaving a shrunken and badly compromised state.

    Mr. El Rufai’s specific alarm is that Jihadist terrorists especially of the Ansaru franchise of Boko Haram operating in much of rural and sub urban Kaduna state have literally set up a parallel government. The machinery of state security and national defense have so far proved incapable of halting this threat. To wit, these non- state agents are countering the legitimate orders and directives of the state government on matters of urgent national importance. These range from revenue collection to preparations for the imminent general elections.

    By far the most frightening aspect of the revelations in El Rufai’s letter is the speculative fear that the terrorists could plunge the state and most of the North West into darkness by breaching the power transmission system that supplies the states in the region. There is of course nothing in this scenario that should come as a surprise to Abuja. After all, the jihadists had previously overrun a number of local governments in Borno, Yobe and Niger states. They have sabotaged or destroyed critical infrastructure such as rail lines or used IEDs to blow up bridges in vital places.

    Of course, questions abound about El Rufai’s letter. Could the governor not keep the letter secret and confidential since it has a national security implication? Could the governor not have fared better breezing into Abuja to have a conversation with the president and possibly the relevant service chiefs on the matter? In a nation ruled by the politics of headlines and front page grand standing, El Rufai’s letter could as well be another ruse to catch the attention of an overwhelmed president and already frightened public.

    Mr. El Rufai’s alarm is not new. He has repeatedly cried out about the seeming helplessness of our defense and security establishment on dealing with repeated incidents of insecurity. Only recently, he advocated total aerial bombardment of forests and other ungoverned spaces where the terrorists are known to be quartered. On the appropriate disposition of the state towards repeated challenges to its monopoly of force, El Rufai has been unapologetically hawkish, insisting that the federal state has no business playing ping -pong with its armed opponents and adversaries. There is every reason to believe that El Rufai’s all too frequent outbursts on the security situation in his state and the entire northern zones is the result of frustration with conventional communication with the security authorities.

    In the context of our worsening insecurity especially the geo strategic thrust of the more recent jihadist targeted attacks, El Rufai is not just another ordinary governor. His state occupies a strategic position in relation to our overall national security geography. The consequential theatre of engagement in the advance of the jihadist forces has since moved down from Borno and Yobe states to Kaduna and Niger states with Zamfara as training base. This is an equation in which Kaduna occupies a unique position as a veritable frontline state.

    The frontline status of Kaduna derives from its historical, cultural and strategic importance. Apart from being the political and cultural centre of the old northern region, Kaduna has remained a contentions restless melting pot of different cultures. Most conspicuously, the long standing clashes between a migrant settler Fulani herder population and an a Hausa population of land owning crop agrarian indigenes has led to frequent sporadic violent upheaval. Violent clashes between generations of these groups has made Kaduna state the hotbed of a homegrown culture of bad neighborliness. Not even the succession of military regimes in the past was able to quel these frequent bouts of unrest on a sustainable basis.

    This landscape has only been aggravated by religious differences among these divergent groupings. While the settler herder community tends to be predominantly Moslem, the indigenous populace are mostly Christian. All the ugliness of the larger Nigerian Christian versus Moslem politics and jostling for predominance is constantly at play in parts of southern Kaduna at any given time.

    The recent spread of jihadist militancy in parts of northern Nigeria has only weaponized and taken advantage of this already incendiary backdrop. Southern Kaduna has consequently remained a killing field in the spate of sporadic clashes. Therefore, in the context of the wider national cultural and religious ferment of communal clashes, Kaduna remains a natural frontline state of sorts.

    By most strategic military calculations by both the Nigerian state and its jihadist adversaries, Kaduna is the decisive frontline state in the present spate of engagements with non -state actors. It is the last credible defense line for Abuja. In addition it is the home of a good number of vital military institutions and assets. These range from the Nigeria Defence Academy to the Command and Staff College in Jaji as well as some of the oldest barracks and training schools . There is also the School of Civil Aviation in Zaria.

    Under El Rufai as governor, Kaduna has also become a frontline state in more respects. Mr. El Rufai has from inception waged a protracted war against some of the long standing cultural values that he deems to have held the northern zones of the country hostage for decades. Through a rampaging reformist sweep, he has challenged the hegemony of a decadent status quo of traditional rulers and instiitutions.

    He has also tackled educational backwardness through an aggressive education reform programme. Illiterate teachers have been sacked. Ghost civil service workers have been expunged from the public pay roll. Untrained teachers have been sent back for retraining and re-orientation. In the pursuit of these reforms, the governor has been fiercely combatted by vested interest and conservative bastions. To that extent, this governor has been in the trench of a modernization drive in a state that is a critical center of culture and politics in the north.

    These governmental and political battles further define Kaduna as a frontline state in more respects than are immediately obvious. In today’s Nigeria, cultural and identity issues have come to the forefront in a vastly divided country. Matters of religion, ethnicity and long held prejudices have come to the front of national discourse and communal existence in many parts of the country.

    In addition to the now familiar weaponization of the Moslem-Christian divide by politicians, Kaduna has also been a real time theatre of more aggressive versions of religious fundamentalism. It has for long been the epicenter of the militant Shiite movement of Mr. El Zak Zakky, the embattled Iranian backed sect leader of Shiites in Nigeria. That movement has frequently engaged the Nigerian state in pitched battle and sporadic urban guerilla warfare sometimes with fire fights in the Abuja city centre.

    More importantly, Kaduna state under Mr. El Rufai has come to occupy a prominent place in the battle to deploy political will to effect long awaited reforms in society, culture and overall development. The regional ideological implications of some of these battles make the state a hotbed of more than the physical security threat posed by franchised terrorists and irate jihadist squads.

    Therefore, Mr. El Rufai’s recent pronouncements and now this letter to Buhari and its trenchant note of alarm are contextual in two respects. First, the alarm is coming at a moment when the Nigerian state seems to be shrining in terms of its control of both the territorial space and the processes of a normal society. The Abuja-Kaduna railway corridors has been shut down after a series of terrorists breaches that has left a few dead, many abducted, millions of dollars in ransom and the rail line permanently breached. The Abuja-Kuduna highway itself is sporadically ravaged by armed gangs of kidnappers, terrorists and bandits. Those intent on travelling on that route now say their last prayers first, no knowing if they will get to their destination in either direction.

    In furtherance of the shrinkage of the state, the Nigerian railway corporation has announced the closure of the Kano-Lagos, Itakpe-Ajaokuta and a partial shut down of the lucrative Lagos-Ibadan line. This is a virtual shutdown of the entire national railway network on account of the threat and activities of terrorists and violent gangs.

    In the immediate prelude to this moment in time, terrorists have targeted and successfully attacked targets in the Abuja area. The Kuje prison breach is still fresh. The threatened attack on the Abuja Law School claimed the lives of soldiers from the famed presidential Brigade of Guards. Some schools in the federal capital territory have been closed just as the police and the military have beefed up security measures around the Federal Capital Territory.

    Elsewhere in the country, the pattern is not radically different. Cells of terrorists have continued to be uncovered in different places. In Ondo state, a key operative in the unfolding drama of arrests of perpetrators of the Owo catholic church killings has turned out to be one of the convicted terrorists freed from the Kuje prison breach. In and around Ogun state and the periphery of Lagos, suspicious movements of suspected terrorists continue to engage the attention of security agencies.

    In the South East, an untidy combination of jihadist infiltrators and homegrown criminal cartels have turned Imo, Enugu and parts of Ebonyi state into danger zones for innocent citizens.

    However, El Rufai’s alarm is about Kaduna state over which he presides. This is precisely because Kaduna has become a frontline state in the nation’s encounter with jihadists, zealots and identity militants. Although the Jihadist terror of the Boko Haram variety first originated in the North East, factions and franchises of the movements have gradually moved the theatres of operation to parts of the North West and North Central zones of the country. From an initial epicenter in Borno state, the jihadist onslaught has moved southwards to overwhelm Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, Niger and Nassarawa states.

    To all intents, then El Rufai’s letter to the president is in many ways a parting open epilogue to a gubernatorial tenure spent literally in the trenches of reform and insecurity. It is above all a wake -up reminder to this president of the most fundamental requirement of sovereign power in a nation state in case he has forgotten. In his latest book, Liberalism and Its Discontents, Francis Fukuyama reminds us of Max Weber’s classic definition of a state: “a state is a legitimate monopoly of force over a definite territory.”

    The question on most Nigerian lips today is simply this: does this state dominate its territorial space to enable its citizens exercise the full meaning of life in a democracy?

  • Commonwealth: When the address is longer than the letter – By Owei Lakemfa

    Commonwealth: When the address is longer than the letter – By Owei Lakemfa

    In my part of the world, it is said that when the address on the  envelop is longer than the content of the letter, it means there is nothing substantial to say.  This  was the conclusion I arrived at when I read the Kigali communiqué of the Commonwealth Heads of Government conference which held from June 19-21, 2022. The 117-point communiqué was 10,248 words long on bland statements and endorsement of already endorsed programmes. For instance the conference meandered  around  the same Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs formally endorsed by world leaders at the United Nations in September 2015, that is about seven years ago. Its repetitive  position on Covid-19 covered at least five of the points.

    Labouring through the communiqué, I asked myself; did the African and other Third World leaders who populate the Commonwealth, wade through the document before endorsing it? Did their technocrats examine so long a communiqué before committing their countries? If they did, why was it not summarised into concrete, easily  digestible  points?

    I was not really surprised because the Headmaster of the Commonwealth is Britain, a country whose parliament is famous for long debates and whose current Prime Minister, the Honourable Boris Johnson is a master of circumlocution. Given the verbosity, I was tempted to ask whether Mr Johnson wrote the communiqué; but it did not contain the flowery nature of his often combative prose.

    The Commonwealth is primarily a club of former colonies repeatedly raped by Britain which has convinced its victims that it is now reborn and wants a common wealth for all  and a shared future. This is even as  it  refuses to repay,  even by means of token restitution,  the enormous resources it looted from the former colonies.  For instance, from India alone, between 1765 and 1938,   Britain looted over $45 trillion.

    Even if it refuses to pay compensation, at least it can return artefacts looted from the colonies. From the Nigerian city of Benin alone, the British stole over 10,000 pieces which they are still keeping. The British Museum alone, stores some 8 million artefacts looted from the  former colonies.

    To be sure, colonisation and the process of de-colonization were nightmares for the victims. The Pan Africanist, Franz Fanon began his  famous 1963 book ‘The Wretched Of The Earth’ with the truism that: “National liberation, national renaissance, the restoration of nationhood to the people, commonwealth: whatever may be the headings used or the new formulas introduced, decolonization is always a violent phenomenon.”

    However, British Prime Minister Johnson, who haven  buried his Kalfat, Turkish ancestry, and adopted that of his English great grandmother, Margaret Johnson, while claiming to be more English than the English, thinks the colonised ought to be grateful  that Britain colonised them.

    In his February 2, 2002 piece  in the ‘Spectator’ titled: “Africa is a mess, but we can’t blame colonialism.” Johnson argued that the best option for Africa, is to be recolonized. He argued  that Africa’s problems  cannot be blamed on “Britain, or colonialism, or the White man…The continent may be a blot, but it is not a blot upon our conscience.” After exonerating  the colonialists, Johnson wrote: “The problem is not that we (Colonialists) were once in charge, but that we are not in charge anymore.”

    In his speech at the Commonwealth, Johnson told the 54 countries gathered, a lie that they and  Britain  “are united by an invisible thread of shared values, history and friendship.” In truth, the thread of colonialism is  visible and the colonizer and the colonized could not historically, have had shared values and friendship.

    Charles, The Prince of Wales, who unlike Johnson, does not  strive to flaunt his Englishness, was more reflective and sober. In talking about the potentials of the Commonwealth, he said: “… to unlock the power of our common future, we must also acknowledge the wrongs which have shaped our past. Many of those wrongs belong to an earlier age with different – and, in some ways lesser – values.”

    He described the British colonization of Canada and the genocide against the indigenous peoples as “one of the darkest aspects of history.”

    Charles spoke to the heart of the Commonwealth when he  told the gathering: “It seems to me that there are lessons in this for our Commonwealth family.   For while we strive together for peace, prosperity and democracy I want to acknowledge that the roots of our contemporary association run deep into the most painful period of our history.  I cannot describe the depths of my personal sorrow at the suffering of so many, as I continue to deepen my own understanding of slavery’s enduring impact. If we are to forge a common future that benefits all our citizens, we too must find new ways to acknowledge our past.  Quite simply, this is a conversation whose time has come.”

    Unlike Johnson who justifies  and romanticises  colonialism and presents it as the panacea for Africa’s problems, Prince Charles  acknowledges and  apologises  for the nightmare that was colonialism.  In comparison to Prince Charles, Johnson is a man who claims  to be more Catholic than the Pope.

    An intriguing aspect of this conference was the emergence of Rwanda’s Paul Kagame as the  new Chair. His country, like Mozambique which  had also joined the Commonwealth, was not a former British colony. Rwanda was colonised by the French and Mozambique by the Portuguese. But within thirteen years of joining the Commonwealth, Rwanda holds the Chair; Is this a strategy to draw in more countries that were colonised by other competitors?

    At the Kigali meet, two former French colonies, Gabon and Togo found their way to the venue as members. The Commonwealth’s claim that these countries were admitted based on its principles of good governance, human rights,  and democracy is  incorrect as neither upholds those principles. Togo for instance has since the former French legion Sergeant Gnassingbe Eyadema seized power in 1967 – with the baton, at his  death, passing on to his son, Faure Gnassingbe – been a brutal country that neither respects fundamental human rights nor democracy.

    President Kagame  said  Rwanda: “ a new member with no historical connection to the British Empire, expresses our choice to continue re-imagining the Commonwealth, for a changing world.”

    On the Russian-Ukrainian War, the conference made a little veiled  support for the latter as the: “Heads underscored the need to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states.” They also reaffirmed their commitment to the neo-colonial and neo-liberal policies that has impoverished almost all members of the Commonwealth. In this, they reiterated: “the importance of maintaining transparent, inclusive, fair and open agricultural markets and trade.”

    At the end, the Commonwealth leaders came to Kigali, talked and returned home, perhaps to wait for the next gathering.

  • Tinubu writes Buhari, describes him as true leader, brother, friend

    Tinubu writes Buhari, describes him as true leader, brother, friend

    Presidential candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has written an open letter to incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari, describing him as a true leader, a brother and a friend.

    TheNewsGuru.com (TNG) reports Tinubu poured encomium on President Buhari in his letter and recalled a letter the President himself sent to him when the APC was created and built back in 2013.

    Tinubu in his letter stated that it was from the night of 6 June to the morning of 7 June that he fully understood that Buhari belonged to everybody in the party and belonged to none of the individual candidates of the party.

    The former Lagos State Governor further stated that it was only as the presidential primary election went into the night and as the candidates walked up to the podium and spoke that he fully and truly appreciated the President’s position and stance to be neutral and non-aligned to any candidate.

    He also stated that being the first person to speak during the presidential primary election placed him in a special vantage point to carefully hear, without any distraction, what the other candidates had to say.

    Tinubu’s letter to Buhari

    Dear Mr President,

    DEEP APPRECIATION

    I bring you sincere fraternal greetings and congratulations on the successful conclusion of the special Presidential Convention of our great party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    On behalf of my wife, Oluremi, and my entire family, I want to express my sincere gratitude for the very special and personal congratulatory letter you sent to me. I am deeply honoured. Your words in that letter were reassuring, reenergizing, and reinvigorating.

    Your Excellency, one must admire the sense of purpose, composure, and maturity you demonstrated in the weeks and months preceding the primary elections of our great party. As aspirants and party leaders, we all pleaded with you to “choose” your successor.

    Naturally, this is expected especially in African democracy. Up until the 6th of June, 2022, the day of the APC Presidential primaries, the whole of Nigeria, including myself, was waiting for you to announce your preferred candidate. All of us thought and believed this was a very simple matter.

    However, it was only as the primary went into the night and as the candidates walked up to the podium and spoke that I fully and truly appreciated your position and stance to be neutral and non-aligned to any of us.

    As the first person to speak, I also had the special vantage point to carefully hear, without any distraction, what the other candidates had to say.

    As the hours rolled by that evening, it became clear to me that all of us were your preferred candidates.

    As you captured it aptly in your letter to me, the “spirit” of 2013 and 2014 when we created and built APC was there for all to see.

    In your letter and in our many meetings over the years, you fondly reminisced on fraternal attitude in the days and months before and after formation of the APC, when we all worked day and night to create, sustain and nurture our nascent movements into a credible opposition party and ultimately, become the ruling party.

    That time, no one spoke about tribe; no one spoke about religion. That was not what drove us. We were driven by a common desire to save and transform Nigeria.

    One by one, I saw my colleagues and partners stand on the podium, full of the same passion and patriotic zeal they had in 2013/2014, presenting their ideas on how to build on your successful legacy.

    Back then, as it is now, we were from all parts of the country, all tribes, and all religions. We all had deep personal and strong bonds with you. We were together back then and our bonds remained strong up till now.

    Mr. President, as the night of 6 June turned to morning of 7 June, I fully understood and appreciated your stance. “You belonged to everybody in the party and you belonged to none of the individual candidates of the party.” A true leader, brother and friend.

    Mr. President, the delegates from all over the country nominated my humble self to be their candidate. I must acknowledge that my nomination would not have become a reality without your support and that of the party leaders across the country.

    Indeed, as I reflect on my political journey, most of the 2022 APC presidential aspirants, members of the Progressive Governors Forum and National Assembly leaders and members all had a role to play in my successes and achievements thus far.

    I will forever be grateful to them for shaping my political journey over the decades. I want to assure you that I will continue to work with them going forward. My emergence as a candidate is also a victory for them.

    I have met most of them in the past few days and will continue these engagements as we plan for the general elections. Mr. President, APC is united and will remain united as we move towards the general elections.

    I have taken note of the message you sent to all Presidential Candidates in your Democracy Day speech to the nation on the 12th June, 2022. Our country is going through a very sensitive period and no one should put their personal desires above and beyond the nation’s peace and prosperity.

    As you said, the “message we set at the top will be replicated in our followers.” At this point, I will take this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of my commitment to running an issue focused campaign as we move into the general elections.

    I will personally engage the candidates from other political parties to urge them to do same.

    Voters should elect us based on our policies, programmes,  and projects. By the grace of God, we as candidates will avoid having divisive, destructive and disruptive campaigns.

    I will conclude by once again thanking you for being there for all of us. By the grace of God and with your leadership, guidance and support, I am confident that we will lead our great party, the APC,  to victory in the February 2023 general elections.

    We will ride on the back of your successes. We will build on the foundations of transparency and integrity which you have laid.

    Mr President, together, side by side, in the spirit of 2014, we will win and Nigeria will move forward to a progressive, peaceful and prosperous future.

    Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu

    APC Presidential Candidate