Tag: Magnus Onyibe

  • Book Shelf: Magnus Onyibe’s ‘Becoming President of Nig: A Citizen’s Guide’ for launch on Tuesday

    Book Shelf: Magnus Onyibe’s ‘Becoming President of Nig: A Citizen’s Guide’ for launch on Tuesday

    A development strategist, public policy analyst and media columnist, Magnus Onyibe’s book on ‘Becoming President of Nigeria: A Citizen’s Guide’ will be formally launched on Tuesday.

    The new book focused on how to become president of Nigeria , written by Magnus Onyibe , a development strategist, public policy analyst and media columnist has just been released to the public.

    The 357 pages, twelve (12) chapter book chronicles the evolution of political leadership in Nigeria and outlines the turning points in the nation’s checkered political history.

    With keen eyes on the ethnic and religious sensitivities responsible for the mutual suspicion of one another by the multiple ethnic nationalities that make up the country, the author shines light on how Nigeria is practicing zero sum politics via rotation of presidential power between north and south agreement which has inadvertently been undermining the unity of the country and is responsible for lack of real socioeconomic progress even as it is fueling ethno-religious disharmony in Nigeria.

    In the foreword for the book which is written by professor Bolaji Akinyemi, ex foreign affairs minister (1985-7) and deputy chairman 2014 National Confab, the erudite professor of international affairs makes the case that “Nigeria is not a zero -sum politics where what one gains , the other loses” And concluded that “It can be a multi-sum politics where structure and gains are shared with equity.”

    The book traces the origin of the entity known as Nigeria and dwells on what should bind the multiple ethnic nationalities that formed Nigeria in 1914, such as trade and notes regrettably, that a combination of ethnicity and ‘ religiousity’ have been thwarting the progress and prosperity of the good people of Nigeria. And according to the author , Onyibe , the book is guaranteed to enable readers learn first hand how feasible Nigeria as a nation is , via the nuanced , sometimes vulgar , even coded granular details about political power play in high places in our country and ultimately guides citizens on how to become president of Nigeria.

    The author recalls that Nigeria became a country after Frederick Luggard, a British merchant turned statesman , determined to reduce administrative inconvenience of leading then northern and southern protectorates of British empire , convinced the Queen of England in 1914 to amalgamate both of them into one country.

    And over 61 years after independence from Britain, the much sought after transition from a country that the British founded, into a nation nurtured by Nigerians for Nigerians , has been a torturous and tumultuous journey of which only a few baby steps have been taken.

    That is as opposed to the giant strides which the founders of the country had envisioned that Nigeria should have taken by now , hence they fought vigorously to secure her independence from the British colonizer in 1960.
    And according to Onyibe , the book is guaranteed to enable readers learn first hand the political complexities inherent in Nigeria as a nation , via nuanced , sometimes vulgar , even coded granular details about political power play in high places in our country. In the author’s view , the ultimate mission of the book is to enlighten citizens on how to become president of Nigeria by highlighting the pre requisites for ascending the exalted office .

    Remarkably, the timing of the release of the book is significant as it is at a critical period when the politics of who becomes the next president of Nigeria is occupying the right and center of national discuss.

    For instance, as the incumbent, President Mohammadu Buhari is currently in the twilight zone of his two terms, eight (8) years opportunity to lead Nigeria which ends next year, (2023) the author of the book , magnus onyibe posed the following questions:
    How can Nigeria elect a president who will pursue the agenda of multi-sum politics rooted in equity and inclusiveness and driven by patriotic leadership which would build upon the the foundation of progress laid by our forebears ? How can a system that eschews the current winner takes it all attitude of ethnocentric leaders emerge propelled by presidential rotation policy evolve ? Would the 2023 general elections be the turning point?
    There are multiple salient points in the book, but the most striking is the fact that , of the five (5) presidents that have become president of Nigeria since independence- Shehu Shagari , Olusegun Obasanjo , Umaru Yar’adua , Goodluck Jonathan, and Mohammadu Buhari, three (3) of them -Shagari, Yar’adua and Jonathan have been school teachers and two (2) of them -Obasanjo and Buhari , are ex soldiers.

    The author avers that the major purpose of the book is to share with every Nigerian , the knowledge and hope that they can become the president of Nigeria if they try hard enough, no matter their respective stations in life.
    So, the likes of Dele Momodu, Omoyele Sowore , Kingsley Moghalu and Sam Ohuabunwa as well as Dumebi Kachikwu amongst others who are not professional politicians, but have thrown their hats into the ring for the presidential primaries race in 2022/2023 , should not despair.
    And that is because history is on their side.

    If they don’t win now perhaps because they lack the political structures and household name recognition required to accomplish their mission , they would be in better position to win the next time they contest because they can build on their past experience and exposure , as they would have chalked up some national name recognition and also build structures in the course of campaigning for the presidency in 2023.

    The book also emphasis the belief that all hope is not lost about the unity and progress of Nigeria as there is a sort of convergence in the reports of the panel set up by the ruling party at the center, APC to chart the way forward, led by Kaduna state governor , Nasir El Rufai and a similar committee established by the main opposition party, PDP led by the governor of Bauchi state ,Bala Mohamed. The nuggets of wisdom in both reports, according to Onyibe have the capacity to engender national rebirth in our beloved country if implemented.

    The book which is published by lnspire media services limited located at lnspire Automotive City, (Former Lapal House Showroom) no 235 lgbosere road, opposite Igbosere magistrates court, lgbosere , Lagos island , is embellished with illustrations by the award winning political cartoonist, Tayo Fatunla.
    It will be formally launched in Abuja on 10th May, 2022 . It is currently on sale by the publisher via telephone no: 09077958606.

    The book can also be purchased from reputable bookshops country wide and
    is available to global audience via Amazon platform too.
    Thank you.

    Tervel Kejih .
    TeamLeader, Media.

  • Is parallel government of terrorists manifesting in Nigeria? – By Magnus Onyibe

    Is parallel government of terrorists manifesting in Nigeria? – By Magnus Onyibe

    It would appear that president Mohammadu Buhari has had enough of the impunity of terrorist activities in Nigeria, hence he gave the most recent ultimatum to the security agencies to rescue the victims of the recent train attack currently in the custody of terrorists and all others still being held against their will by criminals- be it of the hue of religious insurgents, bandits, violent herdsmen or known and unknown gun men.

    And as if admitting the allegations from multiple quarters that the commander-in -chief of Nigerian armed forces has hitherto handled terrorism with kid gloves , he has also vowed that going forward, he will become more ruthless with the merchants of death that appear hell bent on actualizing their devilish quest to make Nigeria ungovernable.

    The resolve to take the war to the outlaws was made by president Buhari during the national security council meeting with the top brass in the security architecture held in abuja last Thursday.
    For too long , the outlaws have had the agenda of turning our country into a gangster paradise.

    That is why from the original base of the bandits that is in the Sambisa forest which became a sanctuary for the criminals to be planing and executing their devilish enterprise, terrorists enclaves have spread beyond the forests of Yobe , Zamfara , kebbi, katsina to Kaduna states.

    Over a decade after religious insurgency gained notoriety in Nigeria , it is not abating. Rather , it has escalated exponentially, rendering many Nigerians dead and others either in Internally Displaced Persons , IDPs or without livelihood.

    Its spread beyond the aforementioned states has been so rapid that it is currently threatening to add Niger state and the federal capital territory, FCT to its sphere of putrid influence.
    And it is rather embarrassing that the criminal enterprise of maiming and killing Nigerians recklessly that was birthed owing to poor management of the multi religion and multi ethnic composition of our country has not spared our security operatives. They too have been bearing the brunt via violent invasion of their formations-stations and barracks to kill them and steal their weapons .

    That is according to the mind blowing set of statistics about the sociopolitical and economic activities in our society, including the number of deaths arising from violent conflicts contained in a study conducted by Enough-Is~Enough (E-i-E , an NGO) which has revealed that our country has been a sort of cauldron of death for a huge number of Nigerians in the first quarter of this year.

    It is astonishing that in a period of three months -from January to March this year , 1,884 lives have been lost in violent crimes , just as a total of 140 men and women in uniform charged with protecting Nigerians were also killed within the same period under review. That is according to Enough-Is-Enough.

    In another survey conducted by Financial Derivatives Company , FDC, it was revealed that in the course of the past 10 years , 87,903 Nigerian souls, are estimated to have been lost due to violent armed conflicts.
    In the light of the acceleration of the human carnage caused by the bandits/terrorists, herdsmen militia or whatever other name they go by , there is a surfeit of reasons to assume that it is the escalating state of anomie engulfing our country and rapidly degenerating into a pandemic dimension, that has apparently jolted president Buhari into taking the action that appears like a last ditch effort to salvage our beloved country from the clutches of the devil incarnates that take pleasure in sending children , women and men to their early graves in the manner that locusts ravage an abandoned cotton crop plantation, recklessly.

    Given the forgoing reality, in my reckoning, the threat to president Buhari’s presidency is no longer the fear of, or the possibility of his impeachment by the National Assembly, NASS for a breach of the constitution or the risk of a vote of no confidence by his cabinet for dereliction of his constitutional duties.
    But the existential threat of terrorists forming a parallel government is the real and present danger to president Buhari’s barely one year remaining period of his tenure of office or his stewardship in Aso Rock Villa .

    As such, if the type of drastic measures that he directed the security chiefs to take during the referenced security council meeting a few days ago are not urgently implemented , his plan of finishing well may be far fetched.
    Allow me quickly lay out the underlying reasons for the rather surreal and ominous prognosis that l am making .
    Without equivocation ,while the aforementioned danger is lurking , it is clear to all that the sole intention of our current leaders in Aso Rock Villa and in the 36 governors mansions across the country as well as those waiting in the wings to take over from the present occupants, is to restrict public discussion in this season of politics to the adoption of direct , indirect or consensus processes for producing candidates for the 2022/23 general elections.

    The only other hot button topic that some politicians are currently passionate about is the rotation of presidency between the north and south of Nigeria that has been in practice since 1999, but which is being considered for replacement with meritocracy, going forward .

    While all eyes are fixated on 2023 general elections from the selfish and narrow prisms of politicians as earlier catalogued, which is to the detriment of the welfare of Nigerians, particularly because they are not talking about how to ramp up security to save lives and find a panacea to the hunger wreaking havoc on vulnerable members of the society; the unthinkable, which is a more aggressive incursion and possibly usurpation and seizure of power by the outlaws in more ungoverned spaces, is possible.

    As the Financial Derivatives Company , FDC , report earlier cited pointed out , our country is suffering from a youth bulge. That phenomenon could be a blessing, if the opportunity is harnessed as was the case in China when their youth population of 269 million was empowered with jobs by providing the funding for self employment of youths .

    Conversely, the same youth bulge could become a curse if , the youths are unproductively occupied and close attention is not paid to their plight .

    That is apparently the case in Nigeria where unemployment rate is very high at 15% and youths who constitute about 60% of our population are idle.

    The unfortunate incident of #EndSARS nationwide protests by our youths that degenerated into street riots,is a veritable indicator of the potential damage that any unmanaged or mismanaged youth bulge could cost our country.

    Drawing from the conventional wisdom: an idle mind is the devil’s workshop, susceptibility of our youths to being recruited by Boko haram religious insurgents-pushing for the introduction of sharia system in the north; and resort to joining unknown gun men in the south east trying to make that region ungovernable; or getting sucked into the struggle for Independent People of Biafra, IPOB-aiming to form the state of Biafra due to allegations of being marginalized, can not be discountenanced.

    That is not ignoring the ability of herdsmen militia currently rampaging all over Nigerian forests like locust worms ,leading to herders-farmers armed conflicts , to also attract the youths.
    By the same token, it is easy for our youths to be equally attracted to the activities of armed robbery and kidnap for ransom gangs-in light of the handsome gratification receivable from robbing banks and receiving ransom payments that are proving to be more lucrative than engaging in mere cattle grazing or being idle and unemployed.

    The truth is that in a political system , operated by politicians with altruistic intentions and less cavalier motives , degrading the capacity of the identified criminal elements in order to stabilize the polity and forestall the perceived risks that the recent brazen display of bravado and disdain for constituted authorities by terrorists portend; should have been occupying the front and center of public discuss and engaging the attention of the managers of our security, who by now should have a laser focus on preventing anything untoward in this very critical period of political transition from one regime to another .

    But the highlighted ideal deliverables that could guarantee the continued existence of our dear country up to and beyond 2023 general elections, are presently in abeyance.

    The folly of the current situation whereby everything else , apart from politics is standing still, and not even security is being paid priority attention that it deserves , poses a risk to our country security-wise. That is simply because it is the easiest moment for the outlaws to possibly strike a potentially devastatingly catastrophic blow .
    As such,instead of our nation’s and citizen’s security to be relegated to the back burner, our security forces should be more vigilant until the elections for 2023 general elections have been lost and won.

    Lessons from the hijack of two passenger aircrafts by terrorists which they slammed into the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York, and Pentagon in the USA, September, 2011 are instructive to our security apparatchiks to learn from .
    It is therefore recommended that while politiking is going on , policy actions about the protection of the lives of Nigerians and ways and means of reducing hunger should also be occupying the minds of our political leaders pari-pasu.

    In broad terms ,governance is about organizing society for progress and prosperity of its members in an orderly manner with law and order as underlying principles.
    Given the foregoing definition of governance, if Nigeria as it is presently constituted were to be properly assessed,no matter how hard spin doctors try to airbrush the situation, governance in Nigeria, especially in the security space is currently comatose or has nearly collapsed.

    As such , it is safe to conclude that leadership in the security and economic spheres are currently in shambles in our country .
    That is simply because how to restructure the political system so that all members of the Nigerian union would have a sense of belonging and also the introduction of state police to enhance the protection of Nigerians from being wantonly killed by terrorists, which should be in the dashboard of our leaders as priority, have been neglected in the past seven (7) years .

    Without a scintilla of doubt, l am convinced that those in the corridors of power are fully apprised of the fact that the security and safety of lives and properties of citizens are right now on tenterhooks, while hunger is wrecking the lives of vulnerable Nigerians .

    And l am dismayed that our leaders are unwilling to take drastic actions to stem the growing tide of insecurity and hunger in the land which have seen our country racing to the bottom of human existence, conjuring a Hobbesian state of nature in our country .

    How worse can it get when practically everybody in Nigeria knows someone that was killed , maimed , kidnapped, raped , or whose homes have been destroyed, farms burnt down, as well as unable to eek out a livelihood either via farming or engage in other artisanal endeavors, courtesy of the low tensity war ravaging our country.

    It is heartbreaking that despite all of the crisis situation outlined above , politicians are butting their heads against each other in the contest of how to perpetrate another state capture via 2023 general elections. That is even as the ungoverned spaces in Nigeria are enlarging in geometric progression, while government capacity to steer the ship of state safely to shore from the troubled water, is waning.

    Even more stunning is that the heads of some of the arms of government charged with protecting lives and properties as well as enforcing and sustaining law and order are increasingly appearing to no longer have the capacity or ability to guarantee the protection of all Nigerians from terrorists, kidnappers and unknown gun men who now rule the roost, and which is a clear case of abdication of duty.

    That apparently lack of confidence being exhibited by our leaders in the security space , which Nigerians can discern, is not only evidenced by the frightening socioeconomic indices which l had earlier highlighted, but it is reinforced by the statement credited to the minister of defense , Major general Bashir Magashi (rtd) who reportedly stated that ending insecurity of the lives and properties of Nigerians requires divine intervention.
    If that statement attributed to the defense minister is true , then l would like to plead with readers to allow me indulge in a bit of cynicism by stating (in a tongue- in-cheek manner) that Nigeria does not need an army general as her minister of defense, if divine intervention is the main identified panacea to insecurity in our country .

    Instead of a retired senior army officer, our defense ministry requires the leadership of a man like Dr Daniel Olukoya, general overseer of Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries, MFM who is a renown prayer warrior that can confidently lead Nigeria in prayers for rapid divine intervention, if that is only what is required.
    Even the very daring sheik Ahmad Gumi, a Muslim cleric in the north who was once reaching out to the terrorists in their forest abodes, could also be a perfect fit for the job of our defense minister as he too has demonstrated confidence by venturing into the forests to dialogue with Boko haram insurgents, and as a cleric, he has the ability to invoke divine intervention to extricate our country from the clutches of the nefarious ambassadors holding us in the jugular.

    That fantastic recommendation is in response to the ridiculous excuse by those at the helm of affairs in the security space who have decreed that divine intervention is what it would take to restore peace in our nation.
    While we are still on the predilection of the defense minister who has reportedly abdicated the constitutionally assigned responsibilities of protecting citizens of Nigeria from harm, and instead, outsourcing the duty of protecting Nigerians, instance he is shifting the task to ‘divine intervention’ , it should not be forgotten that war time head of state, general Yakubu Gowon has in the past decade or so , been backing up with prayers, the work of our men and women in the armed forces charged with protecting us , through his Nigeria Prays movement -a multi denominational group.

    That means that a combination of prayers and bravery are required to emancipate our country from the stranglehold of the marauding gangsters.
    And when the hopelessness of the presumed utterance of the minister of defense is taken beyond its comical relief value , the most incorrigible optimists amongst us would realize that we have been hoping against hope that an early redemption of our country from the chaos that currently defines it, is in the horizon.

    So , it is such a shame that in the territories under siege by the terrorists, stretching from Zamfara , Yobe , Kebbi , Gombe and Bauchi states in the northern region , to Benue and Plateau states in the Middle belt as well as Oyo ,Ekiti , Ondo , Edo and Delta states in southern Nigeria, our security and law enforcement agencies armed with some of the most sophisticated weapons in the world , formerly not available to Nigeria due to US policies that made it impossible to sell such armaments to us (based on The Leahy laws ) are now in our arsenal, yet our military has been unable to root out the animals in human skin (apologies to Obasanjo) that have been tormenting our compatriots and putting our country in a perpetual mourning mood.

    With respect to unknown gun men saga in the south east, of which Anambra, Ebonyi and lmo states are the ground zero for the human carnage taking place there , as government institutions and security personnel are being burnt down and killed, as the case may be; what would it take apart from military force to stabilize the region? It is no comfort that efforts to restore peace in that region by the newly minted governor of Anambra state, Chukwuma Soludo has been rebuffed with more violence.

    And owing to the horrifying level of violence being unleashed nationwide in our country, it currently ranks second only to Afghanistan in the survey of the countries in the world where innocent civilians are being killed wantonly by the devil incarnates that rule the underworld.

    An intriguing phenomenon that l have observed is that the more government tries to assure Nigerians that it is in control of the security situation , the more brazen the outlaws become by invading military and police formations in order to kidnap military and law enforcement officers who are supposed to be protecting law abiding people of Nigeria.

    Against the backdrop of the latest marching order from the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, president Buhari to the military service chiefs, and the Inspector General of Police, IGP, my fingers are crossed as to whether or not the terrorists would do something extra ordinary in the coming days to counteract the C – in -C’s latest order.

    Having totally overwhelmed the hinterland by crippling farming in most parts of Nigeria, particularly in the northern region , and after converting expressways across the country into highways to the early graves of commuters as scores of innocent Nigerian travelers are killed on a daily basis in cold blood; and with the enforcement of stay-at-home order by unknown gun men in the eastern parts of our country in place ; the outlaws that are acting as a de-facto government, have now extended their violent attacks to railway passengers. Since they have twice struck the Abuja- Kaduna lines with success in their evil enterprise that is further exacerbating the state of insecurity in our beloved nation , are now more emboldened.

    Buoyed by their recent success in inflicting severe damage on the railway system , coupled with their increasing act of terrorism around airports , ( Kaduna and airports was recently breached) is that not a situation that should be worrying our security operatives?

    That is especially, if per adventure, the nihilistic minds of terrorists are getting fertilized by the thought of bringing down a passenger airliner to validate their impunity.

    Would it not be regrettable if we should be caught napping like the unfortunate Kaduna bound train tragedy?
    In light of the projectiles or rockets that they recently fired into Gujba local government area office in Yobe state , setting ablaze a column of vehicles in the complex , the obnoxious act of trying to bring down an airliner is not beyond the terrorists whose deranged minds appear to be nothing, but the devil’s workshop.

    The pernicious state of insecurity is so scary that the aphorism: the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom , is fast being replaced by the faint hearted, with a new conventional wisdom ‘the fear of terrorists is the beginning of personal safety.’

    Evidently, it is not even debatable whether Nigerians fear terrorists more than their government.
    That is an indisputable reality.
    And Nigerians also do not doubt the reality that the outlaws tormenting them do not fear God.
    They rationalize that belief with the notion that if the criminal elements were God fearing , they would not engage in the orgy of killing of harmless children , defenseless women and even ripping open the bowels of the pregnant ones, as we have been witnessing.

    It is in the context of the foregoing chilling and horrific narrative about the dastardly activities of terrorists/members of the underworld including religious insurgents, bandits,herdsmen militia , unknown gun men etc, that it can be concluded that they have succeeded in the imposition of a parallel government on Nigerians.

    I will dwell further on that reality later .

    But in the meantime, l would like to emphasize that the Abuja-Kaduna rail line that has been wantonly attacked twice resulting in the loss of about 8 lives with legions still in captivity, even as ransom is being demanded and paid,should be a serious cause of concern to our leaders.

    Due to my precarious nature, l am led to wonder if the ransom money being collected would not be invested in anti aircraft armaments sooner than later ? And if that becomes the case, would air travel which is the current safest mode of transportation in our dear country, (so far not disrupted by terrorists) not also be in jeopardy ?

    Given the sheer number of casualties that an attack on a passenger airplane could result in, are those charged with securing our country thinking ahead of the terrorists and are they demonstrating that they are equal to the task ?

    Yes, President Buhari has given a marching order to the security agencies to rescue the innocent Nigerians kidnapped during the train attack. Is that enough?

    It may be recalled that a similar order was issued by the same commander-in-chief of the armed forces to the same security agencies to rescue the Chibok school girls stolen over seven years ago by terrorists from their dormitories. As if in defiance of Nigerian authorities , and as if even mocking our government , Chibok girls have not only remained in captivity, more school boys and girls have been seized by the same members of the underworld .

    What does that tell us?
    And governance is not only in shambles in the security space, but a similar scenario has taken hold in the economic environment that is also in a state of disarray.

    Check out the economic indices: inflation is hovering around 33%, unemployment rate is about 15% and naira exchange rate to the US dollar is in the region of N590-N600-$1.

    On top of all of this , economists are warning government about the danger of spending about 92% of the entire income generated annually in servicing debts.

    Yet, our current leaders are adamantly budgeting four (4) trillion naira for petrol subsidy in budget 2022 and a mere two trillion more for than the amount set aside for fuel subsidy is provided for capital projects in budget 2023.

    The irony of it all is that petrol , that is being subsidized up to the tune of N4 trillion in the current budget circle is a commodity that we import into Nigeria with hard currency. And it is being smuggled across our borders to practically all the countries in West Africa. Does that not imply that Nigeria is subsidizing the cost of petrol for the entire west African sub region? What could be the reasoning behind this apparent economic suicide ?

    Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez under the influence of Fidel Castro of Cuba engaged in subsidizing petrol for some socialist countries in South America and Caribbean countries,and the policy proved to be a disaster as it crashed Venezuelan economy.

    While one is still trying to wrap his head around the incomprehensible policies and programs highlighted above , our production and export of crude oil that is responsible for about 80% of our foreign exchange income, and which could have been our saving grace , is also facing headwinds.

    That is a result of our country’s inability to meet its OPEC allocated quota of crude Oil production of 1.7 million barrels per day. So we are losing the opportunity of earning more foreign exchange income to patch up our budget deficit.

    Although , we are able to produce more crude oil , we are unable to export it.
    And that is because of the absurdity that even gets worse with the knowledge that over 80% of the crude oil produced in our country is stolen along the pipelines before it gets to the tanks where it is supposed to be stored for refining or export.

    Although finance minister Mrs Zainab Aliyu has assured the world via a Bloomberg television interview on the sidelines of the ongoing IMF/World Bank meetings in Washington DC USA , that Nigeria would meet its OPEC quota in the coming days, or weeks , the path way to such a sea change is not immediately clear to industry watchers, even as security agencies are claiming to have made progress in reining in crude oil thieves.

    The fall out of all of these grim statistics and dismal socioeconomic outlook is that Nigerians are hungry and desperate. With the growing inability of government to introduce effective policies and enforce rules/ regulations to ensure that law and order prevail to guide members of the public in their daily activities of pursuing their objectives of earning their livelihood in a stable atmosphere , (which are conditions that are currently absent in some parts of our beloved nation) how can we honestly say that we have a government in the hinterland ?

    That is a question that l have been pondering .

    Perhaps we have two governments . One being led by those we elected and are in the cities , and the other driven by men of the under world imposing their will on hapless citizens in the hinterland through brute force.
    And the assertion above is validated by the brutish state of life that has been foisted by members of the underworld on our compatriots in the hinterland, especially the northern end of our dear country, where the victims of terrorism are not feeling the deserved impact of government that should have protected them from the mayhem that they are faced with on a daily basis in the hands of terror mongers.

    It is common knowledge that the reign of terror which has been disrupting life and decimating lives mainly in the rural areas, is slowly but surely encircling cities like Maiduguri, katsina , Kaduna in the north to the south east cities in Awka, Nnewi , owerri , Aba etc.

    It could have been less worrisome, if I am talking about the threat posed by the formation of the proscribed Republic of Biafra or Oduduwa Republic promoted respectively by Nnamdi Kanu , currently in incarceration for allegedly committing treasonable felony and Sunday lgboho, also recently released from the custody of Benin Republic prison authorities at the behest of Nigerian government for an alleged offense similar to that of Kanu .
    These discontented and outspoken Nigerians , are well known to the authorities, therefore, lesser evil .

    But the alternative government that l am referring to is the Government Of Terrorists being operated by members of the underworld in the manner that black market operators in foreign exchange trade , control naira/dollar exchange rate, which prompted the governor of Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, Godwin Emefiele to proscribe the ubiquitous Aboki .com, (an online forex trading platform) that he accused of arbitrarily fixing the naira /dollar foreign exchange rate .

    It is also in the manner that the activities of smugglers of rice , petroleum products and other essential commodities in and out of our porous borders from neighboring countries that are distorting local prices and triggering the rise of inflation in our country, until CBN governor , Emefiele, once again influenced the closure of Nigerian borders to enable farmers and producers of the items being smuggled to develop competitive advantage locally .

    The border closure which is also aimed at preventing the influx of small arms and ammunitions aiding the reign of violence in our country, has also inflicted collateral damages on the economy and by extension exacerbated the poverty situation of Nigerians as it has inhibited intra African trade.
    Nevertheless, those drastic measures instituted to tame the monster of destruction that had been unhinged have had a mixture of good and bad outcomes.

    With all of the above activities happening outside the control of the incumbent government, it is not out of place to imagine that there may be another government in our country riding roughshod with Nigerians.
    That is the optics with which the government in power must view the terrorists of all shades and colors intent on destroying our country. The whole idea is to galvanize our legitimate government into the action of dealing with insecurity with more vigor and the dexterity that it deserves.

    For instance , if you consider the zeal with which the ruling party at the center , APC is fighting to return to power in 2023 and imagine, if similar energy were to be invested in the war against insecurity, perhaps it might have been won by now. This underscores the push that new thinking and execution of plans must be invested in our collective security by all the stakeholders in our country , (not just the military) in the effort to restore law and order in our beloved country?

    Of course , there are other reasons for the assertion or presumption that there may be a parallel government by terrorists different from the one that we voted into office in 2015 and 2019 respectively.

    For instance, in a situation where terrorists, bandits and unknown gun men, who are all gangsters are collecting taxes from Nigerians ,like federal inland revenue services, FIRS; and they are holding thousands in captivity until ransom money is paid , like Nigerian Prison(Correctional)Service , NPS and they are also determining the dates that Nigerians can stay at home or go to work, like the ministry of eternal affairs that issues notice for public holidays; what else is left for the members of the Terrorist Government(imagined) to do to prove that they are operating a parallel government in Nigeria ?

    Against the backdrop of the aforementioned circumstances, it is stomach churning to think that all these are a fall out or the consequences of our politicians being derelict in providing effective governance, hence our country’s descent to the current state of anomie.

    While members of the political class are immersed in their plot for the next state capture in the name of elections, which comes up every four years, and based on INEC time table, has commenced since last February, and would end in February next year, God forbids that the underworld, which now appears to be acting like a de-facto government deals our country a blow that is capable of throwing the nation into national mourning?

    That is a sense of trepidation that must be paramount in the minds of those in the corridors of power, Aso Rock Villa, to the extent of keeping them awake at night , while most of us less mortals are asleep.
    In essence this piece is a wake up call for all Nigerians to become more vigilant in these perilous times .

  • Inequity In Politics of Presidential Pardon – By Magnus Onyibe

    Inequity In Politics of Presidential Pardon – By Magnus Onyibe

    The National Council of States (NCS) has during its last meeting held on Thursday, April 14, 2022, approved President Muhamadu Buhari’s pardon of 159 prisoners, two of whom are Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame — ex-governors of Plateau and Taraba states, respectively.

    While Dariye was found guilty and jailed for stealing N1.16 billion, Nyame has a tag of N1.6 billion as being stolen by him and therefore sent to prison.

    Although both have been in the penitentiary, as they should, their proposed pardon may be owed to the general belief that their imprisonment, to a large extent might have political, ethnic and religious undertones.

    We will return to that aspect later in the course of this intervention.

    But first, it is important to state that a presidential pardon is in order and universal , as it has almost taken the form of a ritual since presidents all over the world make it a sort of fetish by granting state pardons to convicts as part of activities marking their exit from power.

    The experience in the United States of America (USA) where the last presidential pardon was very controversial attests to the contentious nature of exercise of prerogative of mercy. Since there are no set parameters for who qualifies, it always represents different strokes for different folks.
    Perhaps , referencing a few instances by past presidents in the USA from where Nigeria took the franchise for presidential system of governance would serve as a veritable compass to the type of emotions that pardon of convicts has elicited in another clime.

    From President Donald Trump, who apart from pardoning friends and family, included plans to give himself pardon in anticipation of indictment and conviction on his alleged ignoble role in the 2021 presidential election and January 6 invasion of the Capitol by his supporters , to Richard Nixon who pardoned his predecessor in office, President Gerald Ford for his crimes related to watergate scandal without even undergoing trial.

    According to reporting by Time Magazine correspondent, Jack Brewster, Marc Reich with 65 criminal charges including tax invasion, racketeering, and illegal oil deals with Iran, was also pardoned by President Bill Clinton before he exited office as president.

    Even presidents George W. Bush and George H. Bush, during their respective presidencies, granted their acolytes and associates presidential pardons that generated controversies.

    While George W. Bush had the 30 months prison term of Scooter Libby, chief of staff to the former Vice President commuted for obstruction of justice and providing false statements to the F.B.I, George H. Bush did not allow the opportunity to exercise the power of presidential pardon to go unutilized, as he had also pardoned former Secretary of State, Casper Weinberger for the crime of lying under oath.

    The list is inexhaustible and it even extends to the Uk and Europe as a whole. But the point has been sufficiently made that although presidential pardon is a settled doctrine worldwide, it has remained a highly combustible matter, and Nigeria can not be an exception.

    As readers would have noticed, most, if not all the presidential pardons granted by US presidents highlighted, were to individuals who breached the constitution in terms of flouting policies and principles which is more or less perjury.

    In contrast with the situation in the US, the most prominent people recently considered for presidential pardon in Nigeria-Dariye and Nyame were convicted for corruption which entails embezzlement of public funds or violation of government treasury.

    That is one of the factors that have gaslighted the latest presidential pardon in Nigeria. The second reason is that there is inequity in not extending the pardon to convicts of petty crimes from the tribe of the hoi poloi.
    And that is the tribe of Nigerians that form the majority of those in jail.

    Human rights activist and lawyer, Femi Falana made that contention in a speech during the commemoration of one year of the passage of Yinka Odumakin, a formidable human rights activist.

    “All petty thieves in our prisons should be released. Under Section 17 of the 1999 Constitution, there shall be equality and equal rights for all citizens.

    “Section 42 of the Constitution says there shall be no discrimination on the basis of class and gender, so you cannot take out a few people on the basis that they belong to a category or section of the society.

    “I can assure you that if the government did not release others, I am going to call on lawyers whose clients are left in custody to come to court and challenge the discriminatory treatment of their clients.

    He reminded Nigerians that: “Just two weeks ago, a Nigerian was jailed for stealing N1,000 in Abuja; the accused pleaded with the judge that he had no food but the judge jailed him for six months.

    “When we are talking of justice and fair play, if you want to pardon some set of people, then you must also extend presidential pardon to petty thieves in the prisons.

    “This is because if the big thieves are being asked to go, then they must also extend the facility to other Nigerians.”

    In the light of the argument above, equity is the main bone of contention for the human rights advocate. The cherry side of the current pardon is that it covers all the junior officers that were involved in the infamous Gideon Okhar-led military coup d’etat of April 22, 1990. So after about three decades and two years, reprieve has come the way of the low cadre officers who were not in the real sense of it,coupists, but were probably only obeying the command of their bosses that staged the putsch .

    By and large, the state pardon of the pair of Dariye and Nyame is not just a matter of not passing the test when the action is passed through the crucible of equity, but it is also morally repugnant if what is good for the geese is not good for the gander as it is not being extended to Nigerians who committed petty crimes.

    On top of that, a legal angle has also been identified and added to the controversy by Dr Abubakar Alkali, who is the convener of the Movement for New Nigeria (MNN).

    In a recent media statement, he is making the case that the pardon outsourced by the outgoing president Buhari to the NCS is in breach of the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria.

    “The pardon granted to convicted corrupt former governors Jolly Nyame and Joshua Dariye by the National Council of states is UNCONSTITUTIONAL as the prerogative of mercy in the third schedule, part 1 section 6(ii) of the constitution 1999 (as altered) can only be exercised in respect of federal offences. Dariye’s and Nyame’s are state offences.”

    Citing legal precedents, he argued that “The Supreme Court ruling on Dr. Joseph Nwobika SAN vs Federal Republic of Nigeria has clearly spelled out that corruption cases involving states governors are state offences. In this vein, the NCS cannot pardon Dariye and Nyame because the prerogative of mercy bestowed on the national council of states (NCS) can only be applied on federal offences.”

    Dr Alkali further made the case that: “Since Dariye’s and Nyame’s corruption convictions are state offences, the NCS has no powers to exercise the prerogative of mercy on their cases. The prerogative of mercy is usually exercised in cases where the convict or suspect has spent many years in detention without trial which exceeds the likely jail term he could face upon conviction.”

    He concluded his reprimand of the presidency with the following declaration: “Clearly the action by the NCS is unconstitutional because the prerogative of mercy as enshrined in section 6(ii) third schedule of the 1999 constitution cannot be applied in these cases of extreme advance corruption. This relevant section which empowers the national council of states(NCS) to exercise the prerogative of mercy cannot be a blank cheque to upturn the judgement of the apex (Supreme Court) which took more than a year to run and convict Jolly Nyame and Joshua Dariye accordingly. Indeed, the corruption cases of Jolly and Joshua are STATE offences and cannot be pardoned by federal fiat.”

    Now, it would be clear to all that I have leaned heavily on Dr Alkali’s narrative because it is based on legal precedents which he cited elaborately. More so with the unconstitutionality of pardoning state offenders by the NCS, whose authorities covers only federal crimes and which by all indications is currently the case with Dariye and Nyame convictions.

    Invariably, the validity of the proposed pardon would have to be tested in the law courts before it can be said to have earned the imprimatur of constitutionality, considered equitable, and accepted as justifiable.

    In the event that the authorities go ahead with the pardon, both Femi Falana and Abubakar Alkali, on different grounds and for dissimilar reasons, have vowed to litigate the decision.

    For Falana, it is because the pardon excludes the convicts in the lower rung of society, and for Alkali, the reason he is venting his spleen is owed to the contravention of Nigeria’s constitution and injustice to the citizens of the states against whom both Dariye and Nyame committed the crimes.
    For the rest of Nigerians who are aghast , it is about the fact that the conviction and jailing of the duo involves their engagement in financial fraud, of which the incumbent government claims it has zero tolerance.But which it appears to have acquiesced with, if and when it goes ahead with the pardon.

    But taking into consideration, the circumstances under which the ex-governors got convicted and jailed, which some Nigerians believe are influenced by their political, and religious leanings, and underscored by the general belief that politicians who cross carpet from the PDP to the APC automatically ‘change’ their cloak from sinners to saints,(as reportedly decreed by former chairman of the ruling party, Adams Oshiomole) it is not unexpected that politics would play a significant role in unshackling the duo through state pardon. It is also being speculated that not being from the tribe of the ruling class or of the same faith as them, inhibited their chances of evading the law like their northern contemporaries ‘ governors of the class of 1999’ who also have corruption cases pending in courts , but are not in jail. That is even though the sums of N1.6b and N1.16b embezzled by the jailed governors, Dariye and Nyame pale in comparison to the multiple billions of naira allegedly stolen by ex governors and other politicians still strutting around and angling to be handed the leadership of our country when Buhari exits Aso Rock villa in 2023.

    In terms of party affiliation, it may not be mere coincidence that Dariye a former governor and senator originally from the PDP stable is currently a member of the ruling APC to which he has cross-carpeted as a ploy to gain soft landing . Similarly, Nyame who became governor of Taraba state through the PDP platform has also crossed the aisle by becoming a member of ACN which is a legacy component of the APC also in a bid to gain leniency .

    It is not a mere happenstance that the former National Security Adviser (NSA), Col Sambo Dasuki, rtd, who did not cross carpet to the ruling party has served a long period of incarceration under the watch of the current administration, ostensibly for the misappropriation of $2.1 billion budgeted for fighting terrorism.

    Although he is no longer in incarceration, like Dariye and Nyame, he too deserves an apology from the authorities and his prison record should be quashed because he was not actually convicted, but was jailed perhaps because of his role in the previous administration which created some existential threats to the victory of the current ruling party, APC over PDP at the polls in 2015, hence the APC had an ax to grind with him.

    Adjunct to the case being made for the presidency to be equitable in its pardon of convicts and the need to be compliant with the provisions in the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria in doing so; it may be recalled that a member of the House of Representatives, Denis Idahosa, had in September 2021 also drawn attention to the alarming number of Nigerians illegally detained or jailed in other jurisdictions without proper or inadequate legal representation. Take the case of the young Nigerian lady(student ) Zainab Aliyu convicted and condemned to death in 2018 for trafficking in narcotics in Saudi Arabia. Commendably, as Nigerian authorities were convinced me that she was innocent of the crime , every legal and diplomatic tool available to our country were deployed to save the innocent young lady’s life .

    In the same manner that the lady was practically rescued from the valley of death, the concerned and very patriotic lawmaker, ldahosa believes that the federal government needs to leverage diplomatic platforms in assisting Nigerians wrongly convicted and jailed in foreign jurisdictions/countries.

    Idahosa’s concern is based on a 2019 survey report by the Legal Defence and Assistance Project (LEPAD), which revealed that about 16,500 Nigerians are in prisons outside Nigeria that were convicted either without legal representation, perverted and concocted evidence that remains unsubstantiated.

    In that regard, the Nigerian government should also leverage diplomatic channels to seek the quashing of the conviction in the United Kingdom , Uk of the likes of chief James lbori, ex-governor of Delta state that was jailed in that country without verifiable evidence. With his back literally pushed against the wall, lbori settled for a plea bargain, UK style. It is believed that the prosecutors obtained the deal after much intimidation and coercion involving the torment of his close family members including his wife, only sister, and mother of his child that were shackled in a manner similar to the tactics employed by mobs-like Italian mafia to compel victims to do their bidding.

    In the event that the Nigerian government is unable to cause the UK authorities to pay him reparations for wrongfully jailing him which appears to be the fear of the UK judicial system that failed to find any laundered funds in Ibori’s custody or bank accounts abroad, as it had alleged, his jail records should be erased or quashed. That is simply because the crime was phantom since the Nigerian government — federal or state never declared any money missing, how much more trace it to Ibori.

    If there is any justice in the world, the fact that British prosecutors could not prove the case beyond reasonable doubts against Ibori is a redeeming factor and enough reason to declare the trial null and void, as it is actually a political witch hunt that went too far.

    In my reckoning, and presumably in the optics of men and women of goodwill all over the world, justice denied is not only grave injustice but a slur on the British judicial system and a burden on the conscience of mankind.

    Taken all together, the point being made is that the National Council of States, NCS should guide and encourage president Buhari to have a broader perspective when exercising the prerogative of mercy constitutionally granted to him, by focusing his gaze beyond the privileged members of the political class to all other classes of Nigerians deserving of clemency.

  • Is APC Made Up Of Yahoo-Yahoo Governors And Drug Dealing Gang? – By Magnus Onyibe

    Is APC Made Up Of Yahoo-Yahoo Governors And Drug Dealing Gang? – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    The adjectives used to describe the APC above are actually not mine. They are borrowed from governors in APC family who used the exact same dirty sobriquets to characterize their own party.

    When I read the news reports where the ruling party at the center, APC was labeled with the negative epithets that form the title of this article, I was jarred and astounded.

    That is simply because I never envisaged or anticipated that there would be a period in the annals of our beloved country that political chicanery would degenerate to the extent that the ruling party would be tarred with such a black brush by its leaders — and not the opposition party members.

    That such an esteemed platform as the ruling party, APC of which the first six citizens of our great country –(President, Vice President, President of the Senate and his deputy as well as the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the deputy) not forgetting the platform which at least 23 of the 36 governors in Nigeria belong — is being described and characterized with such expletives, is astonishing to me.

    And I believe that l am not the only one nonplused by the unsavory development as l suspect that the same feeling of embarrassment would apply to a plethora of right-thinking men and women of goodwill in our beloved Nigeria.

    Indeed, I was aghast with displeasure, ( I am of the conviction that perhaps you too, my dear readers would have been) when l read the following in most of the daily newspapers that one of the governors from the North-East geopolitical zone protested that “the cabal formed by our other colleagues has suf­focated the life out of APC. The party has been reduced to the equivalent of a drug-dealing gang where decisions are now based on who can manipulate President (Muhammadu) Bu­hari better.”

    Continuing, the source contended that:

    “Even if APC governors were constituted into a kind of electoral college to make deci­sions for the party, which is not the case, there is no way seven is greater than thirteen. When you have only seven governors forcing their decision on thir­teen governors of equal juris­diction then you know there is a problem.”

    The obviously highly offended governor continued venting his anger by making the following explanation:

    “So, what we are saying is that we are ready for them. We are not saying that Mai Mala Buni should not stop being the chairman of CECPC, but our point is that there must be due process. There is a proper way to go about it, not some charac­ter sneaking to the president to snitch in the dark of the night and then come out throwing the president’s name around”

    He concluded his umbrage by issuing a threat:

    “If they want us to fall out with them as fellow APC gov­ernors then we are ready. But this thing about being dictato­rial must stop. It is a democra­cy, and the APC must run as a democracy. Or else there is no example we are showing any­body as leaders.”

    The forgoing copious reproduction of traditional and online newspapers reports quoting an aggrieved governor who spoke anonymously signposts the turmoil within the ruling party, APC.

    As if being choreographed, Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State, who is the chairman of southern governors forum, and elected on APC platform was more frontal and caustic in his outburst about the state of anomie that has engulfed the ruling party at the center commencing soon after its re-election victory at the polls in 2019; and culminating into the dissolution of the Adams Oshiomhole led National Working Committee, NWC, that was replaced with Mai Mala Buni led Caretaker Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) since June 2020. As if the fiasco is not terrible enough, chairman Buni just got shoved aside on Sunday, March 6, 2022, and replaced with Abubakar Sani-Bello, Niger state Governor. At least that is according to some members of the party who are against the continued leadership of Buni as reported in the mass media. Until the fog is cleared, right now everything about the APC seems to be in flux.

    That is simply because, nearly two years after CEPCC was established to organize a national convention for the ruling party, APC in six months, holding a convention has remained a mirage.

    According to a statement credited to Akeredolu:

    “We, the Governors are for the party except for the few ‘Yahoo, Yahoo’ Governors (apologies to Salihu, former DG of the Progressive Governors’ Forum) who were hand in glove with Buni to circumvent the will of the majority of our Party (APC) members.”

    He then emphasized that:

    “Progressive Governors in the true name, mostly all of us, are determined to see our Party through these patchy parts at all cost. None of the scanty numbers has the guts to carry out their imaginary threats as reported in sponsored stories. We dare them to leave the party.”

    As a senior advocate of Nigeria and former president of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, Akeredolu’s statement is weighty.

    Kaduna state governor, Nasir El-Rufai, who never shies away from engaging in political cat-fights also joined in the brawl:

    Said he in an interview that he granted Channels televising: “Buni is gone, the Secretary is gone. Governor Bello is in charge and he has the backing of President Muhammadu Buhari and 19 governors. Buni can only return as Governor of Yobe State but never as chairman of our party.

    “President Buhari ordered his removal and this has been implemented. Governor Bello has taken over and things are moving according to plan. The party will be restored and the convention will take place as scheduled. The 19 governors and their deputies are solidly behind this move.

    “Buni and his people got a court order to stop the convention but hid it.”

    The ousted Mai Mala Buni’s camp roiled by El-Rufai’s allegations against their leader had fired their own salvo at the governor of Kaduna state.

    The pro-Buni APC Integrity Group leader, Adams Abel said: “El-Rufai should be sufficiently schooled to accept that the APC is not Kaduna State that he governs by fiat.”

    “APC has organs that have layers of responsibility and at no time was the power to hire and fire a caretaker chairman outsourced to El-Rufai”.

    The claim that Buni failed to swear in state executives was also not valid, according to the APC Integrity Group.

    “El-Rufai claimed that Governors and President (Buhari) directed Governor Buni to swear in state Excos elected months ago and that he never followed the order; that the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF) asked him to brief them, but he did not.”

    Going further, the APC Integrity Group, Secretary-General made the following arguement against Governor El-Rufai:

    “He should have explained how Buni is supposed to swear in state excos when as many as 14 state chapters were bogged down by court cases that resulted from the kind of autocratic tendencies of the PGF.”

    “It also showed an absolute disregard for the other arms of government since the Kaduna State Governor was practically expecting his Yobe state counterpart to disregard extant court orders that forbade the swearing-in of some of the state excos he was referring to.”

    Indeed, according to reports gleaned from the Punch newspaper, the APC has about 208 cases filed in the court of law against it.
    Most of them are related to the contentious party congresses held across the country that are being largely disputed as they pitched governors against legislators who are more often than not ex-governors engaged in supremacy battles in a bid to control the party in their respect states.

    Since June 2020 when Adams Oshiomhole led National Working Committee, NWC of the APC was dissolved, and the Mai Mala Buni Special Convention Committee was inaugurated, 23 months after, on March 8, 2022, it was claimed that Abubakar Sani-Bello mounted the leadership saddle of the ruling party at the center, APC.

    This simply means that in a period of less than three years, the leadership of APC has changed hands thrice, if the position of the anti-Buni group prevails.

    But thankfully, it would appear that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC has helped the APC to save itself by rejecting the purported new chairman on technical grounds. This is underscored by the fact that allowing the perfidy of appointing another chairman without due process happening within the APC fold to stand, there would be a constitutional lacuna similar to the type that was on the verge of ensuing, if President Buhari had not signed the electoral bill into an act to enable the electioneering process to commence according to INEC timetable, hence without further delay, he appended his signature on February 25, 2022.

    Since over seven years ago that the APC became the ruling party at the center after its presidential candidate, General Mohammadu Buhari defeated then incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP in the 2015 general elections, the party has been unable to hold a convention to blend the interests and philosophies of the five parties that collapsed into one party to oust PDP .

    Rather, it has on numerous occasions, postponed the organization of a critical convention that should ordinarily have been held after the formation of the party 2013/14 which is pre-2015 general elections won by president Buhari.

    Even after Mr President’s re-election in 2019, and stretching into three years into his second term, the ruling party has postponed holding a convention not less than two (2) times in less than two years.

    Just before the February 26th last scheduled date of the convention , it was shifted to March 26th which may develop ‘K-Leg’ as we like to term things that go awry in our clime.

    With the current change of leadership following Sani-Bello’s hostile take over of affairs from Buni as the helmsman, (as widely reported in the mass media ) the party’s convention may once again be in jeopardy.

    But as things look, the new acting chairman, Abubakar Sanni-Bello, who is the current Niger State Governor and deputizing for Buni (or in his shadows) looks set to deliver where others before him had failed.

    Otherwise, the party would be like a drifter and possibly a house of cards in the dictionary sense of the word-: a structure, situation, or institution that is insubstantial, shaky, or in constant danger of collapse.

    When l started writing this article, early last week, it was titled: APC House of Commotion, and Mai Mala Buni was still holding sway as chairman. It was an apt title. Since l have lots of friends in the ruling party at the center that would accuse me of being uncharitable, l toned down the title to what it is currently and which is simply a question to which I am seeking an answer.

    In response to questions from statehouse reporters before embarking on the trip for a medical check-up in the United Kingdom, UK, president Buhari had assured Nigerians that the APC would not implode as being feared in some quarters. Owing to my assessment based on environmental scanning of the local dynamics , l have been consistent in sounding the alarm about the inevitable and now imminent disastrous end of the ruling party at the center if proper care is not taken by the leaders who need to quickly do some housekeeping to nip the persistent schisms within the party in the pod before they degenerate into catastrophic crisis as signposted by the following nine (9) ominous signs:

    (1) Inability to hold a convention in about eight years since it became the ruling party at the center.

    (2) Hordes of aggrieved participants heading to court after a calamitous congress held recently.

    (3) Frequent change of national working committee, NWC.

    (4) Rebellion against presidency from National Assembly, NASS via refusal to allow Aso Rock villa have its way by not deleting clause 84 (12) in the new Electoral Act as earlier agreed.

    (5) Unable to decide on the zone from which its presidential candidate would emerge.

    (6) Supremacy battle bordering on internal sabotage between governors of the ruling party with 19 supporting the new CECPC chairman, Abubakar Sanni-Bello, Governor of Niger state versus 4 governors in favor of the deposed Mai Mala Buni, Governor of Yobe state as claimed by El Rufai.

    (7) Uncertainty on the presumed breach of party constitution via two serving governors back-to-back acting as chairman of the party at different times and therefore making APC susceptible to litigation and the risk of rendering all actions taken by CEPCC in the past two years as illegitimate and ultra vires.

    (8) On account of the ruling by justice Ekwo of the high court in Abuja that Ebonyi state Governor, Dave Umahi, his deputy, Eric Dike, and 15 members of the house of the assembly who defected from the PDP to APC should vacate their positions because the electorate voted for the party and not the individual, Cross Rivers and Zamfara states governors who similarly defected to APC are running hitter titter around the courts hoping that the same calamity would not befall them.

    (9) The snare of about 208 court cases instituted against the party by its own members, particularly the one stopping the proposed convention date is yet to be discharged and therefore an existential booby trap.

    Fellow Nigerians, you would agree with me that any political party that is fraught with the underlined litany or legion of deformities is certainly in jeopardy.

    So, whatever the parameter that is applied in assessing the crisis riddled APC, the bottom line would be that the ruling party at the center is a Special Purpose Vehicle, SPV, and a contraption of sorts that was leveraged to achieve the objective of booting out ex-president Goodluck Jonathan from Aso Rock villa and replacing him with Mohammadu Buhari in 2015 as president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    Without exception, all SPVs expire.

    And as President Buhari’s term expires on May 29, 2023, willy nilly, the SPV that ushered him into the presidency will be expiring pari-pasu.

    And I would dare to add that if the current commotion continues in the ruling party as it enters the electioneering year, the general election in 2023 is for the main opposition party PDP, to lose.

    Owing to the internal combustion consuming the APC, I suspect that Adams Oshiomhole, the deposed Chairman of the ruling party at the centre, would be laughing in derision at the sordid turn of events in the party which he led to victory in 2019 and which shoved him out thereafter.

    It would appear that having exhausted external battles with opposing political parties, particularly the PDP that it had been blaming for all the calamities that have befallen our beloved country, during which the APC has poached at least three governors from the PDP and a legion of opposition parties legislators under Buni’s leadership,it is now turned the barrels of its guns against itself, hence the raging battle within the party that suggests that there would be a conflagration of immense proportions sooner than later.

    While I would like to take to heart President Buhari’s parting words to Aso Rock villa correspondents while departing for his medical check-up in the United Kingdom, UK that the APC would not implode as being speculated, all pieces of evidence are against such optimism.

    Hence on Saturday, March 12, obviously angry and disappointed president Buhari changed from his earlier optimistic prognosis of the state of inviolability or invincibility of the ruling party to a posture of recognizing the anarchy threatening to engulf the party, which he had earlier discountenanced. Aware of the looming dangers threatening the continued existence of the party if certain precautions were not taken, President Buhari, in a statement released by his media aid, Garba Shehu, read a riot act to the leaders of the APC that are causing the rift within the party.

    Part of it bears repeating:

    “This is a party that has been in existence barely for eight years, becoming the dominant party because it has thrown open its doors to defectors from other parties, big and small.”
    Mr President further argued that:
    “This alone, addition to the fact we didn’t start on the note of arrogance of power, nor see government as a vehicle for self-aggrandizement, to be held at all costs, but a vehicle to bring development to all without discrimination-political, ethnic or regional to our dear country made this success possible”.
    He pointed out that:
    “When precisely the party’s convention is held and who is the party’s chairman is hardly a matter for the average voter: vastly more important is who convention delegates will elect as the party’s flagbearer in the coming weeks to take forward the party’s platform to the people in the general election in February next year.
    He therefore noted that:
    “It is therefore important for the media to put such matters into perspective. No one is debating policy differences here.”

    President Buhari is absolutely correct about the fact that barely a year to the general election, nothing is being said about the policies and programs of those angling to take over from him. This applies particularly to how to save our beloved country from the clutches of the nefarious ambassadors that have made our country a killing field — Boko Haram, IWAP, bandits disguising as violent herdsmen on one hand — and on the other hand, the doldrums that the economy is currently trapped and which has seen the Naira exchange rate inching towards the N600 to $1 mark and diesel price skyrocketing to about N1000 per liter (black market rate) amid a scarcity of petrol or Premium Motor Oil, PMS that has been wracking the polity in the past couple of weeks.

    Remarkably, whereas it took the PDP sixteen (16)years to implode , it has taken the ruling APC only right (8) years to reach a breaking point.
    In my recent comments about the state of the nation politically in the past one month, l have been advising President Buhari to beware of the curved balls that fellow party members may throw at him as he enters his lame-duck period which is the weakest point of a political leader’s time in office as he/she becomes very vulnerable.

    Just as the moment of interchange between night and day period is dangerous spiritually, it is equally so politically and at a time when a leader must yield power. That is basically because in the metaphysical realms before the clock strikes 12 o’clock and the night is transformed into the early morning, all sorts of complex and dangerous activities take place. That event is mirrored in the world of politics hence the current hurly-burly or hullabaloos in APC.

    It is trite restating the fact that Mr. President is currently effectively in his home stretch and at a critical period that he must maintain and sustain his control of the ruling party and the country as it is now barely one year to the termination of his reign. If he losses grip, his word may not be law anymore; and if he fails to bark and bite with the limited political strength that he can muster, he might literarily exit Aso Rock Villa with his tails between his legs.

    That is why l counseled that Mr. President should beware of the proverbial Ides of March (in Shakespeare’s play “Julius Caesar,” a warning given to Caesar about March 15, the day on which he was assassinated)

    To be clear, in this stance in Nigeria and in president Buhari’s case, I am talking figuratively and it means assassination politically as opposed to physical or taking of life.

    Already, President Buhari was surprised when a seemingly harmless nationwide exercise of registration of APC party members that was supposed to be a good thing became the first curved ball thrown at him as it was going to result in his losing control of the party following the introduction of direct primary as the sole process of producing candidates to political parties for general elections as captured in the electoral act reform bill packaged the National Assembly, NASS which he vetoed in the nick of time.

    The rejected bill at Mr. President’s behest had subsequently been reworked by NASS, and the three processes -direct, indirect, and consensus options were retained in the new bill. But this time, it came with a caveat which is a new element introduced via clause 84(12) which ties the hands of the members of the executive arm of government behind their back as their appointees-ministers, Commissioners, Advisers, etc are barred from voting or being voted for and must resign 180 days before an election. The proviso controverts the 30 days provision for public servants interested in contesting for public office to resign from their jobs as enshrined in the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria as amended.

    Therein lies the dilemma which the electoral law in president Buhari’s eyes suffers as it is undemocratic simply because it disenfranchises political appointees from exercising their civic rights. The legislators who authored it feel otherwise and civil society advocates are hands in gloves with them. And they have the concurrence of the interpretative community which is the courts, hence justice Inyang Ekwo of Abuja High court, granted the application by the main opposition party, PDP that the newly minted electoral act 2022 can not be altered as requested by president Buhari without due process.
    Apparently, the courts are also now exhaling and exercising some independence.

    Just as President Buhari was trying to absorb the blow, the schism that was about to tear the party apart through sabotage by some aggrieved stakeholders who had reportedly gone to the extreme extent of procuring a court judgment that would stop the convention from holding as planned on the 26th of this month, if it remains not vacated, because it would cause another postponement of the convention. And that would imperil the party and possibly the whole election process if and when the convention is held in contravention of INEC election rule of 21 days notice before a convention is held and also being duly informed about a change of guard in the leadership of a party. All of the above criterion have to be complied with. But if Sani-Bello were to assume leadership of APC after INEC’s election timetable has started running from February this year, compliance with INEC rules as encapsulated in the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, would be impossible.

    Would Zamfara state experience whereby the ruling party APC’s votes were voided for technical reasons and the PDP took over the political leadership of the state from governor to legislators, manifest on a national scale in 2023 against the ruling party if it fails to put its house in order as cautioned by President Buhari in the riot act that he read out to his fellow party leaders last Sunday?

    As a crisis manager, I have been drawing attention to the entity formation processes that a group must pass through as espoused by psychologist Bruce Tuckman.

    These are Forming, Storming, Norming, and Stabilizing. There is also the Mourning stage, assuming the initial four stages do not happen smoothly. That is what is staring the APC in the face right now.

    In my assessment, after Forming the APC in 2013/14, it was afraid to confront its demons, so it kept postponing the Storming stage which is only just happening right now. Put succinctly, the current storm in the ruling party should have happened long ago as opposed to taking place in the 11th hour or injury time as football lovers like to term last-minute actions in the field of play. Were that to be the case, there could have been enough time for the Stabilizing process to kick in. And this would have been the healing period for the wounds that might have been inflicted during the Storming stage as reflected by the APC leaders using expletives on themselves and engaging in vile name-calling which is the underlying reason for the title of this article and a damning situation addressed by president Buhari in his riot act.

    Right now, the APC may be going into a war (2023 elections) with fresh wounds owing to a rebellion within the ranks of its members, which is a recipe for a disastrous outcome.

    These are not cold calculations and they are not made with a view to hurting the APC or promoting any party, nor are they meant to stir up the society in any negative way as those who are averse to the truth may want to present it to authorities with the sinister motive of getting security agencies to start running ‘Kiti-Kata’ chasing shadows and unseen enemies.

    Rather, it is a patriotic effort to call attention to the odds stacked up against the APC which is the ruling party at the center and by implication whose imperilment may torpedo the entire political system in Nigeria. That is in case the leaders of APC that president Buhari recently chided and berated are too blinded by their naked ambitions to the extent that they are not thinking of the sustenance of our fledgling democracy that we all fought hard to attain and which they are jeopardizing by their crass actions.

     

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • 1999 constitution review: Are Lawmakers taking women and kings for granted? – By Magnus Onyibe

    1999 constitution review: Are Lawmakers taking women and kings for granted? – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    The House of Representatives, also known as the green chambers of the National Assembly, NASS has reportedly reversed itself by electing to bring back for review, the three bills concerning women’s rights which it had jettisoned during its debate on the new laws to be introduced into the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on Tuesday, March 1, 2022.

    This followed a powerful resistance put up by the womenfolk who were ready to occupy NASS until their demand to be allotted 35% of political appointments; allow their husbands who are not Nigerians to attain citizenship of Nigeria automatically, and also allow them to be indigenes of the homesteads of their Nigerian husbands after five years of marriage.

    Tuesday, March 8 – a United Nations, UN-declared International Women’s Day was particularly an auspicious occasion for the women to flex their muscle, and given that NASS by its promise to bring their matter back for review has capitulated, it would appear as if the doggedness of our mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters has paid off.

    Before then, First Lady Aisha Buhari had stormed the hallowed chambers of NASS, while in session with a bevy of ladies of timber and caliber on the day that the bills were going to be debated. That was perhaps done with a view to wiping the lawmakers into line.

    And it could have been in the manner that Mr Fix-It, chief Tony Annenih of blessed memory used to do whenever then ruling party, PDP wanted its rules enforced by the legislators.

    On the heels of the visit of the First Lady, Aisha, to NASS chambers, second lady, (for lack of better nomenclature) Dolapo Osinbajo-wife of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, embarked on a similar voyage to NASS for the same purpose.

    But the 469 strong members of NASS comprising only 29 women were not intimidated by the August visitors — First Lady and subsequently, the second lady. As such, they did not bulge.

    Thankfully, the NASS did not wait for the womenfolk to deploy the other tools of coercion available to them, which includes being the boss in the ‘other room’ which President Buhari, once told the world in faraway Germany, that Aisha, his amiable and fire spiting wife, belongs. By the way, I would be happy to vote for Aisha as the next president and first female commander-in-chief of Nigerian armed forces, or at the worse, as a senator of the federal republic of Nigeria.

    And l am not being glib with this proposition.

    That is because, in the light of the confusion about the choice of a presidential candidate by both the ruling APC and main opposition party, PDP, it may be expedient to fall back on the womenfolk as the last resort.

    And one lady that has proved that she has the spunk by taking on the powerful Aso Rock mafia with the mindset that a woman’s place is only in the kitchen, is Aisha Buhari.
    Of course ,Mrs Buhari is just a metaphor for women in Nigeria , of which anyone of them is capable of being the president of our country if given the opportunity.

    According to statistics from the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics, NBS, women constitute about 50% of the population of Nigeria. And they are the dominant participants as voters and mobilizers of other voters in the political space.

    Arising from the above, if women band together, and also leverage their female ‘asset’, (I mean prowess) to woo or if you like to seduce men like Delilah did to Samson by extracting from him (the man ordained by God to free Israelites from their bondage in the land of Egypt as narrated in the Holy Bible) the secret of his power, they would be the no 1 in the pecking order in Aso Rock villa. What this means is that we may soon have a first gentleman, instead of First Lady in Aso Rock villa.

    And that is not all the feminine wiles that women can activate to get men to align with them.

    How can we forget how Eve convinced Adam in the Garden of Eden, (where the first man was created by God) against his wish to eat the forbidden apple offered by his wife ,Eve which made him fall out of favor with God, as also recorded in the Holy Bible?

    On account of the foregoing, I have no doubt that women may have their way in making a member of their gender, become the next president of Nigeria in 2023 by manipulating the menfolk who are susceptible and vulnerable to being maneuvered simply because we are actually the weaker sex, not women as we have been led to believe by our mothers.

    After all, in 2016, in the almighty, United States of America, USA, Hilary Rodham Clinton, missed becoming the president of that great country by whiskers. And Kamala Harris, the incumbent Vice President of the USA, a black woman who is the first to attain such height in the USA political hierarchy is only a step away from becoming the president of the USA-the undisputed leader of the world.

    Actually, she has acted in that capacity when President Joe Biden had to undergo a minor surgery during which he was put under anesthesia.

    Who Runs The World?

    That is the rhetorical question once posed by the iconic pop singer, Beyoncé Knowles in her hit song by that title.

    Perhaps, until the women of Nigeria assert themselves more in the manner that they have recently done as catalogued above, Nigerian men may not know that it is women that truly run the world.

    Probably, when the reality dawns on the menfolk, they would realize that they have to cut women some slack in the political leadership of our country, as they are demanding so that we can all have a happy ending.

    Keeping in mind the foregoing, why does the ruling party at the center seem to be taking women for granted by ignoring their plea to recognize them as partners in the leadership of our country, until they served their recent notice to NASS about their impending rebellion which jolted the lawmakers out of their revelry and underestimation of the strength of a woman?

    A website farandwide.com reckons that women’s ascendancy in the scheme of political affairs in the USA has been significant.

    Here is how the message was couched:

    “When it comes to gender equality, we are living in a historic age. Women make up nearly a quarter of the United States Congress, more than at any other point in history, and representation is steadily increasing in statewide offices across the nation”

    The website also reported that there are at least five(5) countries in the world where women are in charge and leading successfully.

    These are (1) Taiwan where Thai lng-Wen is the prime minister (2) New Zealand with Jacinda Arden and (3) Bangladesh having Sheik Hashina Wazed.
    There is also (4)Iceland having Katrin Jakobsdottir as leader of the country and (5) Carrie Lam as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong.

    Of course, the list does not include Angela Merkel, that just concluded her tour of duty as the Chancellor of Germany a couple of months ago and Theresa may who also recently exited her position as prime minister of the United Kingdom where Queen Elizabeth II is also the monarch. How can we forget the immediate past President of Liberia our sister country, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf?

    Another critical component in our society that the National Assembly, NASS, and by extension the ruling party, APC that controls the majority of the legislators and governors seem to be taking for granted is the institution of traditional rulers-kings and queens.

    Their desire to be given a more active role to play in the leadership of our country in the reviewed constitution was also thwarted by lawmakers who trashed their request.

    Given that the council of traditional rulers once played strategic roles in government during the first republic, their quest is valid.

    In fact, ahead of local governments, traditional rulers are closer to the grassroots. By the very nature of our cultural system, before the advent of the so-called Western civilization that destroyed our very efficacious traditional governance system and supplanted it with Western democracy that got literally forced down our throats by the colonialists, our society was governed effectively and efficiently by applying African cultural ethos and mores. As there is not enough time to elucidate on that , it is useful that we for instance, remind ourselves of our glorious past by highlighting the virtues in one of the notable traditional governance systems, the Ekpo masquerade culture of the Efik that abound around Calabar, etc in south-south Nigeria. In that regard ,our lawmakers must dig deep into how our forbears managed our societies such that the Portuguese who first came here were amazed that ancient Benin kingdom had street lights powered with palm oil.
    Members of NASS must therefore awaken their senses to recognize the value and strength intrinsic in our traditional institutions which need to be harnessed.

    Is it not being alleged in some quarters that our public office holders are always clannish by first being loyal to God, then beholden to their traditional rulers before the government to which they swore allegiance when they took their oath of office? Although the practice is more prevalent amongst our northern brothers and sisters, it is an existential reality nationwide.
    Why are our kings and queens not being given the opportunity to share their leadership wisdom via recognition for more strategic role in the constitution?

    The point being made here is that instead of swallowing Western administrative cultures and values hook-line-and-sinker, we are supposed to think out of the box by picking from the foreign systems, only what can work for us and graft them on what has been working for us, pre Western civilization.

    That is the strategy adopted by the Chinese hence they have been able to mesmerize the Western world and the reason they have risen from the bottom of development rung where they were located about four decades ago to being second only to the USA in terms of technology, wealth and influence globally .

    Like the womenfolk, perhaps our traditional rulers -kings and queens need to threaten to strip all public office holders, particularly politicians in the National and state assemblies , of their chieftaincy titles, so that they would, as we say it in local parlance — know who owns papa’s land.

    As we are all well aware, the demagogues covet their traditional titles which they proudly wear on their sleeves more than their academic titles.

    Not a few politicians who are bereft of academic or professional laurels (and are unable to acquire honorary doctoral degrees) make up for the inadequacy with traditional titles which they can procure for a price.
    Even those that have professional and academic laurels enhance them by enjoying being referred to as chief (Doctor) or chief (Professor ) and even chief (Barrister ) XYZ.

    That basically suggests that politicians prize chieftaincy titles highly. That being the case, how dare NASS try to cancel out such caliber of Nigerians without suffering the consequences?

    Should the traditional rulers in Nigeria decide to shun their ethnoreligious differences and band together as the female folks did by pulling their weight against NASS for taking them for granted, they would not only have their say, they would also have their way, otherwise they would vent their spleen.

    If that happens, the consequences on the lawmakers at the polls would be dire.

    As we say (in our neck of the country) to people who offend us without thinking first about our common root and consequences, ‘l will wait for you at the junction’.

    That simply implies that the fight has been put forward and it would be fought locally at home.

    As the conventional wisdom goes: a word is enough for the wise.

    So l will say no more.

    On a more serious note, (not that the case of taking women and traditional rulers for granted is not equally serious ) but frankly, it boggles the mind why the interests of such critical stakeholders in the electioneering process are being overlooked by politicians.

    If after this treatise, our lawmakers do not ‘wise-up’ and do the needful to borrow the lingo of our youths, their likely calamity would not be blamed on ignorance as it would be self-inflicted and at best, own goal.

     

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Electoral Act 2022 Clause 84 (12): When Two Elephants Fight – By Magnus Onyibe

    Electoral Act 2022 Clause 84 (12): When Two Elephants Fight – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    The most appropriate note on which to commence this dialogue on the controversial clause 84(12) of the much-debated and anticipated electoral act 2022 is by adopting the aphorism when two elephants fight, the grass suffers.

    The reasons for applying the elephants’ metaphor may not be obvious. But it is simply because the final battle in the war to reform our country’s electoral system was between the all-powerful governors’ forum currently led by Kayode Fayemi, Ekiti State Governor on one side and the National Assembly, with Ahmad Lawan, the senate president and Femi Gbajabiamila, the Speaker of the House of Representatives as leaders of National Assembly, NASS, on the other side.

    I will dwell further on the victor and vanquished aspects of the epic battle between both gladiators in the course of this discourse. But at this juncture, it is pertinent that we first of all focus on the commendable leadership sagacity exhibited by president Mohammadu Buhari in the course of birthing the newly minted electoral act 2022.

    Now, some hawkish people in the presidency might have advised President Buhari not to be perturbed by public criticism whenever he gets tongue-lashed by some elders who speak out, no matter whose Ox is gored, and who are from across the regions ranging from Pa Ayo Adebanjo leader of Afenifere, from the southwest, Prof. Ango Abdullahi, head of Northern Elders Forum, as well as Prof. Ben Nwabueze, Chairman of Igbo Leaders of Thought and longest-living senior advocate of Nigeria from the southeast.

    And the devil-may-care leadership style advocates on the corridors of presidential power would have justified their advice to President Buhari, not to be accommodating or tolerant of criticism and critics by sowing the nihilist idea into his mind that whatever he does as a leader would be considered as unsatisfactory and therefore criticized unnecessarily.

    But following Mr. President’s commendable action of signing into law, the much desired and anticipated Electoral Act 2022 on Friday, February 25, 2022, and the massive applause that he has received from a broad spectrum of Nigerians, including the clergy and the international community alike for the exemplary leadership that he has exhibited in assenting to the bill even if he has expressed reservations about some elements in the act particularly clause 84 (12); by now, it must have dawned on President Buhari who has been fooling who.

    That is because today, it is manifest that Nigerians are capable of acknowledging and commending good work by their president with adulation, as reflected by the torrents of encomiums which have been flowing in the direction of President Buhari from not only civil society organizations that were in the forefront of the struggle for electoral reforms, but even from regional ethnic and cultural groups (that in light of human carnage and misery saw no good in Buhari’s presidency) such as Ohaneze Ndi Igbo from the southeast, Afenifere from the southwest and Arewa Forum from the north as well as Pan Niger Delta Forum, PANDEF from the south-south; not forgetting Middle Belt Forum, MBF, including Inter-party Advisory Council -an umbrella body of all registered political parties, since Friday, February 25 when president Buhari signed off on the act.

    Given the massive welcoming approval accorded the electoral act 2022 by the critical mass of Nigerians,I would argue that no policy initiative of the government in Nigeria in recent history has received such a consensus and broad range of support from across ethnic, religious, and cultural divides in our country, except the UDOJl award (payment of bonus salaries to reward public servants for their support and dedication during the difficult period of the war 1967-70) by the government under then military head of state, General Yakubu Gowon in 1974.

    In my assessment of the current state of affairs in our country, based on the high level of despondency, it is only a decision to restructure the political and social-economic systems as well as the introduction of state police by president Buhari that could have made Nigerians heave the type of sigh of relief that the signing of the electoral act 2022 has elicited.

    But those critical yearnings of the masses which are policies, if executed would advance the status of the entity known as Nigeria from being a mere country to a nation via astute and patriotic leadership, would remain a mirage.

    That is simply because restructuring the political system and introduction of state police which were the heart of the ruling party, APC’s campaign in 2015, that enabled it to clinch the leadership of Nigeria at the center over seven (7) years ago are being treated like plaques. Hence even the recently concluded review of the constitution led by my good friend and brother, Ovie Omo-Agege, deputy senate president, did not even get that critical desire of Nigerians listed for consideration on the floors of NASS, how much more receive the privilege of being debated. The neglect of restructuring and state police in the review of the constitution appear to be deliberate as they are the key components of the report submitted by the Nasir El-Rufai led committee set up by the ruling party to chart the way forward. Already, Nigerian women are literarily up in arms with NASS for ditching their demand for 35% of seats to be allotted to them as a sort of affirmative action, just as traditional rulers are also aghast that their quest to be assigned a more active role in governance was not factored into the reviewed constitution.

    That is a subject for another day.

    By assenting to the electoral bill and its subsequent conversion into law, President Buhari has conferred on Nigerian politics, a breath of fresh air to replace the putrid and toxic elements intrinsic in the electoral act 2010 which has been in operation since the last reform carried out by the pair of ex-presidents Umaru Yardua of blessed memory (2007-10) and Goodluck Jonathan (2010-15).

    It may be recalled that both former Presidents had improved upon the version handed over by the military who sired the problematic 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria that had just undergone another review and amendment on 1/3/2022 by the National Assembly, NASS.

    Is it not preposterous that the electoral law which had lost its flavor as it was simply inhibiting our ability to organize elections that are free and fair, as identified as far back as 2018 when the idea of electoral reform was first mooted and pursued by NASS, had remained unimproved upon due to mere political chicanery?

    It is such an indictment on the political class that the 2010 electoral act had remained unchanged after 12 years of its application in the recruitment of our political leaders, during which flaws that needed to be reformed urgently were identified, but of which President Buhari had been reluctant to effect, until Friday, February 25, 2022, when he appended his signature.

    That is because, since the idea of reforming the electoral system via a review of the 2010 electoral act was first muted in 2018, (4th review since 1999) the journey to electoral reforms has not only been full of twists and turns, it has actually been torturous for most Nigerians who have somehow been tormented by the back and forth movement of the bill between the executive and legislative arms of government until it finally became law on February 25, 2022.

    Arising from the rigorous exercise that involved the National Assembly (NASS) passing the electoral Act amendment bill for a record five (5) times and transmitting the same to president Buhari who had been demurring from signing-off on it for the same number of times, l was compelled to tag the 2021 electoral bill an Abiku/Ogbabje bill, (stillbirth in African mythology) in one of my previous essays titled: ‘Electoral Act Amendment Bill: Interrogating The Ogbanje/ Abiku Elements’ focused on the issue of electoral reforms and its potential benefits to the body politics of our beloved country underscoring the multiple times that president Buhari vetoed it.

    And the wisecrack, no pain, gain rings true in this instance.

    That is because it is particularly heartening that after the epic struggle, Nigerians are now in a position to be the major beneficiaries as the reforms of the electoral system are bound to lend the political system the required fidelity that would motivate more members of society, particularly those who felt that owing to the opaque nature of the electoral process, their votes would not count, hence they have been shying away from exercising their franchise in previous elections.

    Based on the improvements which the 2022 reform has conferred on the electoral system, going forward, especially during the 2023 general elections, which is barely one year away, Nigerians would likely turn out massively to vote, more so because of ballot stuffing and snatching, as well as election result falsification that used to trigger violence in the polling units, are deemed to have been eliminated by electoral act 2022. The optimism is derived from the belief that the new electoral law has institutionalized transmission of results electronically from polling booths to the INEC database and makes it impossible for votes cast in a particular polling unit to be more than the registered or accredited voters in that location.

    Those were some of the tricks that politicians leveraged in the past to produce perverse election results that generated pre and post-election violence that hitherto defined politics in Nigeria and pinned political actors down in law courts for the better part of their tenure while governance suffered.

    In that regard, by and large, the Electoral Act 2022 can be said to be an elixir that is guaranteed to induce political sanity into our country’s beleaguered democracy.

    In an uncanny way, perhaps the past five years (2018 till February 25, 2022) of trying to get President Buhari to assent to the bill in the multiple times that it was passed by the National Assembly, NASS was not wasted after all.

    The assertion above is derived from the fact that had the process not been delayed and were it not that, apart from our lawmakers, the executive arm of government, and civil society organizations, under the auspices of YIAGA Africa and CUPP (civil society, political parties coalition and democracy advocacy groups), as well as ordinary Nigerians, that generally got involved in pressuring the incumbent president to build on the reforms of the electoral system implemented by his predecessors, Umaru Yar’adua of blessed memory and Goodluck Jonathan that instituted the justice Lawal Uwais committee which reviewed the electoral act 2010, that just amended; electoral 2022 would not have been this robust.

    But due to some omissions and commissions on the part of the executive arm, particularly the presidency which remains unresponsive to the stimuli of the masses that could have generated empathy for president Buhari, it was assumed by most Nigerians that Aso Rock was disconnected from the reality of the masses, a belief underscored by the initial reluctance of Mr President to assent to the bill which is contrary to the wish of the critical mass that is literarily dying for a much better electoral system.

    Having finally signed the bill into an act of law on February 25, 2022, President Buhari has proven wrong those who assumed that he was not keen on bequeathing the legacy of a reformed electoral system to the country before he exits power in 2023.

    As valid as that point of view appears, there is another school of thought that posits that, if the electoral bill was assented to by President Buhari when it was first passed by NASS in 2018, by now, (which is five years after) democracy in Nigeria could have been deepened much more than the level that it is in right now. Actually, each time president Buhari sent the bill back to NASS, an opportunity to move democracy forward was lost. Otherwise, as a nation, after the 2015 election that ushered in President Buhari, by 2019 election, we should have progressed beyond the use of Biometric Voter Accreditation System, BVAS, electronic transmission of results from polling units to INEC database, and all the other innovations contained in the new electoral act 2022, all of which were achieved under the watch of current INEC chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu.

    Is not rather disappointing that the improvements in the electoral system that we should have attained in 2018 for the 2019 general elections are what we just achieved in 2022, prior to the looming general elections in 2023?

    It is my opinion, that the electoral process improvements such as the introduction of the concept of diaspora voting, voting by mail, and electronic voting amongst other innovations, that could have deepened our democracy, should have already been incorporated into our electoral system in 2022 and as we set our eyes on 2023 general elections. But owing to the shenanigans that detained it for five years as it bounced between the NASS and presidency like a ping-pong, they are now in our front view mirror as the next electoral reform goals, whereas they could have been in our rearview mirror.

    But as the saying goes, all is well that ends well, which is why Nigerians appear to be content (for now ) with the modest accomplishments of the electoral Act 2022.

    The only worries now are that some of the contents of electoral act 2022 would have to be scrapped so soon after it was assented to or reviewed owing to the reason that they are not seating well with President Buhari, as contained in his cover letter to NASS conveying his approval of the bill into the act. It is a matter of grave concern to watchers of our democracy because, after 23 years of its return as the form of government in Nigeria, democracy can no longer be said to be in its infancy. Strictly speaking, democracy in Nigeria is currently in adulthood simply because a 23 years old man or woman can no longer be referred to as a kid. So why would the passage and adoption of a law by both NASS and the president be so fractious and farcical?

    For instance, President Buhari’s exception to Clause 84(12) of the electoral law that he assented to has thrown up new crises because he believes the clause negates the tenets of democracy. Although, there is supposed to have been a gentleman agreement between president Buhari and NASS leadership to scrap that portion after he might have appended his presidential signature to it, (a process agreed upon to avoid a constitutional challenge that was looming if president Buhari vetoed it and NASS failed to override him before the end of February) following president Buhari’s letter requesting that legislators make good their promise, it was not expected that there would be issues. But there is clearly resistance to keeping the promise made by NASS, particularly from the Lower Chamber which comprises 360 members and therefore more difficult to manipulate than the senate with only 109 members that is less wieldy to maneuver.

    Often, gentleman agreements are susceptible to contention as evidenced by the controversy surrounding rotation of presidential power between north and south which is also hinged on a gentleman agreement hashed out during the 1995 national conference.

    At this juncture, a bit of backgrounding to put things in perspective is necessary. And as l earlier indicated that l would return to the victor and vanquished parties in birthing the electoral act amendment 2022 with respect to clause 84 (12) which is a watered-down cause of the duel between the governors’ forum and the resurgent NASS, let us look at the real reasons that the clause causing prickly heat has remained like a fly perched on the scrotum and could not be easily crushed without severe consequences, hence President Buhari was compelled to sign the bill into law without further filibustering.

    That the controversial clause 84 (12) excludes political appointees from voting or being voted for and compels them to resign 180 days prior to Election Day, is no longer news. The contention is that the provision is contrary to the rule enshrined in the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria that gives public servants 30 days (as opposed to 180 days) to resign their appointments if they intend to contest for electoral positions as contained in the new electoral law. Since the constitution supersedes any other law, in this instance, appointees resigning 30 days to elections as enshrined in the 1999 constitution as amended would prevail. There would not have been the need to scrub out the 180 days requirement, were it not for the fact that clause 84 (12) also forbids political appointees from voting or being voted for during party conventions. It is needless to point out that denying political appointees the right to vote or be voted for amounts to robbing them of their civic rights and responsibilities. But those who support the current controversial clause 84 (12) electoral act 2022 aver that the clause is aimed at creating a level playing field for all political office aspirants in and out of public office.

    Their point is that being able to run for an elective office while holding public office gives undue advantage to incumbents who would take advantage of their pole positions by capitalizing on public resources available to them and imperil the non-public office holders contesting against them. That concern is real.

    And legislators who are often at the receiving end are the architects of the controversial clause 84 (12) which, if you like is their own curved ball or panacea to the undue advantage enjoyed by governors and Mr president whose appointees (ministers, special advisers in the case of a president and commissioners, special advisers, etc ) help tilt the scale in their favor during party primaries. In light of the revelation above, is anyone still wondering why governors and the president always have a battery of special assistants or appointees with all manners of titles even in the twilight of their tenure? Hitherto, most Nigerians thought it was merely their way of creating jobs for the ‘ boys’ who helped them in securing victory at the polls. Alas, it is much more than that.

    Unbeknownst to most Nigerians, Clause 84 (12) is also a fallout or an adjunct to the proposal by NASS that the process of producing delegates at primaries should be solely direct primaries as opposed to the three options of direct, indirect, and consensus as contained in the electoral bill 2021 vetoed by President Buhari and sent back for re-work.

    As the popular aphorism goes, there are many ways to kill a rat without spilling its blood. That is why the bill was in deference to president Buhari’s re-worked by NASS. But not without cleverly stripping governors of the advantage or luxury of leveraging their appointees to give them a leg up during party primaries through clause 84 (12).

    So in more ways than one, the contest for the control of the ruling party, which is by extension, the soul of Nigeria between the powerful governors’ forum and National Assembly, NASS, did not end with the restoration of the three options of direct, indirect and consensus options in the new electoral law, as it has raged on, but in a more nuanced and subtle way sustained with clause 84 (12).

    Put succinctly, what the legislators could not achieve with their introduction of direct primaries as the sole process of producing candidates for general elections, which was rejected by President Buhari via a veto, they have achieved via clause 84 (12) which whittles considerably the influence of governors during party primaries via their reliance on appointees beholden to them to vote in their favor.

    In my piece on reforming the electoral act earlier referenced, l had advised President Buhari to Beware of IDEs of March and more curved balls as he enters the lame-duck period of his presidency with Governors and NASS taking his two ears hostage and bombarding him with their selfish and group point of view as they try to justify their opposing views of democracy in a bid to undo each other.

    Below is how l had put it:

    “Tellingly, governors and legislators had drawn a battle line on who would outwit each other on the question of whether direct primaries should be enshrined into the electoral act in the process of amendment. I contended further by stating that

    “With President Buhari finally withholding his assent, the leaders of the sub-national entities seem to have triumphed over the legislators.”

    I then observed that “Uncharacteristically, the governors are appearing to be humble in victory by being reticent since 21/12/2021, when president Buhari communicated his refusal to append his signature to the document that had been subjected to a series of back and forth movements between the upper and lower chambers of NASS.”

    Then I concluded by posing the question: “Does the muteness of the governors suggest that their victory may be pyrrhic? Considering the outrage of Nigerians when they kicked against the expunging of electronic transmission of election results from the polling units to the collation centers introduced by the lower chamber, but which was watered down by the upper chamber, by basically stripping INEC of its independence, before it was finally restored in the current bill rejected by president Buhari; the legislature should be leaking its wound.”

    As it turned out, as opposed to licking their wounds, the NASS went back to the drawing board to conceive how they could pull more arrows out of their quivers to combat give hence they were able to come up with clause 84(12) whose efficacy has seen governors reeling in pains. Talk about he who laughs last, laughs best.

    Putting all together, one thing that I can deduce is that NASS is not actually totally in acquiescence with the presidency as it would appear to the ordinary folks who regard our current lawmakers as mere rubber stamps of the presidency simply because the executive arm influenced the emergence of the leadership of both the Upper and Lower chambers which are supposed to be independent.

    Apart from the NASS initiative of forming a committee comprising of members of the Upper and Lower chambers, the presidency and the concerned ministries, departments, or agencies for the purpose of curating public policies at proposal levels which have reduced the high level of public rancor between the two arms of government witnessed during the 8th senate, the NASS particularly the Lower chamber, is not a walk-over as it tries to assert its independence, albeit in more subtle manners.

    That is why scrubbing off clause 84 (12) may not be a walk in the park for the presidency.

    Again, in my view, healthy opposition is good for the deepening of democracy in our beloved Nigeria.

    Even then, politicians and the game of politics never cease to amaze and intrigue the uninitiated and that applies to most Nigerians.

    How can one phantom why Governors who are more likely to end up in the Senate after their tenure be so intent on flexing political muscle with members of the senate where they would most likely end up?

    And vice versa for NASS members who also are more often than not angling to be state governors after serving as senators or members of the National Assembly.

    In my assessment, it is all about temporary advantages to be gained by each of the groups involved in the contest for political powers.

    It elicits the question: is the contestation or rivalry between governors and national legislators ego-driven and therefore ephemeral or altruistic?

    Clearly, it is the revolving door of politics in Nigeria that makes it possible for politicians to pivot between calling the shots in governors’ mansions in their home states and the hallowed chambers of NASS, that justifies the labeling of our present crop of politicians as recycled men and women that have nothing more to offer society, by youths, especially those in the vanguard of Not-Too-Young-To-Rule movements, pushing the candidacy of the likes of Kingsley Moghalu, Dele Momodu, Omoyele Sowore et al who have thrown their hats into the ring as 2023 presidential candidates.

    While the governors and legislators’ epic battle rages on, the import of the adage ‘when two (2) elephants fight, the grass suffers’ must not be lost on the polity which is why l am drawing attention to it via the analysis contained in this intervention.

    In light of the foregoing narrative, the delay in assenting to the amended electoral act until February 25 2022 is attributable to the square up between NASS and governors forum and not totally the fault of president Buhari as it has been cast.

    For now, it is anyone’s guess whether the battle of supremacy between our governors and elected representatives in the NASS which detained the badly needed electoral reforms for five (5) years would continue with the request by president Buhari that clause 84 (12) be deleted. Would a rebellion manifest in the coming days as the matter has now been officially tabled on the floors of the National Assembly, comprising of men and women who may be ready, willing, and able to subsume party dictates for their personal interests as the presidency enters lame-duck period?

    Well, we may not know until when the hurly-burly APC convention and congress for the nomination of presidential candidates by both the ruling and main opposition parties are over.

     

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Nigeria As A Massive Crime Scene And Jostle For Presidency 2023 – By Magnus Onyibe

    Nigeria As A Massive Crime Scene And Jostle For Presidency 2023 – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    I love Nigeria, I no go lie is a lyric of a popular Nigerian song by the same title written by Wole Soyinka -Nobel laureate and Tunji Oyelana. And the song was sung in the good old days when the naira/dollar exchange rate was such that the naira commanded a higher exchange rate than the United States of America (USA) dollar.

    The table below is how StatisSense — a financial intelligence advocacy outfit presented the rapid devaluation of the naira in the past 20 years; reflecting the pulling of the economy into the doldrums and by implication how the misery of Nigerians has increased exponentially as evidenced by the rapidly deteriorating standard of living.

    The graphic display by StatisSense which has been trending in social media would make the jaws of even the most optimistic Nigerians drop in despondency.

    Here we go:

    “The Value of ₦1m over 40 years (1981 – 2021):

    1981: ₦1m = $1,570,105
    1991: ₦1m = $102,517
    2001: ₦1m = $8,814
    2011: ₦1m = $6,382
    2021: ₦1m = $2,421”

    If the erosion of the value of our national currency as highlighted above does not gull you, the fact that queuing for days and nights for petrol has been a re-occurring decimal in Nigeria’s social-economic calculus would literarily give you a kick in the groin.

    Since a fortnight ago when our country started experiencing the return of the dreaded struggle by the masses just to purchase petrol from retail stations, Nigerians have also been reminded of the stressful experience, via a video that has gone viral depicting Nigerians as far back as 1974 struggling to purchase the essential petrol for their vehicles that would enable them have the mobility to get on with their daily chores of plying their trade and earning their living as blue or white-collar workers. What the video exposes is that although there has been a lot of motions and actions (massive commitment of funds in turnaround maintenance of refineries by the authorities) no real progress has been made in relieving the masses of the terrible ordeal that they faced in the process of obtaining petrol.

    In light of the nostalgic and positive memory of the high quality of life in Nigeria in the days of yore which is before the 1970s when things went awry following the 1966 coup, a counter coup six months after, and the unfortunate civil war that lasted till 1970, it is not unexpected that, the song, ‘l love Nigeria, l no go lie. Na inside am l go live and die’ would be like a national anthem.

    Little wonder, it became a sing-song issuing from the lips of many a Nigerian.

    Indeed, it was a sign of the times.

    Which is why any attempt to sing about Nigeria now, would be melancholic.

    And we need not search long or hard to find a song that reflects the state of affairs commencing from the time that crushing hard times started threatening to asphyxiate Nigerian masses in the early 1970s.

    A song by Idris Abdulkareem, a popular musician aptly describes the current state of affairs in Nigeria that is now in a Hobbesian state of nature -which can basically be characterized as jungle life.

    The lyrics which is quite graphic goes thus:

    ‘Nigeria jaga, jaga. Everything scatter, scatter. Gun shots in mi street , gbosa, gbosa’.

    It is such an irony that when the young musician sang the song a couple of decades ago, things were not this bad in our country as evidenced by the insecurity of lives and properties of multiple dimensions-religious insurgencies, herdsmen/farmers conflicts, and banditry as well as kidnapping for ransom at an unprecedented scale, currently ravaging our country

    But that did not deter then president Olusegun Obasanjo, OBJ from having an altercation with the young musician who he challenged when he categorically rebuked him by stating that Nigeria is not jaga, jaga. As some Nigerians would recall, that happened after the song of lamentation was sang at a public event in which the then-president was in attendance. The song was a sort of affirmation of another song by a Nigerian artist that goes by the name, Ras Kimono, who is now late. It is titled:

    “Under pressure, Nigerians under pressure. No money for me pocket, no food, for my belly,” he wailed.

    The song of sorrow that predates all of the foregoing ones is: ‘suffering and smiling’ by late Fela Kuti- the king of rebel music. I need not dwell further on Fela’s string of protest music which abounds and is popular or common enough for me to assume that the point has been made. Although some of our current youthful musicians have made music denouncing the cold treatment from the Nigerian police leading to #Ensars street protests in October 2020,(such as:…meet me in Ozumba Mbadiwe , which is the site of Lekki toll gate where the alleged shooting of protesting youths by the army happened ) the songs have not been widely propagated as much as Fela Kuti’s scathing condemnation of military brutality in his hit songs titled: ”Zombie”, or “Sorrow, Tears and Blood” amongst others.

    Owing to the constrictions in our society as evidenced by the rampant violation of civil liberties by authorities, as evidenced by the fact that #ENSARS Protesters waving Nigerian flags and singing the national anthem were allegedly shot at by law enforcement agencies in October 2020, I can not help but wonder if the incumbent president, Muhammadu Buhari would like ex-president, Obasanjo who blasted an artist for singing Nigeria jaga, jaga, lambast any musician that sings protest songs reflecting the unprecedented level of misery that is currently threatening to snuff life out of many a Nigerian.

    Now, dear readers, if at this juncture, you are wondering if this article is not about musicians, as such, the title may be deceptive, you are justified in your bewilderment.

    Without further ado, let me hasten to explain why l embarked on the voyage into the land of music in the preamble.

    The reason is to soften the harsh effect of the picture of the current reality in our beloved country which l am about to share with you by first of all recalling the good times, while gradually introducing the current horrendous state of life in our nation and alarming criminality in our beloved country.

    According to experts,if you want to understand the artistic zeitgeist of a particular era, you only have to look at the politics, movies, fashion, and music of that time. So the highlighted songs are reflections of the drudgery in our society.

    Believe it or not, the seeming pall of darkness which has simply engulfed our beloved country is a fallout of the fact that for too long, Nigeria has been in the vice grip of terrible and unpatriotic leaders or those without positive vision of how to lead our country into prosperity . Hence our country has failed to rise above its initial challenges as reflected by the fact that in nearly 50 years, (a period of nearly half a century) the malaise of queuing up for days on end in petrol stations just to purchase the commodity has as an albatross remained with us unchanged and unceasing.

    Expressed metaphorically, the return of petrol queues in Nigeria which is a reminder of the experience that goes as far back as 1974, is like a child that was bedwetting at infancy that has continued to bed-wet at nearly age 50.

    Is that not a crying shameful monument to our memory as a nation?

    As if taking absurdity to a new dimension, the federal government has just made a massive provision of N3 trillion for the funding of petroleum subsidy in the 2023 budget. That is irrespective of the fact that about $2 billion could have been invested in building a sizable new refinery from scratch as the Chinese recently did in the Niger Republic in a reasonably short span of time.

    As proof that the assertion above is not mere fantasy as some apparatchiks of government are wont to make the masses believe, Aliko Dangote is in the process of completing, in Lekki Free Trade Zone, near Lagos, the construction of a multi-billion dollars complex (estimated at $19 billion) comprising of Petrol refining (650,000 bpd) and a chemical as well as fertilizer blending facilities in a period of not more than five years. It may be recalled that the richest man in Africa first broke the news in 2016 before activities to actualize the vision commenced in the following year 2017.

    And that is within the watch of the current leadership in Aso Rock villa.

    To put things in context, let us keep in mind that Nigeria is believed in some quarters to have spent at least $30 billion importing fuel in the last 15 years (approximately 18 trillion naira) which is much more than the $19 trillion that Dangote has invested in his massive facility that is poised to reverse the debilitating experience of practically fighting to obtain petrol in retail stations in the past 50 years.

    Meanwhile, after a galaxy of experts have averred that about $2 billion can build a Refinery in Nigeria from the scratch, similar amounts have been applied, on multiple occasions revamping existing refineries that are in reality, comatose.

    The woes that make Nigeria a massive crime scene do not end there.

    Unlike neighboring Niger republic which boasts of a new state-of-the-art petrol refinery built by the Chinese in a record time, our leaders have been unable to build a new refinery and the existing ones have been largely barren, (infinitesimal production) even when an estimated whopping sum of N65 billion is reportedly being expended as staff emoluments annually for Kaduna refinery alone.

    Worse still, although Nigeria is the world’s 6th largest oil/gas producer , with the country being a massive crime scene, it is unable to meet its OPEC allocated production quota of two (2) million barrels per day. This may in part be due to the crime of stealing crude oil from the pipelines in volumes reportedly as much as 450,000 barrels daily. Tony Elumelu, chairman of Heirs Holdings recently valued the quantity of crude stolen in the niger delta to be at as much as $4 billion annually.

    Cognizant of the narrative above, no matter the optics applied, be it with the opposition or ruling party lenses, our beloved country can’t escape being classified as a massive crime scene.

    And the rot afflicting our country is not confined to the financial and economic spheres of life.

    The doom and gloom spread into even the health care and life expectancy realms. And a narrative of my tragic and traumatic personal experience below is the justification for the above assertionFollowing the sudden passage of my 17-year-old daughter Kikaose Ebiye -Onyibe, a second-year law undergraduate attending the University of Birmingham, UK after a badly handled surgery for appendicitis at Lagoon hospital in Bourdilon road, Ikoyi, Lagos on April 12, 2017; based on my morbid experience, I wrote an article titled: “Nigeria Now Looks Like An ICU”.

    The piece went beyond the shambolic health care system in our country to which l lost my precious daughter, as it was a reflection of the state of anomie that our country had descended at that time.

    That was evidenced by the harvest of deaths nationwide, but particularly in the Benue Trough in the middle belt of Nigeria where herdsmen now interchangeable for bandits and terrorists were engaging in an orgy of death or a killing spree. The crime situation was so dire that hopeless and hapless families buried victims sometimes running into several dozens at a time and in a single day.

    Back in those days, the crisis of Insecurity of lives and properties was so outrageous that even as l was mourning the loss of Kikaose who tragically passed away in a supposed first-class health facility smack in the heart of Ikoyi which had no medical equipment as simple as a ventilator that could have saved my daughter’s life by enabling her to breathe while her vital organs damaged by the toxins oozing out of her ruptured appendix could heal via treatment with antibiotics; l could not help but be united in grief with the families who also lost loved ones to the marauders posing as herdsmen that were terrorizing fellow Nigerians with impunity at about the same time that l was grieving.

    For those interested in learning a lesson or two from my tragic experience in a Nigerian hospital and how to cope with the loss of a loved one, the details can be found in my book written in Kikaose’s memory titled: “Beyond Loss And Grief. The Story Of Kikaose Ebiye-Onyibe.”

    The apparent worthlessness of lives in Nigeria due to perverse leadership is one of the many factors that justify the tagging of Nigeria as a massive crime scene.

    Below is how l tried to prick the conscience of our leaders in Aso Rock Villa and National Assembly, NASS into taking more far-reaching actions to stem the high tide of insecurity of lives and properties of Nigerians which had degenerated from being confined to the north to becoming a pan-Nigeria crisis as if it was imperative that the mindless criminality is democratized.

    “In ICUs, practically everybody you are likely to find would be in oxygen masks, dialysis machines, and in spasms or death throes.

    If a patient survives ICU and proceeds to none emergency sections of the hospital, he or she is likely to live long enough to tell the story.”

    I strove further to make my case by stressing the difference between president Buhari’s exaltation in his first democracy day speech and the reality:

    “What l glean from president Muhammadu Buhari’s democracy day speech last May 29, 2016, marking his first year in office as president of Nigeria, is a message of hope, with a further call for patience by long-suffering Nigerians and a promise that their fortune would soon change for the better.

    However, the reality is that the living condition of Nigerians across the spectrum right now, fits the description of an ICU because life has been, to say the least, brutish, traumatic, and tragic, such that the average Nigerian does not know if he can survive till the next day, how much less another one year, if existing fundamental structural imbalances are not re-engineered.”

    I then drove my point home by highlighting the following prevailing circumstances that justify labeling our dear country with the toga of an ICU and which incidentally are still persistent over six years after the article was published.

    “Below are five prevailing circumstances that underscore my characterization of Nigeria as an ICU.

    _(1) Undoubtedly, the president has done a very commendable job of prying out from the sticky fingers of looters, Nigeria’s wealth – although the promise to reveal the sum and name culprits remain unkept.

    However, the exercise did not happen without taking its toll on the economy and the collateral damage can be equated to the calamitous consequences of chasing a bull into a China shop.

    Recent reports in the media monitoring a tier-one bank foreign exchange, fx allocation from CBN indicates that the largest amount of fx sold by the bank last week is to foreign conglomerates who are pulling out their funds owing to the uncertainties in Nigeria.

    Apart from portfolio and equity firms that have retreated from Nigeria in the past few months, foreign airlines which are unable to repatriate their funds are currently in the forefront of businesses deserting Nigeria.

    With the astronomical exchange rates, factories closing down, biting unemployment, galloping inflation, and a lot of people are in distress.

    With the foregoing indices, Nigerians can be said to be in ICU and are likely to remain there for much longer than they might have imagined as pervasive poverty continues to reign supreme.

    (2) As tumultuous as the anti-corruption war has been, stepping down Boko Haram insurgency alert level from code red when it appeared as if there were an equal number of people worshiping inside churches and mosques, as there were security personnel guarding the houses of worship, has been the most notable accomplishment of president Buhari, in the past one year.

    Compared to the past, the dreaded terrorist group can now be safely said to be struggling to get noticed through the occasional detonation of improvised explosive devices, IEDs here and there and once in a while.

    That is a welcome development for Nigerians in the northeast where the number of Internally Displaced People, IDPs, estimated to be in millions, are now returning to their homes.

    As parents who have lost children are consigned to mourning the loss of their loved ones and the young lads who are now orphaned are left to care for themselves, returning home is not such a great respite to the hapless victims, so they remain in ICU as they try to cobble their lives together.

    (3) Although the horrendous killings in northeast Nigeria which earned Boko Haram the reputation of being the most brutal terror group in the world — worst than ISIS, Al Qaeda, and Taliban — has abated, the orgy of killings by the rampaging Fulani herdsmen of children, women, and men is the new face of terrorism.

    From Agatu in Benue state where the whole town was burnt down with throats slit; kidnap and near assassination of a former presidential candidate, Olu Falae in Ogun state; brazen attacks on farmers and monarchs in delta state to the brutal massacre of indigenes and the sacking of Nimbo town in Enugu state with homes razed and humans mauled down by the so-called cattle rustlers, terrorism has now migrated from the northeast, and it is now alive and walking freely in the uttermost parts of southern Nigeria and therefore the nation’s new sore point.

    In that regard, the storm of bad news did not end with the slow down of terrorism in the northeast, as the Ak47 assault rifle-wielding herdsmen attacking the middle belt, southwest and now southeast Nigeria, bear the imprint of a retreating Boko Haram terrorist groups from the northeast, melting into the cattle-herding system and surreptitiously migrating to the south with their regular trademark of sorrow tears and blood, to borrow a phrase from the late Afrobeat maestro, Fela Kuti.

    What this implies is that, despite the near subjugation of Boko Haram in the northeast, Nigerians in the southern part, have now joined the number of people in ICU owing to terrorism franchised to the so-called herdsmen who are now spreading it like wildfire nationwide.

    The havoc of the herdsmen in southern Nigeria without anticipatory strategy by security authorities to nip it in the bud is another evidence of the lack of ability and capacity by our security apparatus to anticipate and prevent a likely fall out of a war in one zone spreading to another. Even as private individuals or groups, we must help the military to secure Nigeria. Vigilante groups which were recently re-introduced are good but there is also a need for enhancement of intelligence gathering activities to aid the military. Time was when the Sea Dogs, a fraternity founded by Wole Soyinka led an investigation on the operation of toll gates in Nigeria that exposed the corruption involved and what needed to be done to curb it.

    We don’t need Americans, the French and British military now helping us to defeat Boko Haram to also teach us that the most likely fall out of the defeat of the terrorist group would dispersal of terrorists nationwide which would equally be catastrophic if we don’t guard against it.

    In my reckoning, it is partly the long-drawn religious wars in Somalia, Chad and recently Libya which compelled the migration of war-displaced people from places like Chad into Borno state in particular and northeast Nigeria in general, that laid the foundation for the terrorist malaise that Nigeria has suffered in the past six, 6 years.

    Incidentally, as they were fleeing the war zones, most of the war-induced immigrants took their arms with them and continued to harbor their extreme religious beliefs as well.

    Over the years, the proliferation of small arms continued and rebellious religious beliefs festered until they coalesced into the lethal terrorist brand now known as Boko Haram in Nigeria.

    Based on experiences garnered from other jurisdictions, the United Nations, UN was aware of the probable consequential effects of spillover of war atrocities to neighboring countries, so it established an agency to mitigate small arms proliferation.

    It is the neglect of the UN agency to do the job assigned that manifested as Boko Haram in Nigeria.

    Similarly, Nigerian security authorities lack the foresight in predicting that as Boko Haram is being flushed out from Sambisa forest, their erstwhile home base, elements of the terrorist group would disperse by melting into society and given their lifestyle, disguising as nomadic herdsmen is the most unsuspecting and undetectable entry point into the larger society.

    Since the existence of Nigeria as a country, Fulani cattle herdsmen have traveled from Sokoto to Enugu with their animals’ wares seeking pasture without molestation and they never carried arms beyond the traditional bows and arrows.

    In fact, as a young correspondent in Nigerian television authority, NTA about twenty years ago, in the cause of trying to establish the unity and blending of various Nigerian tribes through trade, l followed the cattle trail from Sokoto to Enugu.

    In the course of that journey, I met an adult Fulani cattle rearer/trader whose parents had migrated to Enugu and he was born and brought up there.

    He spoke the Igbo language flawlessly and he was very proud of his Fulani heritage as he was full of encomiums for Enugu, his adopted home where he was fully integrated with his own family which he had started in Enugu. In today’s Nigeria, the chance for such cultural integration seems to have been lost permanently.

    Today, Nimbo people of Anambra state who have suffered the horrific misfortune are symbolic of the Igbos in ICU as a result of the mayhem unleashed on them by their guests of many years.

    (4) As if the tales of woe have been structured to be unending in Nigeria through mutation of conflicts into different forms, the people of the oil-rich Niger Delta, particularly Gbaramatu Kingdom in Delta state are now under siege following recent critical oil/gas national assets vandalism.

    With the invasion by the Nigerian military through aerial and sea bombardments, in the bid to fish out the perpetrators of the damage to oil/ gas infrastructure, casualties have been much and families have been displaced as most of the indigenes have fled into the forests.

    Invariably, a new crop of IDPs, like the ones that are currently being resettled in Boko haram ravaged northeast Nigeria, is about to build up in south-south Nigeria.

    So living in starvation and fleeing from the threat of death from the military, Niger delta indigenes who are the goose that lay the golden eggs-90% of Nigeria’s fx comes from oil/gas export-are now slipping into the ICU category.

    (5) Similar circumstances apply to the people of the southeastern part of Nigeria engaging in the struggle for self-rule.

    Agitating for secession from Nigeria ostensibly owing to marginalization, some Igbos, under the auspices of Movement For Actualization of The Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB and Independent People Of Biafra, IPOB have been vociferously making their case.

    The operator of the unlicensed Radio Biafra being used to mobilize support for the cause, Nnamdi Kanu has been detained by govt authorities for several months without bail and the apparent unconstitutionality of the measure along with their determination to mark the day the state of Biafra was declared, are fueling bloody clashes between the self-rule agitators and govt security agencies with avoidable human fatalities on both sides._

    In the light of the sad circumstances described above, ethnic nationality agitators in the southeast are in ICU for daring to exercise their right to express their opinion and desire for self-rule.

    Considering that freedom of expression is one of the fundamental and core values of democracy, the military may have a lot of explaining to do, which is why l would suggest they also arm themselves with video cameras so that they can have evidence to prove that the protesters were armed and thus compelled the application of deadly force to disperse them. A claim that protesters vehemently dispute. In the absence of such evidence, the claim that protesters were shot at by the military in self-defense would be hollow.

    Almost thirty years after the Tiananmen Square massacre of pro-democracy protesters by the Chinese military, the communist govt, is still trying to come to terms with the ruthlessness and recklessness with which a protest by unarmed civilians was quelled.

    By the same token, the German soldiers who perpetrated the Jewish genocide about 100 years ago are still being held accountable for the crime.

    If any keen observer of developments in Nigeria, that is less charitable should conclude that our dear country is now like a war theatre and Nigerians are in ICU where war casualties usually end up, that judgment may not be wrong.”

    Beyond being in an ICU, and to be fair to the authorities,l concluded the analysis by highlighting the fact that the leadership of our country is also facing other existential threats which have stretched the ability and capacity of the law enforcement agencies.

    “Of course, Nigeria can be said to be at war on three and a half fronts:(1) with Boko Haram in the northeast, (2) with militants in Niger Delta creeks, and (3) with MASSOB/IPOB in the southeast plus battle against Fulani herdsmen whom President Buhari recently gave security authorities marching order to rein in although the minister of interior, General Abdulrahman Dambazau insists it remains a police action.

    This is in spite of the fact that statistics from the Global Terrorism Index in 2015 indicate that Fulani militants killed 1,229 people in 2014 up from 63 in 2013.

    When the dramatic increase from 63 to 1,229 in one year is extrapolated, and considering the recent spate of killings in Benue, Ogun, Ekiti, Delta, and Enugu states, the number must have increased to at least 5,000 innocent Nigerians by now.

    If such massive decimation of human lives don’t deserve military action to curtail, how can the use of deadly military force against apparently unarmed Biafran state protesters be justified?”

    Is it not remarkable that the above article that l just reproduced in this piece was published on June 6, 2016? That is about 6 years ago and barely one year after President Buhari took the mantle of leadership in Aso Rock Villa.

    It is disheartening that the atmosphere of insecurity that earned Nigeria the ignoble tag of ICU 6 years ago has not changed for the better and in any significant manner. Rather, the situation has even worsened.

    Now, let us pivot from the ignoble and scandalous state of life expectancy in Nigeria owing to poorly resourced health care facilities and criminality that have now spread like cancer nationwide to the dimension of financial crimes that are also bedeviling our nation.

    Even if we decide to discountenance the horrific experience of our youths engaged in the gig economy (working independently for short term commitment )in the hands of the despotic police unit known as SARS (now disbanded) whose penchant for killing innocent youths and stripping them of their wealth on unproven allegations of engaging in advance fee fraud, (also known as 419) culminating in the bloody street protests by youths tagged #Endsars in October 2020, our country still fits into the mold of a massive crime scene.

    The violence sparked by the resistance of the youths practically crippled the country for a couple of weeks. The aftermath reverberated to the extent that it became a source of a major spat between the Cable News Network, CNN which reported that several youths were killed when the Nigerian army allegedly opened fire on the protesting youths that had gathered at Lekki toll gate in defiance of the curfew aimed at putting an end to the riots to which the protests had degenerated.

    That unfortunate incident, no matter the prism applied in its assessment is another blithe and justification for branding Nigeria as a massive crime scene.

    Also, think of the international dimension which Nigeria as a massive crime scene has morphed into by focusing on the current Huspuppi and Abba Kyari criminality conundrum.

    While Huspuppi, (whose real name is Ramon Abbas) the confessed serial internet fraudster has been extradited from his location in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, UAE to the USA to face the consequences, his alleged accomplice, DSP Abba Kyari, a highly decorated ‘super cop’ is in the process of being similarly dispatched to the USA to defend himself or face the music.

    Shockingly, and as if to further affirm that our country has become a theatre of the absurd, the same DCP Abba Kyari has been implicated in the stealing and reselling of seized narcotics by the Nigerian Drug Law Enforcement Agency, NDLEA.

    Not a few Nigerians believe that there are many more Hushpuppis engaging in internet fraud in our society who are yet to be apprehended and ‘super cops’ like Abba Kyari that have gone rogue in our law enforcement agencies that need to be fished out.

    If such despicable activities highlighted above do not make Nigeria a massive crime scene, what could?

    The United Nations Educational and Scientific Fund, UNICEF reckons in its recent report that over 10.5 million Nigerian children are out of school due to conflicts ranging from religious insurgency, herdsmen/farmers conflicts, and separatist agitations ravaging the country. Ex-president Obasanjo at the Murtala Mohamed Memorial lecture held in Abuja on Tuesday, February 21 declared that the number of out-of-school children is Fifteen (15) million. He then posited that such young school dropouts today are likely to swell the ranks of religious insurgents, bandits, and outlaws generally in the next 5-10 years if they remain uneducated and unemployable.

    And l concur.

    Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, said it best in 2014, when as chairman of the governing council of the Nigerian Human Rights Commission while addressing Women For Peace, an NGO pursuing the release of Chibok schoolgirls stolen by the notorious religious insurgents, Boko Haram, underscored the significance of recovering the girls:

    “These Chibok girls are young people. As our next generation, they are the guarantors of the continuity of our race and country. They’re, therefore, not just “our” girls; they’re our future. If we cannot protect our future, then we fail ourselves and our ancestors.”

    After the Chibok girls’ ordeal, many more school boys and girls have been seized from their hostels and dormitories by bandits, forcing hordes of schools in the north to (in the apprehension of the outlaws) shut down to avoid being the next victims. Thankfully, most of the Kidnapped school kids have presently been freed and the epidemic of stealing children from school has abated.

    Be that as it may, the situation in our country that categorizes it as a massive crime zone even gets more grim by the day.

    Instead of sharing with Nigerians the number of children being enrolled in schools to show that UNlCEF’s concern about the alarming number of out of school children especially in the north is being addressed, the Kaduna state government periodically reports a staggering record of people in the state that have died owing to conflicts arising from the activities of incorrigible intractable religious insurgents or bandits as the authorities have chosen to tag the nefarious ambassadors. In the course of the weekly ministerial press briefing organized by the Presidential Communications Team at the presidential villa, Abuja last Thursday (February 24) governor Nasir El-Rufai revealed that there has been a deterioration in the rate of insecurity of life and properties in Kaduna state.

    The governor who is the state’s chief security officer pointed out that, while 937 were killed and 1,972 kidnapped by bandits in the state in 2020, a total of 1,192 were killed and 3,348 were kidnapped in 2021. The statistics indicate that about 200 more lives were lost in Kaduna in 2021 than in 2020.

    The wanton wastage of lives by the outlaws in Kaduna state is just a fraction of the death toll stemming from a mixture of religious extremism and outright criminality that have enveloped our country in the past decade beginning with the kidnap of schoolgirls in Chibok, Borno state. If other state governors in the north were to report the death toll in their jurisdictions as governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna state does, the numbers would be benumbing.

    Given that our country is not officially at war, and such a huge number of souls are being lost on a daily basis, certainly, the nation can be described as a massive crime scene.

    There is also the dimension of the financial crimes being perpetrated in most of the government agencies regarded as cash cows such as the NNPC, NDDC, NPA, NIMASA, and the likes which makes Nigeria a massive crime scene since those agencies have become a cesspit of corruption. For lack of space, I will not dwell on the fraud in NDDC, NPA, NIMASA which is stinking.

    But I will concentrate on the monumental financial sleaze swirling around the NNPC which generates about 95% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and accounts for about 50% of government revenue.

    The menace of crime in the economic sector being perpetrated against our country by local and international crime syndicates pushing Nigeria to its brinks also makes the nation a massive crime scene. In a revetting reporting by BusinessHallmark-an economic matters focused newspaper, the investigative reporter made the following revelation:

    “Only recently, an oil trading company, Samano Sa De CV, wrote a letter to the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Mele Kyari, demanding a five percent reward for exposing the diversion and theft of 48 million barrels of crude oil.

    At the current price of global crude oil which is $43 per barrel, (currently, the stolen oil is expected to be worth $2.06bn. The alleged theft is said to have taken place in 2015.”

    Writing further, the BussinessHallmark reporter made the case that:

    “Long seen and widely considered as the single most important cash cow in the land, the NNPC today is finding that it plainly has to reform or be reformed. While it has for long been used to calling the shots, it is now under immense pressure to explain itself. In the past few weeks, its top brass has been dragged to the National Assembly to provide explanations on the operations of the corporation. It also makes the case that:

    “In one such appearance, the focus of inquiries was the drilling cost of crude with the corporation having to explain why its figures were above the global equivalent.

    There have also been questions about the profitability of the corporation. Within the past weeks presumed audit documents were leaked to the public indicating that at least one of the refineries ostensibly being managed by the corporation, the Kaduna Refinery and Petrochemical Complex, KRPC may have expended as much as N65billion while at the same time posting zero revenues”

    Somehow, the matter has now simmered with the protagonists taking the battle to the USA -a new frontier where they are, like a chameleon adorning a new identity with the aim to leverage US legal system to inflict lethal legal assault on Nigeria. But what gave such international crime syndicate the impetus to initiate such a nefarious activity in our clime? Considering that a similar scam involving PI&D, another international firm with a questionable record recently occurred in NNPC, our country can not justifiably deny that the atmosphere that fosters such criminality is prevailing here.

    As the saying goes, there is no smoke without fire.

    On top of all that mess, a whooping sum of N3 trillion has just been set aside in budget 2022 as subsidy for petrol.

    And the authorities have not been able to ascertain the quantity of Premium Motor Spirit, PMS that motorists use on a daily basis-a figure that has been ranging between 33m in 2012 to the 66m liters per day currently being bandied around.

    That our country is on the verge of becoming broke and about N3 trillion is being allocated in budget 2023 to fund consumption of petrol by motorists is befuddling and antithetical to rational thinking.

    How many Nigerians own cars? Assuming N3 trillion is domiciled in federal mortgage bank to be offered as a loan/facility to the masses, can you imagine how many Nigerians would become first-time homeowners in the next few years? Consider the trickle-down effect in terms of employment for construction workers and ancillary services.

    Without engaging in critical thinking, our political leaders have elected to literarily burn N3 trillion by channeling it into the phantom called petrol subsidy.

    On Monday, February 6, 2022, the IMF projected that Nigeria’s debt service-to-revenue ratio would jump to 92 percent in 2022 from 76 percent in 2021.

    How flabbergastingly absurd?

    Allow me to break it down for easy assimilation.

    Can readers imagine what would become of a man who spends 92% of his income servicing debt? How does he meet other essential needs such as a roof over his head, feeding, and clothing himself as well as taking care of his medical bills with only 8% of his income?

    That is assuming that he does not have a wife and children to cater for.

    The forgoing is a simple analogy of the dire straights in which our country is currently caught up.

    Against the backdrop of the gargantuan burden that the incoming president in 2023 would inherit and grapple with, is it not confounding that so many Nigerians are jostling to succeed president Buhari next year? That much is captured in my new book: “Becoming President Of Nigeria” (with the foreword written by professor Bolaji Akinyemi) that is currently being printed.

    By the time the political parties’ conventions for picking presidential candidates are held by both the ruling and main opposition parties in the coming months, the economic management capacity and ability of the candidates must be a core value that voters would look out for in the person who they would choose to lead them as president out of the tempestuous socioeconomic waters in which our ship of state is presently sailing.

    Since the next president already has his job cut out for him, it is perhaps why the best man for the job of president of Nigeria in 2023 must be someone who can read a balance sheet.

    In the light of the above assertion, amongst the motley crowd of presidential hopefuls, a couple of the candidates are already standing out in both the ruling APC and the main opposition party, PDP.

    With, the Independent National Election Commission, INEC releasing the guidelines and timetable for the 2023 general elections last Saturday, 26/2/22, which is commendably only a day after President Buhari assented to the much awaited electoral act 2022 on Friday, 25/2/22, the dice is now cast for politicking to commence in earnest as the electoral reforms that would make the process less rancorous, dangerous and unattractive to men and women of goodwill, have been instituted.

    And as the saying goes, the ball is now in the court of Nigerians to pick and choose the messiah that would rescue and lead them out of the massive crime scene that our beloved country has become lately.

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Petrol subsidy retention: President Buhari kicks the can down the road – By Magnus Onyibe

    Petrol subsidy retention: President Buhari kicks the can down the road – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    Before going into the nitty-gritty of the implications of the continuous retention of fuel subsidy in our National Budgets successively in the past four decades or so, and which by implication indicate that the welfare of Nigerians is in jeopardy as they would be enmeshed in a poverty trap for a long time, it is proper to explain the etymology of the phrase -kicking the can down the road which is the centerpiece of this article. The aim of this essay is to determine whether the decision to reverse the planned termination of fuel subsidy by the middle of this year, instead of retaining the debilitating petrol pump price subsidy for another 18 months is justifiably sustainable or injurious as it appears to pose a manifest peril to the progress and prosperity of the good people of our potentially great country.

    The Oxford dictionary defines the title of this intervention — kicking the can down the road — as putting off confronting a difficult issue or making an important decision, typically on a continuing basis.

    According to Webster dictionary: “around the mid-1980s, a new phrase began to be heard in the U.S. Congress. To “kick the can down the road” became, in the rhetoric of some lawmakers, a colorful and mildly critical new way of referring to putting off work on an issue for a later date.”

    And in the 1990s, it was George Bush, the 41st president of the United States of America, USA, that popularized the use of the colorful metaphor when he made the following statement :

    “The average American knows what’s going on, I think. And I think they know that the Congress will continue to kick this can down the road and that they’ve got to act.”

    By reversing itself in the decision to end petrol subsidy in the 2022 budget, current Nigerian leaders of the executive and legislative arms of government in the persons of President Muhammadu Buhari and senate president Ahmed Lawan seem to be ‘kicking the can down the road’ as president George Bush accused the Congress of the USA in the 1990s.

    The fuel subsidy policy, of which our country has literarily been burning cash in excess of one trillion naira annually on the average in the past few decades; to most discerning Nigerians has become a sort of scourge and an albatross on successive administrations. Although it is a well-acknowledged fact that subsiding fuel pump price in Nigeria is not sustainable, no head of state or president since the era of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida as military head of state in the 1980s, through the tenure of Sani Abacha and the presidency of Olusegun Obasanjo, Umar Musa Yar’adua , Goodluck Jonathan, to the incumbent, Buhari has had the ‘balls’ (pardon the porn) and leadership machismo or gumption to kill the vicious dragon gnawing at our dear country’s treasury via petrol subsidy.

    Thankfully, the Nigerian Economic Summit Group, NESG has just put the frightening reality more starkly by stating in its latest Economic Outlook report that: petrol subsidy payments rose by a mind-blowing 477% to N3.64 trillion in the past seven (7) years, which is between 2015 till date.

    A breakdown of the figures by NESG reveals that the cost of petrol subsidy annually rose from N307 billion in 2015 to N1.77 trillion last year and for 2022, there is a provision of N3 trillion, which is almost a doubling of last years N1.77 trillion.

    In light of the jarring statistics about how the cost of petrol subsidy has skyrocketed such that it is draining our treasury, it is trite to state that it is the failure by our past and present leaders to act boldly by quickly decapitating the dragon of petrol subsidy-the no 1 financial capital draining policy in our country in the past four decades, that is responsible for the current snowball effect being experienced. Leveraging NESG data, subsidizing petrol pump prices evolved from 2015 into a sort of malignant tumor that has become cancerous to the extent that it has currently metastasized into a debilitating and terminal disease afflicting our country.

    With President Buhari capitulating to the fear of probable backlash of civil disturbance that petrol subsidy removal may cause (as orchestrated by organized labor leaders) and thus reversing the decision to suspend his earlier decision to part ways with the anti-progress petrol subsidy regime; the incumbent president joins the infamous list of heads of government of Nigeria-military and democratic-that petrol subsidy has overwhelmed and demystified.

    The irony of it all is that president Buhari was propelled into office in 2015 because it was felt that his track record as a no-nonsense and straight speaking former army general, he has the capacity and ability to make hard decisions to eliminate Boko Haram and drastically reduce insecurity, end the obnoxious fuel subsidy regime and improve on the political electoral system beyond the level that his predecessors Umaru Yar’adua and Goodluck Jonathan had taken reformation of Nigeria’s shambolic electoral system.

    But alas, President Buhari has proven not to be the proverbial knight in shining armor by not stepping up to the plate to make the hard decisions. Instead, he has demurred on the outlined four critically important policy planks that have the capacity to change the fortunes of our dear country from a basket case to a success story and offer the long-suffering masses a better future.

    It is both gutting and sacrilegious that our country is not only borrowing to fund infrastructure as evidenced by the nation’s horrendous debt profile that has skyrocketed to almost $38 billion in 2021 from around $10 billion in 2015, (before the advent of the incumbent government)it is also basically currently borrowing to pay the salaries of public servants as it runs a deficit budget whereby the revenue projected to be generated by government is far less than it’s proposed expenditure for the same period.

    To put the scandalous financial situation in our country mildly, the inability to pay workers’ salaries without resorting to borrowing is not only highly embarrassing, but also sacrilegious to men and women of goodwill. More so because when our political leaders have chosen to be literarily burning N3 trillion on fuel subsidy annually, the nation is going a-borrowing to pay public and civil servants salaries.

    It is not only incomprehensible, but also outrageous that while neglecting the existential challenge of unstable power supply bedeviling our cherished country , a provision for fuel pump price subsidy in the national budget for 2022 to the tune of a whopping three (3) trillion naira, has been made.

    Imagine the difference that investing N3 trillion in the current epileptic electricity power sector would make by enabling us to put behind our current circumstances of practically being our individual sources of electricity, to a situation whereby supply of electricity from the grid is boosted in the nearest future via tapping of solar, wind and all the other renewable sources of energy.

    The drastic and dramatic increase in the budgetary provision for fuel subsidy is according to Mrs. Zainab Ahmed, who is Nigeria’s minister of finance, borne out of the concern that the already highly distressed masses of Nigeria can no longer bear further hardships that would be triggered by fuel subsidy removal by mid-year as earlier proposed. Her alternative to providing N3 trillion in budget 2022 and eliminating petrol subsidy is the suggestion that government engages in cash payout to the poorest Nigerians.

    The payment to the poor could have amounted to cashing out about N2.4 trillion yearly. That is N600 billion less than the N3 trillion now allocated in this year’s appropriation document. The finance minister’s proposition is perhaps a better evil. But given what happened to trader Moni, and all the other cash payment gambits used by the incumbent government to hoodwink the masses while bilking them, the finance minister was overruled. And she was literarily told to keep her bright idea to herself because it is susceptible to being hijacked by racketeers who are ever ready to take advantage of any government subsidy regime as is the case with the foreign exchange market managed by the CBN where the powerful in our society are feeding fat via arbitrage and round-tripping, no matter how the CBN governor tries to plug the loopholes.

    So the jacking up of the appropriation for fuel subsidy that was in excess of N400 billion passed by the National Assembly, NASS to N3 trillion followed president Mohammadu Buhari’s change of mind from embarking on a phased removal of the obnoxious subsidy that could have been concluded in the second half of this year, (June 2022) but now extended to eighteen (18) months time.

    It all started when senate president Ahmed Lawan perhaps persuaded by the case made by organized labor leaders that were threatening to go on strike should petrol subsidy be removed, visited the president in Aso Rock Villa shortly after the resumption of NASS from the end of year recess for consultations.

    It would be recalled that the senate president later emerged from that meeting and announced to Nigerians that Buhari is not the author of the fuel subsidy removal earlier announced by finance minister Mrs. Ahmed, therefore he has no hands in it. But the truth is that the fuel subsidy regime is part of the conditions in the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA. And l suspect that it might have been part of the recommendations of the economic management team led by Doyin Salami, the economics egg head recently engaged by president Buhari as his chief economic adviser.

    What the new position of the government on retention of petroleum pump price subsidy basically means is that until June 2023, that is one month after president Buhari must have left office on May 29, 2023, and which is effective in about seventeen (17) months time, the government will continue to subsidize fuel to the value of N270 billion monthly.

    What is an escapist policy?

    The beefed-up petrol subsidy in budget 2022 from about N400 billion to N3 trillion represents a significant percentage of the total national budget valued at the sum of =N=17,126,873,917,692 (Seventeen Trillion, One Hundred and Twenty-Six Billion, Eight Hundred and Seventy-Three Million, Nine Hundred and Seventeen Thousand, Six Hundred and Ninety-Two Naira) only; and which was passed by National Assembly, NASS, at end of last year.

    In the light of the sextupling of the provision from roughly N400 billion to N3 trillion, many pressing questions are waiting to be answered.

    And these are; would the approved budget be returned to NASS for a review or would the change be addressed via a supplementary budget or an amendment of PIA that mandates end of fuel subsidy, would be required?

    As if trying to balance up or net off the increase of budgetary provision for petrol subsidy in budget 2022 from about N400 billion to N3 trillion, an action apparently influenced by senate president Ahmed Lawan, who as stated earlier is likely driven by the fear of the possibility of labor and civil unrests, NASS has just given Ministries, Departments and Agencies, MDAs, a marching order to generate a minimum of three trillion naira in 2022.

    The reason given by NASS for setting the high target is to generate more income in order to reduce the current massive borrowing by the federal government to fund its operations.

    What the astronomical target of N3 trillion set for the money-generating organizations portends is that the already highly burdened Nigerians would be further taxed more heavily in the year 2022 to buffet the highly unwieldy bureaucracy that needs to be streamlined, as opposed to being fed like an ogre with insatiable appetite into which government and governance have degenerated in our clime.

    And given the unpalatable experience that the nation has had with the electoral act amendment bill that has been in the pipeline since 2018 and which has been subjected to back and forth movements between NASS and Aso Rock Villa for a record five (5) times, some Nigerians are apprehensive of whether or not the 2022 budget is about to be mired in a quagmire similar to the fate that the electoral act amendment bill has been suffering.

    Apart from the presidency and parliamentary afflictions that may befall the sudden and dramatic increase of the provision of more funds for fuel subsidy in the already passed and signed budget, there is another cause of concern. And it is the management of the treasury of our country.

    The snag has to do with the veracity of the volume of petrol consumed by motorists and how much the authorities claim is being expended for that purpose monthly.

    It may be recalled that the finance minister, Mrs. Ahmed had earlier claimed that our country was squandering N250 billion monthly on fuel subsidy. In her latest presentation to justify the new N3 Trillion provision, she increased government’s monthly expenditure on fuel by N20 billion to N270 billion without justifying the sudden increase.

    That there is a sudden swelling of the monthly fuel subsidy cost in the twinkling of an eye, is suspicious and worrisome.

    Equally suspicious is the 66 million liters of fuel which the authorities claim is consumed daily in Nigeria by motorists. Back in 2012 consumption of premium motor spirit, PMS was estimated to be 42 million. That claim was even disputed by industry experts.

    Apart from the belief by most Nigerians that at least a quarter of the 66 million is smuggled across the border into neighboring countries like Niger, Chad and Cameron, etc, another quarter of the 66 million liters per day is believed to be sexed up numbers by the bureaucracy.

    The economic sabotage is allegedly being perpetrated in the NNPC, Federal ministry of finance, CBN, and Nigerian Customs Services whose officials are fleecing our beloved country through arbitrage and round-tripping perpetrated via dubious and fictitious paperwork. As earlier noted, it is rather unfortunate that petrol subsidy is being manipulated in the manner that foreign exchange allocation in the CBN is also being handled through racketeering. It is unsurprising that the current minister of state for petroleum resources, Timipre Sylva has also expressed reservations about the 66 million liters daily consumption of fuel being bandied around.

    Considering that the confusion over the quantity consumed and allegations of falsification of the numbers has persisted over the past decades, why has an independent audit firm that is reputable, such as PriceWaterHouse, KPMG, Deloitte, etc not been appointed to conduct a forensic audit of the volume of petrol being claimed as being used by motorists on a daily basis?

    How can a country that plans to spend in excess of N17 trillion in the year 2022, out of which the whole of N3.8 trillion will be applied in servicing debt, with the chunk of N3 trillion committed to funding petrol subsidy; a quantum of N6.9 trillion committed to recurrent expenditure and only a measly N5.4 trillion reserved for capital projects, have a great future?

    What the statistics above which is a recipe for a debt trap that precedes poverty trap suggest, is that in our lifetime, our country may not get out of the poverty trap in which it is currently caught?

    In other words, in the light of the outlined dire economic circumstances prevailing in our country, there is no chance that Nigeria would make progress such as the leapfrogging from 3rd to the first world as Singapore did a few decades ago.

    In a recent study titled: Where is The Wealth of Nations? the World Bank tracked and published what it characterized as “Millennium Capital Assessment: monetary estimates of the range of assets-produced, natural, and intangible – upon which development depends.

    According to the summary of one of the Bretton Woods Institutions report “While important gaps remain, this comprehensive snapshot of wealth for 120 countries at the turn of the millennium aims to deepen our understanding of the linkages between development outcomes and the level and composition of wealth”

    The Millennium Capital Assessment report of the World Bank caught my attention because it is relevant to our situation in Nigeria for multiple reasons. The chief reason is that it aims “to deepen our understanding of the linkages between development outcomes and the level and composition of wealth”.

    Now, for long, I have had a strong conviction that the traditional measure of strengths and weakness of the economic capacity of nations such as Gross Domestic Products, GDP is an inadequate gauge.

    And that is part of the focus of the World Bank’s “Where Is The Wealth of Nations” study, with emphasis on Millennium Capital Assessment.

    Here is how the authors of the study put it:

    “The first key message is that natural capital is an important share of total wealth, greater than the share of produced capital. This suggests that managing natural resources must be a key part of development strategies. The composition of natural wealth in poor countries emphasizes the major role of agricultural land, but subsoil assets and timber and non-timber forest resources make up another quarter of total wealth”
    It went further to state that “The total share of natural resources in total wealth and composition of these resources make a strong argument for the role of environmental resources in reducing poverty, fighting hunger, and lowering child mortality.”

    Since Nigeria is a third-world/developing economy that relies heavily on natural resources in the topsoil (farming and forest resources) subsoil, (oil/gas, gold other solid minerals) for sustenance, I was captivated by the outcome of the unique and groundbreaking study.

    I became keen on finding out whether or not changes in wealth matter for the generation of well-being(one of the goals of the study) against the backdrop of the fact that the intangible wealth/capital in Nigeria that revolves around the value in agriculture from top of the soil such as rice farming and wealth from the sub soil such as oil/gas, gold and other solid mineral resources obtained through the process of extraction, is our source of sustenance.

    The study is poignant since reports by financial experts indicate that our beloved nation spends one-third of its annual budget servicing debts and at the same time faces the reality of being about to literarily set N3 trillion on fire in the guise of subsidizing fuel in the interest of the poor masses. The matter is made worse by the fact that our country’s revenue from the aforementioned resources (intangible wealth/capital) is far below what we plan to spend as outlined in our national budget for 2022. In simple terms, our beloved country is highly leveraged by debt as we are like a drunken sailor spending more than we earn and therefore susceptible to shocks despite the vast amount of intangible wealth, particularly crude oil that is our main foreign exchange earner.

    Apart from the challenge of petrol subsidy, another potential catastrophe that has been allowed to fester and therefore lurking and likely to take its toll on our country’s ability to generate revenue for self sustenance is the huge losses of crude oil to thieves. It is a serious act of criminality being recorded in the oil and gas sector. That is what recently piqued Tony Elumelu, chairman of HEIRS Holdings, and prompted him into raising an alarm about the fact that Nigeria is losing about $4 billion annually to crude oil theft. When the fact that one-third of our nation’s budget is geared towards debt servicing (N3.8 trillion) and another quarter (N3 trillion is committed to funding subsidy) turning a blind eye to the loss of about $4 billion to oil crude oil thieves, are red flags inviting our attention to the fact that our economy would collapse sooner than later if measures are not taken to address the prevailing malaise of imprudent management of our abundant intangible resources.

    During the run-up to the election of then President Umaru Musa Yar’adua to replace then President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2007, I had the privilege of packaging the 7 point agenda for the presidential campaign of then-candidate, Umaru Musa Yar’adua of blessed memory.

    And unleashing the value of land in the hinterland (intangible wealth) which has been dead capital because of land use decree imposed by then army general, Olusegun Obasanjo, OBJ when he was military head of state was one of the priorities captured in the 7 points agenda. Unfortunately, Yar’adua passed away barely two years into his first term as president. So the agenda was never pursued further

    , especially as it pertains to repealing and replacing the atrocious land use decree which was introduced implicitly to take control of the mineral resources endemic in the Niger Delta by the federal government; and explicitly in pursuance of the mission of federal might by OBJ as military head of state.

    Can you imagine how rich folks in the hinterland with vast lands (currently without significant market value) would be if the land use decree is repealed today and such land asset can serve as collateral for them to obtain loans from banks to produce wealth?

    I can bet that such a policy reversal would skyrocket the GDP of our country overnight from the current $430 million to at least $1.1 billion like that of Indonesia.

    But our leaders in Aso Rock Villa seat of power and hallowed chambers of NASS are too blindsided to identify such opportunities that could enhance the growth potentials of our country. Rather they prefer to sustain their emasculation of the masses by plucking the low-hanging fruits via setting high revenue generation targets for agencies like Nigerian Customs Service, Federal Inland Revenue Service etc. All in the bid to sustain the extravaganza into which government has degenerated such that instead of serving the people, our leaders in government are prioritizing and pursuing personal aggrandizement agenda.

    It is quite stunning to me that practically every anomaly that the incumbent government promised Nigerians that it has come to correct has become more entrenched and even intractable. Take fuel subsidy for instance. President Buhari as a retired army general between 1995-98 served as chairman of Petroleum Trust Fund, PTF which is a social intervention agency set up by the late head of state, army general Sani Abacha to ameliorate the pains of petrol subsidy withdrawal which his government implemented.

    Why is it that, unlike his predecessors who were compelled to introduce social safety net measures to serve as buffer when petrol subsidy is removed, there has been no significant policy introduced to kill the monster of fuel subsidy and give Nigerians some succor in the past six (6) or more years of president Buhari’s reign? Instead, the pump price of petrol has climbed from about N87 per liter in 2015 to N162 today. And naira /dollar exchange rate has spiraled from less than N200 before the APC ascension to power at the center, nearly 7 years ago, to the current outrageous parallel market rate hovering around and inching towards N600 to $1.

    Could it simply be drilled down to the current ruling party at the center, APC being unprepared to lead even though president Buhari had been in the contest to lead Nigeria four times beginning from 2003 until he clinched it in 2015?

    At the nascent stages of the life of this administration, some of us shouted ourselves hoarse while trying to draw the attention of the incumbent government to the fact that it was foolhardy setting up the Itse Sagay led anti-corruption committee which indicated that the war against corruption was the priority of government. We tried to counsel that it is a crass strategy to prioritize establishing an anti-corruption committee over and above setting up an economic advisory team which could have steered the nation away from the two economic recessions which it descended into successively in a period of fewer than five years. Today, apart from 10.5 million children being out of school,(according to UNICEF report) of which about half of them would be recruited into criminality such as religious insurgents and bandits, a recent corruption index rating by the global anti-corruption agency, Transparency International, TI ranks Nigeria as no 154 of the l80 most corrupt countries in the world.

    Nigeria scored only 26 of the 100 points in the matrix to be adjudged to be a corruption-free, or corruption-afflicted country.

    It is gutting that our country has dropped in the TI rating consistently in the past three years from 24 points to 25 and the current 26 points.

    So, by and large, the perception of our beloved country by outsiders has become worse than president Buhari met it in 2015. It is needless emphasizing that negative corruption perception impedes Foreign Direct Investment, FDI into our country. And attracting foreign investment via the creation of enabling environment which reduces the risk of doing business is a cardinal quest of any country.

    With the 2023 general elections on the horizon, pundits are predicting a further flight of Foreign investment out of our country.

    As if the administration saved the best for last (a tactic that is only ideal in the entertainment industry) it appointed professor Doyin Salami as economic adviser and chairman of the economic advisory council at a time that it is at the expiry stage of its constitutionally allowed two terms tenure. This means that Buhari’s regime has a shelf life of barely 17 months and it is seeking economic advise which is tantamount to medicine after death .

    lt reminds me of the instructive and inspiring case study about an owner of a law firm.

    The lawyer detested advertising so much so that he swore never to use the services of advertising firms to market his services.

    Over the years, his law firm became insolvent owing to lack of visibility and he had no better option than to sell it.

    After failing to sell it without the help of advertisement , he enlisted the services of an advertising firm to solicit for a buyer of his law firm that had become unviable due to his irredeemable disdain for advertising.

    That is what appears to be the case in Nigeria where authorities failed at inception to appoint a world-class economic team to help salvage our economy that was in dire straights. Instead, it prioritized the anti-corruption agenda by setting up PACAC – a bunch of bellyaching and hell-raising eggheads that have engaged more in activism for self-aggrandizement than playing the role of policy wonks that they are supposed to be doing. And in the process, they have unwittingly chased away investors-both local and foreign.

    Ultimately, the de-marketing of Nigeria orchestrated by members of the Itsey Sagay committee against corruption and the minister of information, Lai Mohammed that appeared to have been competing with each on who would label our country with the worst toga of corruption in order to ‘earn’ the commendation of President Buhari that is believed to have zero tolerance for corruption, obliterated whatever good that was left in the image and reputation of our dear country.

    I am convinced that it is such unwarranted self-immolation (by shouting on the rooftop that Nigerians are fantastically corrupt) aimed at salvaging the previous administration in the eyes of the world that in part ,practically led our country into economic doldrums -two successive recessions as investors quickly took a flight out of our country.

    As the saying goes, a comet does not strike in the same place twice in a lifetime. But in defiance of that aphorism, our country’s economy went into recession back-to-back twice, which is unprecedented in the annals of our nation.

    It is in the light of the conventional wisdom: it is better late than never, that it is hoped that even in the eleventh hour, Doyin Salami and his economic team would help president Buhari leave a more appealing legacy by assisting him to salvage what is left of a sordid odyssey, so that the image and reputation of this government would be better than what it is rapidly crystalizing into.

    I would argue that over the past decades that the reform of the oil/gas sector was put on the drawing board, nothing much has really changed in government policy about petrol subsidy. That is despite the plan to end petrol subsidy whose execution was commenced through the provision of a little more than N400 billion in 2022 fiscal appropriation.

    That is underscored by the fact that slaying the dragon of petrol subsidy is in consonance with the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA, a policy that had been in the pipeline for several decades and of which president Buhari broke the jinx by being the one that signed the bill into an act of law.

    It is rather astonishing that the gains made with the introduction of PIA have suffered a reversal following the reintroduction of petrol subsidy into the 2022 budget after it had been passed by NASS and approved by President Buhari. It is most likely that the provision of N3 trillion to fund petrol subsidy and which is the subject of this intervention, is also a policy supported by the economic adviser to the president, Doyin Salami, and his economic management team.

    If the advice of his economic management team has been ignored, it elicits the question: is the engagement of the economic council led by Salami just cosmetic?

    Again, it is worth noting that President Buhari was elected by Nigerians in 2015 to basically end religious Insurgency by those now tagged bandits wreaking havoc on society, kill corruption which is responsible for the underdevelopment of our cherished country and improve on governance system by strengthening internal democracy in the political parties to boost the process of recruiting our political leaders and most importantly, alleviate poverty especially for the masses who constitute the bulk of his supporters.

    It is highly disappointing that the aforementioned goals in the mission of Buhari have been achieved in breach.

    The non-achievement of his lofty objectives is presumably owed to mr president being susceptible to being swayed by people around him who basically have agendas that are hardly altruistic.

    The truth is that, like most Nigerians, some of us in the commentariat had thought that as an ex-army general, President Buhari would stand his ground against forces around him that are creating fear and panic that the heavens would literarily fall if certain policies such as direct primaries and removal of petrol subsidy and resort to the use of soldiers of fortunes (hired foreign mercenaries) to flush out terrorists are implemented. Those who have held the president captive, are doing so in order to discourage him from implementing some policy actions to which he is often initially favorably disposed, until naysayers cause him to demur from implementing such policies that could have enabled him to leave a positive legacy that is worthy of emulation.

    Take for instance, the Electoral Act Amendment bill 2018 which is still in the pipeline up to date. A heavy siege was laid on President Buhari not to assent to the bill as passed by NASS for an extraordinary five (5) times even though the amendment has the capacity to improve our country’s electoral system and boost democracy in our beleaguered nation. It is not a thing to be proud of that it took the visits of NASS and governors forum leadership to Aso Rock Villa to persuade president Buhari to veto the bill after the one month mandatory period before NASS would override him if he fails to sign the bill into an act,

    Although the bill has some toxic content, as the saying goes, a problem identified is a problem 50% solved.

    Having identified the potential sinister motive inherent in the adoption of direct primaries as the sole process for the election of party candidates, it could have been ring-fenced to prevent the implementation of the negative intentions contained therein while still enjoying the positive values .

    Instead, the bill was vetoed and our country once again ended up throwing away the baby and the bathwater as a policy that has the capacity to strengthen our democracy was sacrificed on the altar of fear. Similarly, removing petrol subsidy which has evolved into a sort of vicious beast devouring our country’s treasury was deemed as fait accompli when the 2022 budget was passed with the plan to completely eliminate subsidy on the pump price of petrol by the middle of the year.

    But after another visit to Aso Rock Villa by the usual suspects-the leadership of the senate and governors forum, the finance minister Zainab Ahmed and perhaps Doyin Salami led economic council were literarily thrown under the bus by President Buhari when he reversed the policy by increasing provision for petrol subsidy which is basically subsidizing consumption instead of production (which could have been the ideal economic policy) from N400 billion to N3 trillion.

    Shockingly, as earlier highlighted, Buhari also postponed the removal of petrol subsidy by 18 months when he would be leaving office in 17 months’ time.

    By so doing, the evil or day of reckoning has been effectively postponed and president Buhari would have left office as president before the petrol subsidy is removed.

    Where does such an escapist policy situate our president morally and in leadership?

    Certainly not in a good place. If President Buhari had the patriotic confidence to close our borders to stem the flow of imported rice to protect local rice farming which manifested dramatically in the rice pyramids recently showcased in Abuja, why can’t he close the border against smugglers of subsidized petrol out of Nigeria into neighboring countries so that we can determine the volume we consume locally, make realistic budgetary provision for it and consider encouraging our petrol retail service providers to extend their services to our neighbors when Dangote refinery comes on stream alongside the numerous potential modular refinery operators already awarded licenses, that can’t commence business due to petrol subsidy regime that distorts realistic market pricing of the commodity.

    Would the seeming failure to rise up to the occasion by not acting decisively with respect to the electoral reforms and removal of petrol subsidy, not vitiate the gains already recorded in ramping up farming, particularly rice production, and the positive outcomes in other areas such as railways development under his watch?

    That brings me to the conclusion reached by the authors of the world bank study: Where Is The Wealth of Nations? which strikingly appears to be addressing the current reality in our beloved Nigeria.

    In the section titled: “Putting It All Together”, the authors of the study made the following case:

    “It is in developing countries where accounting based on comprehensive wealth and its changes is most likely to be a useful indicator to guide policy”

    They wrote that:

    “The evidence suggests that involvements in produced capital, human capital, and governance, combined with saving efforts aimed at offsetting the depletion of natural resources, can lead to future welfare increases in developing countries.”

    And argued further that: “The step from saving to investment is crucially important. If investments are not profitable, the effect on wealth is equivalent to consumption, but without the boost to well-being presumed to accompany consumption.”

    Is the scenario painted above not the sorry state that our beloved country is languishing in right now? Would paying attention to the wise counsel of the experts from the world bank not be a reasonable idea for our leaders?
    I can bet my last dime that primordial sentiments and pursuit of primitive acquisition of wealth facilitated by the weak regulatory institutions in our public service and political system , would deter our leaders from adopting such positive values contained in the study by the technocrats from the global financial institution.

    The authors of the world bank study did not just shed light on the hitherto hidden values in developing economies such as intangible wealth, but they emphasized the following paradigm shift that must exist for the identified benefits to be harnessable by pointing out that :

    “Achieving the transition from natural-resource dependence (apparently the case in Nigeria) to sustained balanced growth requires a set of institutions that are capable of managing the natural resource, collecting rents, and directing these rents into profitable investments.”
    Are these not the institutions that are manifestly lacking in our country?

    Finally, the authors of the study concluded by stating unequivocally that the below listed institutional framework must be in place for the transformation of one form of wealth, let’s say oil/gas in the soil into other forms of wealth such as the acquisition of infrastructures like railroads, buildings, machines, and human capital, etc to manifest. “Resource policy, fiscal policy, and political economy all have a role to play in this transformation.”

    I believe that is the cardinal objectives of the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA , which although has since been passed into law by NASS, with president Buhari signing off on it, and why it is now a law guiding the oil/ gas industry, the current authorities, (like their predecessors) lack the courage to implement the PIA to its full letter and spirit.

    I recognize the power of organized labor and the challenge that government faces if the labor leaders are not carried along. But l equally believe in the efficacy of negotiations in resolving thorny and complex issues such as the removal of fuel subsidy.

    It is on record that our labor leaders have been insisting on retaining oil subsidy regime since the tenure of military president Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida when the Directorate of Rural Roads and Infrastructure was established following oil subsidy reduction; to Sani Abacha’s regime when a similar agency, PTF earlier referenced was also set up with funds accruing from Petrol subsidy reduction.

    And the labor leaders ought to have been reminded that government has been dancing to their tune by not removing the subsidy over the past three or four decades, yet the welfare of Nigerian workers and citizens that they are supposed to be protecting have gone from bad to worse mainly due to the fact that oil subsidy now consuming up to N3 trillion annually has been depleting Nigeria’s treasury, wantonly. That is simply because the revenue which is supposed to be invested into production is being used up in subsidizing dubious petrol pump price which is a consumption activity recognized by economists as lacking regenerative elements that are existent in subsidy on production .

    Since only a mad man does something the same way continuously and expects a different result, organized labor should have been told that government is not mad,and it is therefore certain that retaining petrol subsidy would produce same result as the previous outcomes. So petrol subsidy must go as planned.

    Otherwise, organized labor should therefore kindly come up with alternative plans such as either agreeing to the retrenchment of workers to reduce massive overhead costs(recurrent expenditure in the budget is N6.9 trillion) or accept petrol subsidy removal and saving N3 trillion annually .

    As President Buhari pointed out in his letter to NASS that democracy is about the exercise of options, hence he vetoed the electoral act amendment bill featuring direct primaries as the sole process for political parties to bring up candidates for public office elections, the organized labor should have been offered the aforementioned two options. Better still Nigerians should have been given the opportunity to have a referendum on the matter as IBB did back in the days with Structural Adjustment Program, SAP.

    Again, when all the facts are laid bare, I can wager a bet that Nigerians would have voted for fuel subsidy removal just as they would have also voted for direct primaries to be retained in the amended Electoral bill awaiting presidential assent.

    President Buhari was in a pole position to make the hard, but potentially life-changing decisions on the three issues of electoral reform, petrol subsidy removal, and ending insecurity of lives and property by tackling Boko Haram head-on at the inception of his regime and he opted to take the road less traveled on those matters.

    Particularly because he is serving his last term in office as president, he has nothing to fear by trading the potential loss of cheap popularity for a long term gain of being the patriotic leader who saved Nigeria from self-destructing, via a terminal debt trap that like a boa constrictor serpent is squeezing the life out of our dear country via the retention of petrol subsidy in budget 2022.

    Magnus Onyibe an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos

  • Rice O Compatriots: Dissecting Emefiele’s Rice Pyramids – By Magnus Onyibe

    Rice O Compatriots: Dissecting Emefiele’s Rice Pyramids – By Magnus Onyibe

    By Magnus Onyibe

    For too long, not much cherry news has been coming out of Nigeria. But despite the woes of insecurity that has practically arrested development in our clime, Godwin Emefiele, governor of Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN through his Anchor Borrowers Program, ABP in partnership with Rice Farmers Association of Nigeria, RIFAN has changed the narrative of Nigeria from doom and gloom to the cherry news of rice pyramids sprouting around Abuja and other cities, especially in the north.

    Before dwelling further on the propriety or otherwise of making a public exhibition of rice cultivated in Nigeria as the CBN and RIFAN did on Tuesday, January 18, 2022, in Abuja, it is proper that we put the significance of pyramids in context by underscoring its role from ancient Egyptian and Benin kingdoms to its last manifestation in Kano in the form of groundnut pyramids before its resurfacing in Abuja as rice pyramids which have generated a massive storm in the mass media — both traditional and social.

    There are different types of pyramids.

    Depending on the shape of the base of the pyramid, they can be classified as a triangular pyramid, square pyramid, and pentagonal pyramid.

    The symbolism of rice pyramids which are triangular in shape and sprouted in Abuja is rooted in the groundnut pyramids of yore which loomed large in the skylines of Kano city. That was back in the days when commodities that were at that time referred to as cash crops — groundnut and cotton in the north, cocoa in the southwest, oil palm and coal in the east, and rubber lumps as well as cashew nuts in the south, were the mainstay of the Nigerian economy.

    Willy nilly, the visual presentation of a pyramid of any commodity is to demonstrate or create the air of abundance to the masses who behold it.

    And pyramids as symbols of power and wealth date back to ancient Egypt under the rule of the pharaohs. Before the British destroyed it in the ancient days when they invaded the palace of the Oba of Benin, a pyramid symbolizing the power and wealth of the Benin kingdom at its peak was located in a strategic corner of the majestic palace of the Oba.

    The point l am trying to make is that the overwhelming visual essence of the power of the pyramid has always been optimally utilized by leaders like pharaoh from ancient Egypt, to Oba of Benin in the heydays of Bini kingdom and later emirs of Kano who created groundnut pyramids to project the wealth of the city which was the epicenter of the famous trans Saharan trade.

    Although the reality may currently be different, groundnut pyramids in Kano gave people the impression of hope, (true or false) that the commodity was in abundance. Given the scarcity of rice in Nigeria following its ban from being imported by the authorities, and the concerted efforts by both rice farmers and the federal government represented by the CBN that injected the required funds to grow rice locally, it was not unexpected that government would want to show off how successful the initiative has been.

    That explains the public display of the abundance of the commodity. It is a sort of assurance to Nigerians that rice is now in surplus, so there is hope that it would soon be in their cooking pots and subsequently in their stomachs.

    Somehow, it was envisaged that the rice pyramids showcased in Abuja would generate a positive effect similar to displaying an array of ships bearing petroleum products in our seaports which gave motorists the assurance that fuel scarcity, (which used to be a source of severe distress in Nigeria) was not in the horizon.

    It was commonsensical that following the optics of fuel-laden vessels offloading the cargo in the seaports, panic buying of fuel that often caused a run on the fuel stations, were avoided as the masses got the sense that there was an abundant supply of the commodity.

    It is in that sense that the rice pyramids were supposed to be a type of symbolism that would project beneficial assurance to Nigerians that their country is now, not only a self-reliant country in rice production but could possibly be a net exporter.

    That is what strongly motivated the Rice Showboat in Abuja.

    It is rather unfortunate that the initiative, appears to have backfired as some Nigerians are clearly riled up by the fact that a million bags of paddy rice is pilled up in multiple pyramids in Abuja when most of the hoi polloi went through Christmas and new year celebrations without rice being cooked in their kitchens and served in their dining tables, how much more end up in their stomachs which is the ideal place for the rice to be.

    As the staple food that is traditionally enjoyed by most folks during periods of festivities, it would have been preferred by Nigerians if the rice pyramids were not in the premises of Abuja chambers of commerce and industry, but in their belly.

    Furthermore, the massive public opprobrium that greeted the Abuja rice pyramid display would not be lost on us when it is projected against the backdrop of the fact that there was a time in our country when some Nigerians only ate rice on Xmas day. That is the origin of the phrase Xmas Rice.

    It was disheartening that during 2021 end-of-year festivities, the masses were denied that luxury. Which is apparently why someone had to take the flak.

    By and large, while the purveyors of the concept for Abuja rice pyramids were altruistic, given the backlash, they may not have engaged in enough critical thinking before birthing and implementing it. Otherwise, they could have identified the potential negative implications and ramifications that just manifested, before embarking on the gambit.

    Had they recognized that we are currently in a country where there is a massive trust deficit between the leaders and followers, the negative consequences of the rice pyramids could have been recognized and avoided.

    Amongst the myriad of factors responsible for the trust deficit between the authorities and the masses is the recent fallout of #Ensars riots whereby in the course of protesting police brutality, youths discovered and looted warehouses containing essential commodities such as rice, etc which are COVID-19 palliatives meant for the masses but were being selfishly kept in warehouses by government officials for their personal enrichment.

    Owing to the #Endsars experience, it is easy for the masses to assume that government is out to once again emasculate them by hoarding the rice that should have been made available to them during Yuletide in the manner that COVID -19 palliatives were hidden from the masses instead of the commodity being distributed to them.

    Furthermore, the timing of the rice pyramid display in January is wrong as it could have had a more positive effect if the exhibition was held before the end of year festivities since it could have given the masses hope that there was enough rice in the country to make the end of year festivities enjoyable.

    What the scenario described above suggests is that it is a combination of strategic and tactical errors as earlier enumerated that have contributed to ruining an otherwise justifiable action aimed at assuring Nigerians that their country is on the way to being not only self-reliant in rice production but a potential net exporter of the commodity that is a critical staple food in our country. It is unfortunate that instead of being a bold statement that Nigeria is now rice independent, there has been a monumental backlash engendered by rice the pyramids which this article is trying to contextualize so that both the authorities and citizens can become aware of the missing links and the cause of the hoopla with a view to avoiding same mistakes in the future.

    If you like, it is a sort of post mortem with a view to putting both the leaders and the followers on the same page.

    And I hope that ultimately, this intervention would help clear the fog for government operatives to appreciate the fact that they have to subject their ideas to tests or what is referred to as proof of concept that could be conducted by social scientists before they are applied.

    As some of us may recall, the vanishing of the groundnut pyramids in Kano was emblematic of the decline of the economic fortunes of our country, especially with respect to wealth from cash crops generated through farming.

    ln reality, the groundnut pyramids in Kano actually disappeared as soon as there was a capacity to process the same into vegetable oil locally.

    And the re-enactment of the pyramid image in Abuja on Tuesday, January 18, 2022, was a ploy to rekindle the feeling of abundance of made in Nigeria rice. Clearly, it is the flagship of President Buhari’s legacy projects. It is also along the same line that Mr president recently visited Lagos to commission the sea-going vessels recently built by the Nigerian navy which was a huge accomplishment in the eyes of the incumbent government.

    All these events are being launched with pomp and pageantry by virtue of the fact that this administration is coming to its terminal end on May 29, 2023, therefore there is the need for President Buhari to curate his legacy before his imminent exit from Aso Rock Villa so that with the burnishing, posterity may be kind to him.

    However, in the light of the dissonance in communication between our leaders and followers, the latter could not see anything good about the rice pyramids which they could only consider to be a stunt-pulling event by the government even when millions of stomachs of the critical masses rumbling due to hunger.

    Nevertheless, beyond the symbolism of the sprouting of rice pyramids in Abuja, the partnership between the CBN that provided the funding through one of its economic intervention funds in different sectors and the Rice Farmers Association of Nigeria, RlFAN is remarkable and worthy of closer scrutiny to identify other benefits which have now been lost in the milieu of kudos and knocks triggered by the now infamous rice pyramids.

    Based on the exciting news emanating from both the CBN and RlFAN, it is amazing how in a space of less than seven (7) years, Nigeria has progressed from the status of a massive importer of rice estimated to be about 1.2 million metric tons annually valued at over N210 billion in 2014 to about 2,000 metric tons and valued at a mere N400 million in 2021.

    The good news above was conveyed by President Buhari in his speech at the pyramids unveiling event. As a skeptic, I had received the incredible statistics on pre and post-ABP/RlCAN rice initiative between 2014 till date with a pinch of salt, until the Thailand Rice Exporters Association website was cited as a source for verification. Unquestionably, there are a variety of perspectives to the Godwin Emefiele induced rice revolution.

    First of all, the leap in local rice production after the CBN committed huge funds to it, confirms the long-held belief that lack of funding can stymie growth in a sector and adequate funding for development in a particular sector or of a commodity can make a huge difference.

    In other words, money can solve all problems, except the ones reserved for the creator of mankind-God.

    Secondly, it is also proof that success can be achieved when an initiative is not only well resourced but also has massive political buy-in such as the type of support that stakeholders ranging from president Mohammadu Buhari down to the state governors of the rice-growing states, rendered the partnership between the CBN and RlFAN. Even the blind, deaf and dumb can attest to the fact that the initiative to make Nigeria rice sufficient in the current administration’s quest for food security received maximum commitment and attention from the top echelon in Aso Rock Villa to those holding the levers of power in the respective government mansions in the various states at the bottom of the pyramid.

    That is reflected by the fact that an enormous amount of funds has been reportedly injected by the CBN into the initiative. In fact, a whopping N300 billion is claimed to have been disbursed to farmers in excess of three (3) million nationwide.

    And the huge investment seems to have been justified if we go by the current abundance of rice in our country evidenced by the one million rice paddy pyramids in Abuja disingenuously referred to as the highest pyramid not only in Africa but in the entire universe by an irreverent Aso Rock Villa social media operative; and which was proudly launched in Abuja on Tuesday, January 18, 2022, with fanfare by President Buhari.

    It is intriguing to me, how in the midst of the chaotic life of the people in the hinterlands, particularly in the northern parts, due to the horrendous state of insecurity in our country, farmers were able to produce so much rice.

    I mean, it seemed incredible and defying to logic that the quantum of rice (one million bags of paddy) that is being declared as having been grown by local farmers as possible when most rural dwellers are believed to be in Internally Displaced Camps, IDP.

    While I was processing the puzzle in the rice pyramids debacle, it was not lost on me that in this age of social media, it would simply be impossible to re-bag imported rice seized from smugglers by the operatives of the Nigerian Customs Service or obtain rice farmed in our Neighboring countries, such as the Niger Republic and Cameroun and falsely present them as locally grown in Nigeria, as being alleged by skeptics.

    Also, it is likely that the stunning phenomenon of Nigeria rapidly advancing from a condition of acute rice scarcity to a position of abundance so rapidly, has also elicited cynical comments to the effect that the rice pyramids were only a few bags stacked up against wooden frames which created the false impression that not that many bags of rice have been grown and harvested through the CBN, Anchor Borrowers Program, ABP partnership with Rice Farmers Association of Nigerian, RIFAN.

    The claim triggered my curiosity and l was determined to investigate and call out the perpetrators of the purported fraud if it was proven to be true. And l was relieved when TheCable, one of the leading online news platforms, fact-checked and came back with the verdict that the rice pyramids launched by President Buhari in Abuja are real and the one trending in the social media with wooden structures beneath, first surfaced in the social media in 2018 when Kunle Amosun, the then governor of Ogun state and now senator, launched a similar rice farming initiative.

    Given the positive optics and the enormous credibility that can be generated when Nigerians see president Buhari physically standing in front of the rice pyramids in Abuja, l can imagine that the CBN governor and RIFAN leadership could not resist taking advantage of the photo opportunity offered to put up a national show comparable to a national day parade.

    As readers might have already noticed, the title of this article: “Rice O Compatriots: Dissecting Emefiele’s Rice Pyramid” is a wordplay and parody of the Nigerian National Anthem — “Arise O Compatriots, Nigeria Call Obey …”

    To the critical masses of Nigeria, the rice pyramids are like a mirage.

    Just like people who live on the bank of a river and do not have potable water to drink would lament: water everywhere, but none to drink.

    Some Nigerians are expressing displeasure that despite the rice pyramids in Abuja, there is none to eat by the proverbial common man.

    That is simply because even if the government wants to make them believe that the commodity is widely available as evidenced by the rice paddy pyramids, affordability to the masses is another issue. The worry stems from the fact that the price of rice has gone up from N10,000 for a 50kg bag in 2014 to about N30,000 in 2021.

    That is perhaps owed to the scarcity occasioned by the closure of Nigeria’s borders for a lengthy time to prevent rice smugglers from flooding the market with the commodity and by so doing disrupting the local rice farming initiative.

    Again, it would appear that the drivers of the rice pyramids scheme failed to manage expectations hence Nigerians are disdainful and therefore dismiss the rice pyramids display as a mere charade. Otherwise, they could have made Nigerians recall that the cost of acquiring cell phone lines when they were first introduced about 20 years ago was astronomical. But over the years, the cost dropped reasonably enough such that practically every Nigerian can afford it and to the extent that SIM cards are even free. What that simply means is that since what goes up must come down, the current high price of rice must come down. So it is a question of time before locally grown rice in Nigeria becomes affordable to the masses in the manner that the cost of GSM telephone lines has drastically crashed in the course of time. That is assuming the massive investment in the sector is sustained.

    It may be recalled that during the Channels TV chat with President Buhari, he deflected Seun Akinboboye’s question on the abysmal statistics portraying a negative scorecard of his government by referring to the superlative accomplishments of his administration in the agriculture sector, with rice pyramids as the mascot.

    In politics, perception can be a reality, hence it was irresistible to showcase the giant strides that the ruling party has taken in the agricultural sector as reflected by the ascension of our country’s status from the category of rice importer, to not only a rice sufficient nation but possibly a net exporter of the commodity in the nearest future via the CBN and RIFAN partnership that has yielded bountifully.

    As I stressed earlier, it is rather unfortunate that the promoters of the rice pyramids jamboree — CBN, RIFAN, and the presidency failed to achieve their intended objective of giving Nigerians the hope that things are getting better in Nigeria in terms of food of security.

    And that is not a good thing, hence the counterproductive outcome of the rice pyramids in the Abuja show.

    The bottom line is that Emefiele as CBN governor and any in any other role he may be playing subsequently has his job cut out for him in another area needing urgent CBN intervention. This is in the area of artisanal crude oil refining in the Niger Delta region.

    Emefiele has to resolve to intervene in the sustenance of lives and livelihood via strategic investments for sustainable oil/gas exploration in the Niger Delta in the manner that he did in the agriculture sector, particularly in rice production.

    When he does the needful (as the youths would put it) he would not need to erect pyramids to prove how successful he and the CBN have been with growing the oil/gas sector, that he was compelled to do with rice pyramids in Abuja to promote the abundance of locally grown rice.

    I can bet that if the government intervenes in the Niger Delta in the way that Godwin Emefiele’s CBN provided Anchor Borrowers Program, ABP funds for farmers mainly based in the Northern part of our country for rice production in which they have a comparative advantage, the situation in the Niger Delta would be different and income from oil/gas business (now that the international price of the commodity is high at $80 per barrel) would be more handsome.

    More than any other time, increased inflow of hard currency into the nation’s economy is needed at this point in time in the life of our country because funding in hard currency is highly needed to sustain the nation’s burgeoning bureaucracy (bloated number of civil servants and gross number and unwieldy cost of buffeting National and State Houses of Assembly) that has become so burdened, that government is currently borrowing to pay the salaries and other emoluments of the aforementioned public servants after which little or nothing is left to fund capital projects.

    It would also be a veritable opportunity and tool to address the volatility in the Niger Delta that has resulted in the dwindling oil production that is making it difficult for our country to meet OPEC’s assigned crude oil production quota.

    For their success in converting Nigeria from a massive importer of rice to a rice independent country and possibly a net exporter of the commodity, we salute President Muhammadu Buhari, Godwin Emefiele, the CBN and RIFAN members.

    As the saying goes: reward for hard work is more work.

    That being so, Emefiele should be put on notice that intervention in the oil/gas sector particularly in the artisanal aspect of indigenous refining of crude oil is overdue.

    Therefore, he should focus his attention in that direction.

    It is about time that the lesson in the conventional wisdom: you can not kill the goose that lays the golden egg, is taken to heart by our country’s leadership.

     

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Nigerian Presidency: Why Those Who Desperately Seek It, Don’t Get lt – By Magnus Onyibe

    Nigerian Presidency: Why Those Who Desperately Seek It, Don’t Get lt – By Magnus Onyibe

    I would like to build upon the foundation laid by my friend, Segun Adeniyi, Thisday newspaper editorial board chairman and columnist, in his very incisive piece titled: Season Of Presidential Circus” published Thursday 20th January, 2022 on the back-page of Thisday newspaper.

    The thought provoking piece is a parody of the current jockeying for the presidency of Nigeria by a plethora of politicians and wanna be politicians coming out suddenly from the cold and closets.

    Adeniji’s piece draws from his April 12, 2018 intervention titled : “Buhari, 2019 and the Persuaders” in which he dwelt on the concept of ‘proxy campaign for someone who had not told Nigerians he wanted their mandate’ when in 2018, some political actors characteristically were unsolicitedly campaigning for the re-election of president Mohammadu Buhari even when he had not declared intention to seek re-election .
    Perhaps those who are currently exercising the option of proxy campaign for the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 are doing so, conscious and guided by the emotions that inspired this article titled : Presidency : “Those Who Desperately Seek lt, Don’t Get It” .

    That is why some have opted to remain as masquerades, hiding in the dark while their hirelings are beating the drums in the arena. These exclude those who have openly joined the fray such as , former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who contested against the incumbent president Buhari in 2019 and 2015. The former senate president and ex secretary to the government of the federation, Ayim Pius Anyim and the chief whip of the 9th senate, Orji Uzor Kalu .

    There are also Yahayah Bello, governor of kogi state , Bola Tinubu , APC national leader and ex governor of lagos state, as well as Sam Ohabunwan , a notable player in the corporate world and finally , my good friend , Ovation magazine publisher/social media influencer, Dele Momodu.
    All the other contenders still in the shadow have been pretending to be reluctant to vie for the presidency, but are only being goaded by Nigerians. But how far such pretext can take those still hiding in the closet would be determined by how sophisticated or naive is the Nigerian electorate. The underlying reason for the expression of the above reservation is that after nearly 22 years of continuous practice of multi party democracy, l am of the conviction that Nigerians are too politically conscious for any politician or pretender to pull the wool over their eyes.

    To be president of Nigeria, boldness and daringness are irreducible prerequisites, once the dice is cast . Shadow boxing won’t cut it this time.
    Incumbent President, Buhari tried and failed three (3) times unashamedly and sure-footedly until he made it the fourth (4th time). That is a raw display of gut.
    And taking the bull by the horn is not the only code that would unlock the complex combination lock which the presidency of Nigeria has truly become.
    That is because attaining the presidency of Nigeria has become in more ways than one, a sort of divine and metaphysical exercise as well as a product of grit and grime .

    In my reckoning , and l guess the view of most Nigerians , becoming president of Nigeria is much more than the visits akin to pilgrimages by presidential contenders to the Hill Top Mansion in Minna , Niger state to pay obeisance to former military president, general lbrahim Badamasi Babangida , lBB and to President Mohammadu Buhari, PMB in Aso Rock Villa seat of power in Abuja, to seek the consent of the present commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Nigeria.
    Evidently ,those who have openly declared their intention to run for the office of the president in 2023 have been seeking endorsement of two past and present leaders of Nigeria from the northern part of part of our country.

    At the last count , most of the potential presidential candidates from both the ruling APC and main opposition party, PDP, including Bola Tinubu and Anyim
    Pius Anyim, Orji Uzor Kalu(some by proxy) , have visited Aso Rock Villa , Abuja and the Hill Top Mansion, Minna in quest of anointing from both IBB and PMB.
    The homage, (if you like pilgrimages) by the contenders for the presidency in 2023 to both IBB and PMB , is likely owed to the fact that both of them have been vocal and prescient about who would become president of Nigeria in 2023.

    That much was discernible in their recent media interviews, conducted by Arise and Channels tv respectively.
    Curiously, none of the presidential hopefuls has deemed it necessary to visit former president Olusegun Obasanjo, OBJ or immediate past President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan,GEJ, to seek their endorsement.

    In the case of OBJ, avoiding going to pay homage to him by presidential candidates is probably owed to the fact that since he has been a torn on the flesh of successive administrations after his tenure, he has become toxic politically. And the contenders for presidency in 2023 recognize the need to be politically correct. Apparently , OBJ might have transited from being a political asset to liability after his February 2015 public show of tearing up his membership card of the PDP- the party under whose platform he served as president for eight (8) years. Characteristic of his resoluteness , OBJ told a delegation of PDP big wigs led by the chairman , Iyorchia Ayu on a courtesy call to him in his Presidential

    Library a couple of days ago (January 22) that he would never return to the PDP or partisan politics. After all OBJ has served in the highest political office in the land and has no other public office to seek to personally satiate his political desire.
    With respect to GEJ, the presidential hopefuls in 2023 are not sure if himself would not be joining them in the contest for the presidency.

    At this juncture, I would like to request that readers excuse my delving into the spiritual realm by highlighting the omnipotence of God to properly put into contest, the impending contest to elect the president that would succeed Buhari in 2023.
    And l would like to align with legions of Nigerians that believe that it is only the almighty God, who has control over the universe , that would determine who becomes president of Nigeria next year .

    The assertion above is underscored by the fact that as things currently stand in our country, the days of the hands of Jacob and the voice of Esau is gone with the winds.
    While requesting the understanding of readers that are of other faiths who may not readily understand the metaphorical expression which is drawn from the book of Genesis 27:22 in the holy Bible , l would like to presume that Christian readers are familiar with story of Jacob and Esau which is a classical case of deceit of a simple senior brother by a cunning junior one to steal the birth right reserved for the older one by their father, Isaac.

    In other words , the type of subterfuge that enabled a pretender like Jacob in the holy Bible to steal Esau’s birth right belongs to the age of dinosaurs in the Jurassic park. It is fossil and has no place in the current political space.
    Certainly, such perfidy is not likely to be accommodated in these present days when erstwhile political denizens have after 22 years of continuous practice of multi party democracy in Nigeria have transformed themselves into political animals in the wild political forest of dog-eat-dog and survival of the fittest which Nigeria’s political environment has evolved into .

    It must be stated that amongst the aforementioned presidential power seekers who have thrown their political hats into the ring, apart from Bola Tinubu, none has the clout to sustain the struggle on their own.
    If and when former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar formally declares his quest to contest for the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 which would be his fourth attempt (like president Buhari) he too has the capacity and ability to go for it un-anointed by the current powers that be. That is for the simple reason that Atiku

    Abubakar has contended against both IBB and PMB in previous presidential contests. He prevailed over the former but not the latter.
    Having been in the presidential fray for a long time, he possesses the political equity that he can build upon in pursuit of his long term ambition.

    And the most probable reason that the ex lagos state governor, Tinubu openly got into the jostle this January is hinged on the notion , (if you like) belief that he holds the aces by virtue of the fact that he has not only been one of the most consequential politicians since the return of multi party democracy in our clime since 1999.

    Until he took the presidential bull by the horn this January and started being dragged in the mud , he was also basking in the euphoria of being the one who made president Buhari’s dream of becoming the president of Nigeria become reality by deploying his south west political asset as the wind beneath then candidate Buhari’s sail in 2015.

    Indeed , the ascension of candidate Buhari into
    Aso Rock Villa seat of power in 2015 is a phenomenon aptly tagged the broom revolution. So named because a broom is the mascot of the five opposition political parties that collapsed into one to sweep then ruling party , PDP out of Aso Rock Villa .
    It is an unprecedented feat in the annals of Nigeria’s political evolution, when the seemingly invincible PDP that had been pulling the strings of power at the center and bestriding the political space since 1999 , (a whooping 16 years) was edged out of the presidency in 2015 by a coalition of political forces whose consolidation into a potent force is credited to Bola Tinubu, the man believed at that time to have successfully taken over the mantle of political leadership of
    Yoruba nation from the sage, Obafemi Awolowo, the premier of western Nigeria (premier 1954-60).

    Given the above antecedent, Tinubu posses the political curriculum vitae to land himself in Aso Rock Villa in 2023.
    But politics is usually not based on straight forward calculations.

    It may be recalled that much as the political icon , Awolowo tried, he failed to become the president of Nigeria. Hence he was fittingly described as ‘the best president Nigeria never had’ by Emeka Odumegu Ojukwu late eastern region military governor in 1966 , and lgbo leader that declared the nation of Biafra in a secessionist move in 1967 that triggered the unfortunate Nigerian civil war that ended in 1970 after consuming an estimated 3 million souls and wrecking the entire infrastructure in eastern Nigeria , the epicenter of the war.

    Since Tinubu is widely believed to have stepped into the shoes of the late elder statesman , Pa Awolowo, the foremost Yoruba political leader, underscored by the fact that the acclaimed APC national leader is currently the highest profile Yoruba political leader in Nigeria, pundits are averring that he is likely to have also inherited the misfortune of the politically revered Pa Awolowo not being able to lead beyond the Yoruba nation.
    But the jury is still out on that score as events in the scheduled February 26 APC national convention would reveal whether there would be tailwinds or headwinds to quicken or slack Tinubu’s current political flight into Aso Rock Villa which has officially departed from the tarmac this January. Whether the flight would be aborted at the APC convention next month or it would land in Aso Rock Villa in May 2023, and Tinubu ends up being the numero uno on May 29, is like a much awaited delivery of a baby from a very troubled pregnancy.

    The anxiety, and if you like fear is derived from the experience of another notable figure who desperately sought to become the president of Nigeria, but failed to make it. I am talking about Odumegu Ojukwu who had tagged Pa Awolowo, the president Nigeria never had. Ojukwu’s forceful, but futile struggle to carve out the Republic of Biafra from Nigeria of which he could be president is typical of a potential great president whose lofty dreams never materialized even after the gutsy effort to make it happen.
    Another gadfly in Nigeria’s political pantheon that failed to make it as Nigeria’s president and even lost his life in the struggle is the entrepreneur and philanthropist of gigantic proportion is MKO Abiola of blessed memory who as a presidential candidate in 1993.
    His battle to become president of Nigeria after winning the June 12, 1993 presidential contest on a Muslim-Muslim ticket with Ambassador Babagana Kingibe as running mate is considered an impossibility in Nigeria, was epochal.

    But he dramatically lost his life while in government detention in the course of his struggle to claim his mandate when Nigeria was under the vice grip of the military dictator, general Sanni Abacha. Subsequently, MKO Abiola’s amazing first wife, kudirat Abiola was felled by the bullets of government goons,(led by the infamous sergeant Rogers) that were hell bent on silencing her after she carried on with the struggle while MKO was incarcerated by the authorities.
    Fortuitously, under the watch of president Buhari, government has converted June 12 the day Abiola won the presidency in 1993 to democracy day for observation as national public holiday as a way of immortalizing the indefatigable Abiola whose professional background as an accountant (a president that could read a balance sheet) would have given him the ability to salvage our beloved Nigeria, before its fortunes got sunk into the abyss where it has been, one year shy of 30 years (1993) after MKO Abiola presumably won the presidency, but was denied the crown by then military head of state, lbrahim Badamasi Babangida, IBB.
    Now, compare the showcased aggressive seekers of the presidency in our clime that never saw their dreams become reality to the reluctant ones like Shehu Shagari,(president 1979-83) a humble school teacher who was literarily head hunted to become president over the erudite and oratorical Maitama Sule who coveted the presidency but was passed over and instead made Nigerian ambassador to the United Nations, UN.
    There is also the case of Umaru Yar’adua , (2007-10), who is another school teacher that was practically pulled into the political arena to become a governor riding on the legacy of his father Musa Yar’adua – minister for Lagos Affairs in the first republic and subsequently, on the wings of his elder brother, Shehu

    Musa Yar’adua, whose exploits in the political firmament as chief of staff Supreme Headquaters during Obasanjo’s military reign made left remarkable footprints in the sands of time. Umaru Musa Yar’adua was later to become president of Nigeria in 2007. But he suddenly passed away in 2010 as a serving president .
    It is on record that the one thing that late Yar’adua wanted to do after his sojourn as governor was to go back to his profession of teaching. That was until then outgoing president, Olusegun Obasanjo, OBJ (1999-2007) tapped him as his successor. And Goodluck Jonathan, who was hand picked by the community from an institution where he was a researcher/teacher to become the running mate to Diepreye Alamiesegha -an ex air force officer who was contesting for the governorship position of Bayelsa state in 1999 , won the contest and Jonathan , his running mate became the deputy governor (1999-2005). True to his first name -Goodluck, Jonathan would later be fortunate enough to advance to the next level of becoming governor without flexing any muscle when his principal, Alamiesegha was impeached in 2005 . Shortly after, and 2007 to be precise , Goodluck Jonathan subsequently became the running mate to Yar’adua in 2007. Following the sudden demise of his principal, president Yar’adua in 2010 , lady luck smiled once again on Goodluck who became president of Nigeria via the infamous doctrine of necessity invoked by the National Assembly, NASS under the watch of David Mark’s senate presidency.

    There are a few other instances whereby those who aggressively sowed seed for the office of president of Nigeria reaped whirlwind. But l guess the point has been made with the cases cited.
    Although, l am not a soothe sayer or clairvoyant by any stretch of imagination, my permutation is that the one that would be president of Nigeria in 2023 has not started beating the drums openly and personally, how much more dance in the political arena like the motley crowd of presidential candidates currently gyrating.

    And my enlightened guess is underpinned by president Buhari’s revelation in his last channels television interview which is to the effect that he knows the person that would replace him as president in 2023, but he was unprepared to reveal his identity yet because he does not want him eliminated. It is unsurprising that a plethora of closet contenders are currently laying claim to being that anointed candidate to whom president Buhari was alluding. Although , the political class and Nigerians in general are currently as blind as the mice in the three blind mouse kindergarten rhyme and mythology, by now ,president Buhari must be resolute about the identity of the candidate that he has in mind.
    Whether he will have his way without a fight by political foxes who are adept at the game of politics is another kettle of fish.

    On a final note, l would like to crave the indulgence of readers to allow me conclude this intervention applying colloquial language.
    Presumably, with the unassailable facts referenced above to validate my point , l have been able to convince readers that those who desperately want to become president of Nigeria, don’t gerit.
    And if you don’t gerit, forgerit.