I knew Peter Obi in the university, although we were in different faculties. He came from a rich family, drove a new Peugeot car and always turned out like a ‘bourgeoisie’ as we mockingly referred to kids from privileged backgrounds.
The civil war had ended a few years earlier and there were scars of the fight on the walls of some buildings in the campus. Alexandra Building, where we had our General Studies, stood with blown out roof and darkened walls. Many of the students, like my roommate in the first year, were former Biafran soldiers, while others came from very humble backgrounds. The emotional toll of the war was still evident in their young lives.
In this crowd, Obi and other few fortunate students who were born into wealth easily stood out. Since his graduation in 1983, Peter Obi has gone on to achieve a lot: he’s made a lot of money from importation of foods and drinks; became a bank owner (or part owner, to be precise); won election as governor and recently contested the presidential election. But what strikes me most in his trajectory is his gradual transformation into Nigeria’s main opposition leader since he lost the election eleven months ago. Can he stay the course and is he ready for the bruises that come with such struggles? Frankly, I am worried for Mr. Obi.
Last week, Obi addressed an early morning press conference in which he spoke about the challenges of the Nigerian economy; the deprivations of the Nigerian people and his avowed commitment to continue to speak on these and other governance issues. He challenged President Tinubu to bring down the costs of governance; travel across the country by road and visit a public hospital for his routine medical examinations just to experience what ordinary people are suffering. He concluded his remarks rather ominously: ‘’It is difficult to be in opposition in this country – extremely difficult because everything is against you. Your businesses and everything you’re involved in is being dismantled. What I have faced, what I go through; what my family goes through; you won’t even believe I could still be standing and going around this country. I see colleagues at the airport, and greet them. But they don’t even want to reply because they don’t want the government of the day to see them talking to you’’. He added, in a deadpan voice: ‘’for me, I have decided that I will continue to stand by the Nigerian people and if this is the end, so be it’’.
These are typically words associated with fiery, radical and left-leaning labour leaders or opposition figures under dictatorships, but coming from a member of the propertied class, it’s quite perplexing. The elite class has been so unconcerned with the Nigerian conditions that they’ve never contemplated its end. They have answers to every problem. For poor roads, they buy cyber trucks; for poor electricity, they acquire generators and inverters; for kidnappers on the highways, they fly commercial or private and for noisome street urchins, they are protected by the police, who also carry their wives’ handbags and umbrellas. Obi can afford all these, but since has chosen to stand by the downtrodden; he should be told of the dangers that lurk ahead. Is he ready for the bruises? Africa is replete with many opposition leaders, freedom fighters and activits who have faced grave dangers for their convictions.
In the Second Republic, Chief Obafemi Awolowo easily emerged as the main opposition leader, having lost the two presidential elections in 1979 and 1983. He was backed up by the other presidential also-rans: Dr. NnamDi Azikiwe; Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim; Mallam Aminu Kano and Mr. Tunji Braithwaite, and together, they created a redoubtable hostility to the administration of Shehu Shagari. The young Sokoto prince was under constant barrage of criticisms from these old men for all of the four years he was in office. I pitied him sometimes. But to his credit, Shagari never for once took any unconstitutional action against any of them. Even when Braithwaite’s son was arrested by the police for possession of hemp, the authorities remained nice and polite to the firebrand lawyer. It was in 1985, during the regime of Gen. Buhari who toppled Shagari in a coup, that Chief Awolowo was harassed. His Apapa home was ransacked and his passport seized.
In 1993, Chief MKO Abiola, a wealthy businessman, emerged as a formidable opposition figure after the military had annulled the presidential election of that year which he won. Abiola put up a commendable fight to reclaim his mandate, but unfortunately, a large section of the political class, led by the very person who was his running mate in that election, Babagana Kingibe, was not ready for the struggle. I will recommend the book, ‘’The Struggle for June 12’’, by Frank Kokori for a good account of what it takes to be in opposition. Unfortunately, Abiola lost his life in that struggle. In the Fourth Republic, another rich businessman, Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged, first as the leader of one of the opposition parties, and later as main opposition figure. In January 2012, Tinubu led massive protests in Lagos and other South West States against President Goodluck Jonathan’s decision to eliminate fuel subsidies. Weakened and embarrassed, Jonathan backtracked. Tinubu and his tribe (I don’t mean ethnic identity) continued to pummel Jonathan, calling him names and attacking his person till he lost the presidential election three years later. To his credit, Jonathan never ordered the arrest of Tinubu or plotted harm against him. But is it poetic justice that another section of the country is rising against Tinubu’s major policy reforms?
There was no clear opposition leader throughout the eight years of President Buhari. In fact, Atiku Abubarkar who was expected to play that role had retreated into his cocoon in Dubai soon after the 2015 elections. Obi’s emergence as the new opposition leader therefore is essentially filling a void left by Atiku. But will the Tinubu administration tolerant and accommodating? Although Obi is already hinting that his businesses and family are affected, he should bear in mind that the road ahead could be very rough. In a continent rife with human rights abuses, being in opposition is no walk in the park. Kenyan opposition leader, Raila Amolo Odinga was a visible opposition figure in the continent for a long time. In 1982, President Arap Moi threw him into detention for six years. Zimbawe’s Morgan Tsvangirai was routinely beaten during the regime of Robert Mugabe until he nearly lost an eye several years ago. South Africa’s Julius Malema has been charged with hate speech and expelled from ANC. Kizza Besigye of Uganda has suffered untold torture in the hands of strongman Yoweri Museveni. He has been subjected to numerous house arrests and made to face treason charges.
As Peter Obi enters the new phase of his life, I pray for his life and wellbeing and I hope that he, unlike Awolowo; Azikiwe; Kano; Waziri and MKO Abiola, will live to see a Nigeria of his dream.
