Tag: Politics

  • Untitled post 271940

    Former Emir of Kano, Muhammed Sanusi, on Friday revealed that he has no immediate plan to run for any political office in the country.

    Speaking during an interview on Arise TV on Friday, Sanusi cleared the air amid speculations that he may be eyeing a political office come 2023.

    The former monarch will be running a fellowship programme at Oxford University in the United Kingdom in October.

    The management committee of the African Studies Centre at the institution had approved Sanusi’s request for a visiting fellowship (academic visitor) at the centre.

    The ex-monarch said he intends to return to his career as an academic where he began his life’s journey.

    “People have been talking to me about politics when I was in the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). I have never had an interest in partisan politics. The nature of my family is that we consider ourselves the leaders of the poorer people and you know politics can be very divisive,” he said.

    “All I can say is that this not an objective for me. I think there are many ways of being of service to the nation. I started off as an academic and after just two years, I completed my masters and went into banking for some reasons. I have been a banker, a regulator, an emir.”

    Sanusi said he intends to write three books while at Oxford, and that one will dwell on ”sharia society and identity”, while another will focus on the central bank’s response to global financial crisis.

    He said a third book will be written on the impact of certain interpretations of Muslim family law and cultural practices on the underdevelopment of northern Nigeria.

    “And maybe in the process go back to that very first career that I never completed. I can just be a professor in different universities abroad and the great thing with the life I have led is that not all universities have someone with a Ph.D, a bank CEO, a governor of the central bank and emir,” he said.

    “It is a type of CV that will give you to any university in the world, even if it is Harvard, Oxford, Cambridge, anywhere you want because it is about your entire life experience.

    “I can’t see the future, so I will take life as it goes. I am in no hurry. I see my life as a life of service but I just don’t think that public service is limited to elected office, and any opportunity I have to serve I will take as long as it is a role I think I am capable of delivering. But I have no immediate plans to go into politics now.”

  • Schools, Families and Politics of Covid-19, By Michael West

    Schools, Families and Politics of Covid-19, By Michael West

    By Michael West

    Apparently caving under intense pressure, the federal government has agreed to partial reopening of academic activities in schools starting with students in terminal classes in secondary schools. Till now, government is yet to convince the public on its rationale to open economic and political activities while schools remain on lockdown. Nigeria is fond of doing the right thing at the wrong time.

    Since schools have been shut in March, academic life, like other sectors, has been in limbo. The worst affected are the teachers in private schools whose salaries have since been stopped and several of them already laid off. For these category of Nigerians there’s no succour coming their way from any quarters. Largely, they didn’t benefiting from the sparsely distributed Covid palliatives. It has been hellish for many of them to survive and feed their families.

    Parents appear to suffer double jeopardy from the lockdown. Their children are back home, feeding and living on them as always. Many parents are into education business either as teachers or investors. Education in Nigeria, especially in the south, is considered a family business. And since schools are on lockdown, there’s no income for such families. Consequently, the burden of survival becomes heavier and almost unbearable.

    Keeping schools on lockdown for too long is unjustifiable. I appreciate the fact that Nigerian government acted promptly in shutting down schools and other public institutions as a feasible measure to contain the pandemic. In no small measure, this has greatly helped but sustaining the lockdown for too long and beyond its usefulness is where the problem lies. There’re no medical records to validate the notion that children of school age including those of tertiary institutions are under serious threats from Covid-19.

    Statistics of coronavirus infections and the causality rate in the United States by age group (Feb.1 – June 17, 2020) shows that school age children between one and 34 years were less than 0.05 percent whereas more than 80 percent of deaths occur in people aged 65 and above. Analysis of the US CDC report states that “one thing that is often forgotten is that people of all ages are dying all the time. Each year, about 2.8 million Americans pass away.” According to the statistics, “deaths in young people (from babies to college students) are almost non-existent.” I used the US data to analyse the situation because it is the most affected with the highest death figures (about 150,000 casualties) among the Covid-ravaged nations.

    For many infectious diseases young children are most at risk. For instance, in the case of malaria, the majority of deaths (57% globally) are in children under five. The same was true for the largest pandemic in recorded history; during the ‘Spanish flu’ in 1918, children and young adults were at the greatest risk from the pandemic but reverse is the case in Covid-19 pandemic. Children and youths are largely the least infected with almost nil percentage of deaths.

    Of the roughly 1.2 million American deaths that occurred between February 1 and June 17, almost nine percent were due to coronavirus. Below that, the proportion of deaths due to coronavirus fell dramatically. Thirteen children of primary and middle school age (5-14 years) died from COVID-19, but this represented only 0.7% of all deaths in this age group; 1,742 kids died of other things during this same time period.

    Checking through the available data on the percentage of Covid-induced deaths across the globe especially in the heavily affected countries, it is discovered that extremely low number of casualties have so far been recorded among children of school age. In Brazil, Britain, France, China and Iran for example, so far, records show almost nil casualty ratios of deaths involving school age children and youths. Back home in Nigeria, the situation is the same and even better.

    In Nigeria, it is reported, according to the News Agency of Nigeria, NAN, that more deaths were recorded among 61-70-year-old. The Nigeria Centre for Disease Control says people within the 31 to 40 years age bracket are more susceptible to contracting the coronavirus in the country. It, however, said more deaths have been recorded among older people of 60 years and above.

    In a report made available to the NAN last week in Abuja, the NCDC said data also showed that “Age 31-40: Male – 797 infected with seven deaths; female – 324 with four deaths but lower mortality compared to older persons,” it said. According to the report, in spite of this, older people die more due to several factors from co-morbidity. The data showed more deaths among 61-70 years, though the lowest rate in confirmed cases. Meanwhile, 11-20 years were infected, with three deaths. Persons under the age of 10 were also infected at lower rates, with one death, which was also a male. In view of the NCDC data, children of school age and the youths are at almost a zero percent of the fatality index. We should not lose sight of the fact that people of different ages die daily but it is speculated that most deaths are now attributed to Covid especially in government hospitals.

    The strength of the bubbling, healthy children and young adults lies in their immunity which is stronger than those of adults in their late 40s and above. About three weeks ago, Boss Mustapha, chairman of Presidential Task Force on Covid-19 had warned the youths to stop the spread of the infection saying that they were largely responsible for infecting their parents at home through disregard for safety rules against Covid-19. While the youths are enjoying their stable health condition despite carrying the virus in their body system, their ageing parents are the sufferers.

    The youths daily engage in sporting and commercial activities in crowded environments with little or no regard for safety regulations. This is not limited to Nigeria alone. We watch on international television stations across the world where tourist and commercial centres are thickly populated by the youths. Despite the fearsome number of casualties in some the Covid-ravaged countries, they have opened their schools and businesses to restore life back to normal.

    The bottom line of the contrived pandemic lies in the economic interests of the pharmaceutical giants, public health stakeholders, New World Order strategists and American politics. It will be naive to wave aside the intensity of politics entrenched in Covid-19 by the world super cabals. Wasting human lives was all they needed to justify the introduction and implementation of anti-humanity agenda to achieve global population reduction, mandatory vaccination and eventual introduction of digital currency which will usher in a New World Order. Caught in the web of the superpower politicking to change the world system is the hapless humanity.

    It is sheer insensitivity on the part of government through the Federal Inland Revenue Service, FIRS, to contemplate collecting stamp duty on rents. From who? From jobless tenants that struggle to pay their rents? With thousands job losses in Nigeria and millions across the world, from where do FIRS expects pauperised Nigerians to get extra income to pay? Meanwhile, while other countries were doling out palliatives to their citizens in form of debt, rent and mortgage reliefs, months of free power and water supplies in addition to free medical services and stimulus packages for different levels of businesses to stream back to life, none was provided by our government. Rather, we are being treated to daily heart-breaking disclosures of humongous embezzlements of our commonwealth by people in authority. As shameless as the spectacle is, one does not expect the callous idea of stamp duty on rents as it amounts to adding additional burden on the masses of this country. Enough of this nonsense!

    Quote:

    “The bottom line of the contrived pandemic lies in the economic interests of the pharmaceutical giants, public health stakeholders, New World Order strategists and American politics. It will be naive to wave aside the intensity of politics entrenched in Covid-19 by the world super cabals. Caught in the web of the superpower politicking to change the world system is the hapless humanity.”

  • Reps to review 1999 constitution, include 35% women inclusion in politics

    Reps to review 1999 constitution, include 35% women inclusion in politics

    A House of Representatives Bill for an Act to amend the 1999 Constitution to reserve thirty-five percent of political offices for women in the country, will be presented for stakeholder-input in September.

    The Bill entitled, “A Bill for An Act to Amend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria(1999) as Amended To Provide for Proportionate Representation and Participation of Women in Elective Offices in Nigeria”, is sponsored by Rep. Taiwo Oluga(Osun-APC).

    The Bill seeks to “amend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999(as amended), to make it compulsory for states and political parties in Nigeria to reserve 35% appointive, elective and executive committee seats for Women”.

    It amends section 42 of the 1999 Constitution to say “the State shall take specific positive action, through enabling legislation and other measures, to ensure that women are represented proportionately in all appointive and elective positions, and for the purpose of this section, proportionate representation shall be at least 35% of women representation in all appointive and elective positions mentioned in this Constitution”.

    It also amends section 223, to state that “The Constitution and rules of a party shall: provide for the periodical election on Democratic basis of the principal officers, members of the executive committee or other governing body of the political party, and candidates for election, and ensure that members of the Executive committee or governing body of the political party, and candidates for election and ensure that members of the executive committee or governing body of the political party and candidates for election, shall reflect Federal Character of whom at least 35% shall be women”.

    Rep. Oluga, also seeks amendments to the Electoral Act, to compel political parties to include 35% of women in lists of candidates for Senate and House of Representatives submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission. Section 31(2) as amended, says “A list of candidates submitted to the Commission by a political party for election into the Senate, shall have at least one-third of candidates from one gender.

    “And the House of Representatives, State Houses of Assembly and Area Council’s of the Federal Capital Territory, shall have at least 35% of candidates from one gender”. it also amends section 87(3), to compel all parties who adopt direct primaries, to still adopt the 35% principle.

    “A political party that adopts the direct primaries procedure, shall ensure that all aspirants are given equal opportunity of being voted for by members of the party and in furtherance, in conducting primaries for National Assembly elections, the political parties shall ensure that at least one candidate from the three Senatorial District in a State shall be a woman, and not less than 35% of the State House of Assembly Members shall be women”. The House is to subject the Bills to a public Hearing on resumption in September this year.

  • James Manager @60: A silent political broker in Delta politics

    James Manager @60: A silent political broker in Delta politics

    Senator James Manager a lawyer is one Nigerian lawmaker that has remained steadily progressive in his parliamentary duties since 2003.

    He talks less but remains firm when he is trying to drive home a point during debates in the Red Chamber.

    Last year, Manager sent chilling messages across Delta state when he told a former Governor of Delta State they should meet in the field to determine who will represent Delta State South senatorial district.

    They met on the field and Manager triumphed and they went to court he still trumped the former Governor.

    A clear signal to all that he is still very relevant in Delta politics and has more qualitative services to offer Deltans.

    He has chaired so many sensitive committees in the Senate and excelled and as a fourth timer the Delta born Senator is still waxing stronger everyday.

    Early life:

    James Manager Ebiowou completed his primary education at Epiekiri Primary School Ogbeinama in 1974 and proceeded to School of Basic Studies, Port Harcourt where he got his WASCE. Thereafter, Manager Ebiowou moved north to attend Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, where he obtained a degree in Law and then completed Law School in 1987, afterwhich he was called to the Nigerian Bar.

    Later on, Senator James Manager Ebiowou went to the University of Lagos, in Nigeria where he had his Masters in Law.

    James Manager career

    James Manager started out his career in Legal practice as a member of the NYSC serving with Derin Ogundeji & co. Chambers in 1987 after which he briefly taught at River Ramos Grammar school in 1988 and also worked as a legal practitioner with Broderic Bozime & Co,

    Manager then became chairman of Bomadi Local Government Council in 1991. He was appointed Honourable Commissioner for Social Development from 1992 to 1993 and then Chairman of GDM from 1996 to 1998.

    Senator James Manager is the Chairman Senate Committee on Power as well as the Chairman Senate Committee on Niger Delta.

    He was the Delta State Chairman Peoples Democratic Party from 1998 to 1999 and then the Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport from 1999 to 2003.

    He first became elected as Senator representing Delta South Senatoril District in 2003.

    After his first tenure, he was re-elected, still on the platform of the PDP in the 2007 National Assembly elections.

    He successfully ran for re-election again in 2011 and 2015 respectively, all on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party.

    He also ran in 2019 and defeated a former Governor of the state.

  • The Politics Of Tinubu Obsession – Azu Ishiekwene

    National leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has very strong enemies and a few of them would not wait for him to die before burying him.

    As soon as there were indications last week that President Muhammadu Buhari had withdrawn support for APC Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, the floodgate of attacks opened.

    Apart from its obvious collateral damage, Oshiomhole’s ouster was scrutinized and interpreted for the worst it could mean politically. It has since been widely celebrated as the ultimate proof that the relationship between Buhari and Tinubu has broken down irretrievably.

    Tinubu, not Oshiomhole, was the target of the attacks. From the apocalyptic terms in a number of the articles, it was as if the long-awaited, long-coveted and long-overdue end had come for Tinubu.

    At last, they said, Tinubu has been thrown under the bus. The man who sold the South-west to the Northern slave-masters has met his Waterloo. The betrayer of the Yoruba cause has met his foretold end.

    Every empire ultimately declines and now the sun has set on the Tinubu political empire, never again to rise. The man so long blinded by ambition and selfish interest, has met his comeuppance. Save your tears: It is finally over or if not, it’s definitely the beginning of the end!

    Is it really? I suspect that those who are anxious to see Tinubu’s political decline – for real and imaginary reasons, and more imaginary than real reasons, to be honest – may be disappointed to hear that the end is not yet near. It’s not even close, and I’ll tell you why, if you’ll suspend your rage for a moment.

    We’ve been here before. In the days of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), when that party controlled all the six states in the South-west, former President Olusegun Obasanjo launched a no-holds-barred attack that led to the hijack of five of the six states for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), with only Lagos left standing for AD.

    Obasanjo succeeded, to a large extent because AD governors genuinely believed his pitch that the only way to mainstream the Yoruba, was to accept that in the new political kingdom, the sheep and the lion could lie side by side again.

     

    But it really wasn’t about mainstreaming, was it? Obasanjo was being mocked as a stooge of the North, who failed to win even his ward in the election that brought him to power in 1999. So, it was not about mainstreaming. It was the wounded lion fighting back in sheep’s clothing.

    Sadly, five South-west governors bought the mainstreaming lie and were consumed. Obasanjo left Tinubu for dead. The man lived not only to tell the story but to lay a foundation which virtually turned Lagos into the last surviving stand of progressive politics, from where four of the hijacked states were reclaimed one by one.

    It’s easy to forget now or to underestimate the risk Tinubu took against the vicious tide of the ruling PDP that wanted to take Lagos at all costs. But had Obasanjo and the PDP succeeded, we would be living in a different Lagos today and the map of South-west politics would be significantly different.

    The floods came again in 2011. By this time, the AD was dead and the core replaced by the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). During the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan, Tinubu faced a three-count charge at the Code of Conduct Tribunal for allegedly operating foreign accounts between 1999 and 2007 when he was governor of Lagos.

    The political undertone of the trial was unmistakable. After Jonathan won the elections in April 2011, PDP hawks who felt Tinubu breached a last-minute political deal with Jonathan (even though insiders felt Tinubu had, in fact, given too much) advised the government to move against him out of spite and fear.


    To teach Tinubu a lesson, Jonathan’s government threw the kitchen sink at him, hoping that the shards of broken glasses and table knives would cause enough bloodletting to put him out of action, possibly in prison, while they move in to dismantle and take over his political base. Again, it seemed the end had come. It was no joke. I recall the trial judge saying he was under pressure to follow the government’s script.

    In the end, however, the man was set free and what seemed like the end for him, turned out, in fact, to be the beginning of the end for the Jonathan government.

    A few months after Tinubu’s acquittal, massive public protests erupted in January 2012 over the mismanagement of trillions of naira in petrol subsidies by the Jonathan government. The protests, later compounded by Boko Haram insurgency, would eventually lead to the fall of that government three years later.

     

    If 2011 revealed anything, it was that the myth about Tinubu being a Northern stooge is slightly overwrought. It was also a lesson that both Buhari and Tinubu would learn. After Buhari’s three failed consecutive attempts at the presidency in spite of his popularity in the North, he came to accept, or was compelled to accept, that his fourth attempt would be fatal without Tinubu.

     

    On his own part, after what he had been through at the hands of Jonathan, Tinubu also had to accept that if he didn’t support Buhari in 2015, he would be fried – done for – in Jonathan’s second term. It’s therefore not a slave-master relationship as often conveniently and simplistically explained: It was real politics, a matter of mutual survival for both men and their core supporters.

     

    The genius that produced that defining moment is still active. It’s being tested, yes; but the outcome cannot be foretold, underestimated or written off.


    In all the talk about fiscal federalism and restructuring, which interestingly has won latter day converts like Obasanjo, no state has done more than Lagos under Tinubu, to use the law courts as instruments to claw back substantial autonomy for states in areas that, if properly explored, would improve their viability and financial independence.

    And while many states still can’t get over their dependence on Abuja, this same Lagos derided as Tinubu’s ATM, generates more internal revenue than 26 states combined, according the report by the National Bureau of Statistics for last year released in May.

    Of course, the imminence of Tinubu’s political death has ebbed and flowed with the fallouts with some of his protégées, the most high profile of them being former Governors Babatunde Raji Fashola and Akinwunmi Ambode, over second term tickets; not to mention the constant snipping from the conservative Afenifere rump of the old AD.

    These battles and rumours of battles in his inner circle have taken their toll on Tinubu. But far from being the death knell which some think, hope, or pray it is, Tinubu’s capacity to survive, to come through and get even stronger, should serve as a cautionary tale.

    There are few, very few presidents who after a decade of leaving office still wield any influence. In Nigeria you can count them on the fingers of one hand. There are even fewer governors who after 13 years of leaving public office still continue to spawn the kind of influence and authority that Tinubu brings to the party, not to mention his nearly insane appetite for risk.

    It’s not just about money only; it’s also about tea leaf reading – a gift that Tinubu possesses and uses in far greater measure than most. It’s about strategic thinking, planning and execution. It’s the courage to pick yourself up and get on with life even when things don’t go your way as it happened during the governorship election in Ondo State four years ago, and would doubtless happen again in future.

    Because of his significant role in forming the APC, Tinubu is easily a scapegoat whenever anything goes wrong there. Yet those who know, know that it’s not always true or fair to blame him, except for those who have made Tinubu-bashing a sport.

    In the current crisis, for example, if the APC secretariat had accepted Tinubu’s suggestion to fill the position of deputy chairman South with Abiola Ajimobi early on, instead of squabbling over whether it should be Ekiti’s or Oyo’s turn to fill the gap, the Victor Giadom pestilence which brought the party to its knees could have been avoided.

    The party is in its present mess not because Buhari fell out with Tinubu, but because politicians who want to ride both sides of the road dragged the car into a ditch. We’ll have to wait for the outcome of the party’s next convention to know if the vehicle is damaged beyond repair.

    The obsession with Tinubu and the relentless predictions of his political death boil down to one thing: suspicions that whatever he is doing now, he is pulling the strings to run for president in 2023. I don’t see how or why that ambition is a crime.

    Politics is about interests, an aggregation of self- and group-interests. And a number of Tinubu’s harshest critics in play today can’t even stand for and win ward elections, never mind consistently being in the forefront of consequential politics at the state and national levels over one decade after leaving public office.

     

    He is without a doubt, the most influential politician in the South-west today and one of the most strategic in the country. Mark my words, Tinubu’s political death is exaggerated.

    No politician who intends to serve, not even Tinubu, should get a soft pass. They should, and must at all times, be held to account for what they have done, what they’re doing or what they plan to do. And there’s room to do that through debate and contest for ideas, not by obsession and mudslinging.

    Hating or wishful thinking is not a substitute for strategy.

    Ishiekwene is MD/Editor-In-Chief of The Interview

  • POLITICS WITHOUT PRINCIPLES

    POLITICS WITHOUT PRINCIPLES

    By Sonnie Ekwowusi

    Following the dissolution last Thursday by President Buhari of the Adams Oshiomhole-led All People’s Progressives Congress (APC) National Working Committee (NWC) and the appointment of Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, as the Chairman of APC Caretaker Committee which has now replaced the defunct APC NWC, it appears that the pseudo-mystique and hegemony associated with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Adams Oshiomhole inside the APC have finally been swept away. It is true that the bourgeoning APC crisis is still unfolding and the tide may still gravitate in favour of Tinubu or Oshiomhole in the future but it appears that for now President Buhari has succeeded in clipping the wings of the aforementioned two birds of the same feathers in order to prevent them from soaring beyond their assigned altitude within the APC.

    Initially the dissolved Oshiomhole-led APC National Working Committee threatened to head for court to seek remedy on the ground that the constitution of the APC has no provision for a National Caretaker Committee. But as at last Saturday both Tinubu and Oshiomhole had dramatically turned a volte-face and publicly pledged their loyalty to President Buhari. This means that the APC is now fully in the hands of those who from the outset had wanted to use the party to achieve their own selfish interests. This was a prediction foretold many years ago. So it is not surprising that the much-vaunted prediction is coming to fruition today. They simply allowed Asiwaju Bola Tinubu ( a.k.a Jagaban) to continue to massage his ego in the illusion that he was the one calling the shots in APC when in actual fact they were using him to consolidate their stronghold to power with a view to dumping him where they feel he rightly belongs in due time. They have also allowed Tinubu to be nurturing his vaulting ambition of becoming the President of Nigeria someday when in actual that they had sworn that they would never allow him to become the President of Nigeria.

    But the real issue is not really whether Tinubu and Oshiomhole have lost out in the newly-reformed Buhari-led APC: the real issue is that amid the seemingly unending crises plaguing the ruling party APC, governance has been in abeyance, and as a result Nigerian people are plagued by the worst poverty since Nigeria’s independence. You may loathe Femi Fani-Kayode’s style and unrefined language in putting across his message but his latest letter to Bola Tinubu entitled, An Open Letter to Jagaban contains some simmering truths worth reflecting on. In the said letter, Fani-Kayode illustrates how in a bid to satisfy his vaulting political ambition, Tinubu has betrayed the people who had had implicit trust in him as a dogged fighter for the common good. In any case, do we need a Fani-Kayode to remind use of this truism? No. The increasing hardship in the land is self-evident. It requires no proof.

    Since 2015 Asiwaju Tinubu has struck a sort of personal deal with President Buhari to the effect that the former would secure the firm support of the South West for Buhari. Consequently in both 2015 and 2019 Presidential elections, the South-West massively voted for Buhari thanks to Tinubu’s audacity. I remember how many street urchins who were recruited in Lagos were going about on the day of the 2019 Presidential election and threatening the lives of voters who had vowed never to vote for Buhari. I also remember how Tinubu loaded money in one bullion vehicle in order to ensure that Buhari and APC were declared winners in Lagos. I also remember how the ballot boxes in some polling booths were Buhari was defeated were snatched away by hired hoodlums and later destroyed. Simply put, Tinubu has been instrumental in the sustenance of the South West support for President Buhari since 2015. Now the pertinent question, how is the South West being rewarded for its unalloyed support for the Buhari Presidency since 2015? The South West is getting little or no reward. In fact, instead of being rewarded for supporting the Buhari Presidency, the people of the South West are being displaced from their farmlands and ancestral homes by the Fulani herdsmen. It is painful seeing many hungry area men and women walking the streets of Lagos.

     

    I really feel pity for them. Mind you, many of these hungry men and women were used during the last Presidential election to secure victory for Buhari. Yet they have been abandoned today to loiter about the streets in search of meaning to life. The painful aspect is that the South West is not even being compensated with political appointments. Most of the political appointments in this Buhari government are skewed in favour of the North.

    What does the forgoing illustrate? Treachery. Deceit. Betrayal. Fraud.

    The Nigerian politics is still built around certain utilitarian or Machiavellian pragmatic actions for erecting personal fiefdoms or flourishing personal empires. Although our politicians affirm their belief in certain political principles, disciplines and long-standing moral traditions they have been trained not only to be suspicious of those principles, disciplines and moral traditions but to abandon them whenever they feel that they do not suit their peculiar circumstances in order to create space for bespoke lives tailored to their empire of desire. In their empire of desire there is no God, guilt, shame, social stigma and national character. In the empire of desire, the image of the society as a citadel of peacefulness, fraternity, cultural and moral renaissance is blurred.

    This estrangement from fundamental principles finds dramatic expression in cheating at elections, wooden-headedness, incestuous narcissism, stupidity, lack of sense of public shame, lack of human refinement and fragrant violation of human rights and dignity. You may have watched the old video clips currently trending in which Oshiomhole was shown at campaign ground hurling all manner of unprintable abuses at Osagie Ize-Iyamu who was at that time the gubernatorial candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Edo State. It is a big paradox that the same Oshiomhole is today publicly showering encomiums on the same Ize-Iyamu who incidentally has emerged as the APC flag bearer in the September Edo State Gubernatorial election. I am sure you witnessed the political abracadabra and the abuses in the granting of ex-parte orders that paved way for the emergence of Obaseki as the PDP Gubernatorial candidate in the said September Gubernatorial election. You can proffer arguments to try to rationalize this. You can even argue that in politics there is no permanent foe only permanent interest.

     

    However the dirty fight to finish in Edo State between the Oshiomhole/Ize-Iyamu camp and the PDP/Obaseki camp is, in my view, an indication that the lowest common denominator of acceptable character in political life has grown much lower in the last five years. Our country has always had some scoundrels in public office, but never before have we had such great number of scoundrels in public office than now. There is a huge national character deficit in our body politics at the moment.

     

     

    Therefore we need a national character, a national character that defines democracy and establishes the parameters and moral high ground in which democracy should operate in order to promote the wellbeing of the people. Devoid of character, politics and activities of government are, in the words of Federic Bastiat, French political economist and philosopher, legalized plunders. According to Bastiat, the greatest threat to personal liberty is when a government turns against those whom it is meant to protect. We should remind our politicians again that the political enterprise is not an end in itself: it is only a process to render service to the people and promote the common good. The separation of culture from politics or from public life in Nigeria has led to a palpable moral bankruptcy that has been hindering progress over the years.

  • [TNG Analysis] Ondo 2020: APC’s politics of acrimony as Akeredolu throws caution to the wind

    [TNG Analysis] Ondo 2020: APC’s politics of acrimony as Akeredolu throws caution to the wind

    By Emman Ovuakporie

    Governor Rotimi Akeredolu is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN with so many years of legal practice attached to his tall credentials.

    A former President of Nigeria Bar Association, NBA with an impeccable record to display.

    But events unfolding in his Sunshine State clearly indicate that his immaculate records needed to be x-rayed a second time.

    He threw caution to the wind immediately his deputy, Hon Agboola Ajayi left him to sail alone.

    His first mission after he lost his deputy was to fire all his aides without thinking of tomorrow.

    It will cost him nothing to retain his aides because their salaries are already budgeted and the money can never go to his pocket.
    His predecessor, Olusegun Mimiko will be adored by most politicians in Ondo for one singular reason.

    As soon as Mimiko assumed office in 2008 he paid the severance fees of all political appointees from 1999-2008 thereby touching the lives of those men and women who were in government house before his emergence.

    In Edo State, Akeredolu’s suspended chairman, Adams Oshiomhole chased away virtually everybody that was associated with his predecessor, Senator Oserheimen Osunbor.

    Nobody can tell the story better than this writer because he was a victim as a former aide to Osunbor.

    Just the way he de-marketed his new god son so we were labeled thieves in Edo months after we had returned government vehicles and properties in our possession.

    It’s on record that till date no aide of Osunbor was paid severance but today we are all watching him doing his macabre dance alone.

    In the case of Akeredolu, he is too polished and too refined to degenerate to the level of his suspended chairman who probably did not see the four walls of a grammar school.

    But quickly forgot that it was the benevolence of very kind gods that elevated him to such lofty positions he attained on planet earth.

    Akeredolu should take a cue from his predecessor, Dr Olusegun Mimiko and reinstate those men and women he fired in the name of politics.

    Heaven will not fall rather he will be elevated before men.

  • The crab mentality and the minority junction of Nigerian politics – Mideno Bayagbon

    The crab mentality and the minority junction of Nigerian politics – Mideno Bayagbon

    By Mideno Bayagbon

    I have spent countless hours pondering over the crab mentality among politicians from the Niger Delta region. It surprises me to no end, how they self immolate, inflict damages on themselves, their peers and their zone with selfish impunity. It usually starts out from failure to understand that there is unity in strength; that a self-appointed leader without followers is an unmitigated lone ranger, a disaster waiting to happen. No support in the face of tempest, and he goes down easily when the locust run in. The ambitious lure to engage in national politics, at the top end, is the firing engine that blocks their sense of history. It is little surprise, they end up at the minority junction of Nigerian politics.

    For example, when a one time friend was getting carried away with the euphoria of being Managing Director of NIMASA, I cautioned him about the minority junction in Nigerian politics. He didn’t understand me. Not many people do. For the minority junction is a peculiar affliction that descends on people of minority stock in Nigerian politics, where an appointive position, or even an elective one, at the local or national level gets them all giddy and abnormally egoistic. They go into a frenzy, and a delusion of grandeur. They turn their backs on their people, except those who are yes men and women; people ready to go to the depth of hell to make the politician happy and get a mess of pottage in return. They assume their political and economic progress is made and lies in the hands of external forces, especially the northerners, and to some extent the Yorubas. They see them as the lords over their lives, who they must pander to, slavishly. And they delude themselves that their people do not matter to their dreams. Until the bubble burst and they come crashing down from their lilliputian heights.

    Today, like my NIMASA DG friend, the current gladiators who are killing themselves over the Niger Delta Development Commission have forgotten what happened to others before them. They appear to be very poor students of history and seemingly know very little about playing Nigerian politics at the national level. Like most discerning people know, the on-going fight has little to do with how the agency can be stopped from being used to service the interests of others outside the Niger Delta. Or how an end can be put to it being the go-to-place for funding elections and the myriads other reasons it has been turned to the milk cow, the bastion of corruption that it is today. The forces at play, like I have mentioned in an earlier article, are trying to outdo each other, showcase themselves as the good boys to their external masters who behold them with scorn. This is especially so as 2023 elections are beginning to come into view. To position themselves, they must destroy their brothers and sisters. Like the slave mentality of old, or like the crab mentality, they destroy others hoping thereby to rise. Yet the NDDC and indeed the political and economic development of the South South are crying for salvation as the people sink deeper into poverty and misery.

    Don’t mistake my views. I am all for the cleansing of the NDDC, which I have had cause to call for scrapping. Which means, currently, my hat is in the ring with Chief Godswill Akpabio and the forensic audit team. NO, he is not the cleanest of politicians. He comes with a heavy baggage. But how do you justify the wanton looting of the resources of the Niger Delta where a single individual has over a 1000 contracts awarded him? He collects hundreds of billions and nothing is on ground to justify even a tenth of the money collected. Or how does one justify the young man, who was a Special Assistant to one of the big wigs, who is under EFCC radar now, who collected billions of naira for spurious contracts but pocketed the monies? How does one justify the three trillion naira the commission is said to be owing contractors? But then Akpabio is half smart in illegally disallowing the Board from being sworn in. The NDDC law made no provisions for a perpetual Interim Management Board.

    But then, behind the mask is a contest for power, for the leadership of the South-South region. The main gladiators are all currently Abuja based politicians. They are in several formations. There is the one led by Oshiomhole and Ovie Omo-Agege which incongruously, imposed the Deputy Senate President as the APC leader in the South South. There is the Akpabio group trying to bulldoze its way and hoist Akpabio as the leader of the APC South-South, like it audaciously tried to do and failed, in Akwa Ibom, which made leaders like Obong Attah to simply dump the APC. Then there is Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, the man who stuck out his neck and life to ensure victory for President Buhari in 2015. There is Timipre Sylva and a host of others. They can barely see eye to eye, talk less of coalescing forces to fight for the interest of the South South. It is a game of the self. The people are of little significance.

    It is unfortunate that these leaders who emerged from the backwaters of the Niger Delta come with a crab mentality. As it has been proved, if you put ten, twenty or any number of live-crabs in a basket, none is able to climb out. Anyone making progress or attempting to climb out, is quickly brought down by others who believe that the fall of one of their own will enhance their own fortune or progress. This perhaps explains the unfortunate situation of the South-South politicians who daily relive this crab mentality in the process of pursuing individual advantage, hoping thereby to survive in this polity where the odds are stacked in mountain heaps against them.

    At the local, state level, those of them who are governors cast a luscious, envious-green eye at Lagos state. They envy the one called the Jagaban, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and want to be like him in their states. To do this, they cast themselves as the unquestionable demigods, the be all and end all. They assume it is they, and no one else, who must decide who should be councillor, local government chairmen, assembly members, federal legislators and senators. They must decide who would succeed them as governors and deputy governors. They then go all out to look for supposed lackeys and imposed them, above every and any other rightful contender. In this, they are like most Nigerian ex-governors who believe they can still Lord it over their states, even when their tenures have ended. I am forced to think that sometimes they believe that even in death they can raise a hand from the grave to control the governor who sits on the ephemeral throne.

    They arrogate so much power to themselves while they are in office. But the day after their tenure ends, they suddenly, surprise themselves. Confounded, they realise, to their great shock, they are mere mortals, after all. They wake up in their luscious mansions, glide down in their usual pomposity, only to find that their parlours and waiting rooms, and indeed their whole expansive houses are empty. They rush to their phones and not a single missed call. Armageddon. They make frantic calls to their supposed die-hard allies. No one picks or returns their calls. It suddenly dawns on them that the average Nigerian politician is treacherous and out only for his stomach. To their shock, they discover that their genuflecting lackeys have moved on to the latest gods, the new dispensers of the commonwealth. They realise, all too late, that they have become phantom leaders without a troop and without a home base.

    Just take your mind back to the governors of all the states since 1999 till date. All played the Tinubu card, installed their lackeys and went ahead to attempt to lord it over them and the state. Of them all, only Bola Tinubu of Lagos, and James Ibori of Delta state succeeded in this quest. The rest, who successfully installed their successors, have lived to drink the bitter venom of the new gods in power. Take the three current cases, Godswill Akpabio and Udom Emmanuel, (Akwa Ibom), Rabiu Kwankwaso and Ganduje of Kano state and Adams Oshiomhole and Godwin Obaseki (Edo) as stark examples.

    That has informed why almost all past governors now struggle to secure a seat and find relevance in the senate.

    True, the politicians in the South-South or Niger Delta, as they are also called, do not have a franchise on the vices listed above. The ones in the South East are equally as bad, if not worse, despite having the umbrella Igbo social-cultural group, Ohaneze Ndigbo which aggregates their ethnic group. But unlike the politicians of the Niger Delta, they have the same ethnic identity, the gruesome civil war experience and other pluses completely missing among their peers in the Niger Delta, to fall back on when critical situations arise. Even their colleagues in the Middle Belt region have the Middlebelt Forum and Arewa Consultative Forum to conveniently run to as unifying factors. The Yorubas and the Core Northerners are at a different level altogether. They are the two most organised and most strategic of all the regional blocks in Nigeria.

    Within states that make up the South-South, there are no shared ethnic bonds, no shared leadership culture, no known leadership recruitment and training and mentoring. It is an all comers field. There are no unifying strong traditional institutions that bind them. Rather a plethora of traditional institutions litter the landscape. Of course, there is the Oba of Benin, The Otaru of Auchi, The Orodje of Okpe, The Olu of Warri, The Asagba of Asaba, in the Midwest region. We all saw what our main man, the bulldozer governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, did to the collegiate group of traditional rulers in his state recently. Any governor can do same in Bayelsa, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Cross River; and get away with it.

    Unlike most other regions in Nigeria, the South South is bedevilled by an agonising lack of leaders. Chief E.K Clark tried using his connection to the former President Goodluck Jonathan to mobilise the region under his leadership, while Anenih did the same under the Olusegun Obasanjo government. Today, you can hardly find one or two persons who can mobilise their states, not to talk of region, under their leadership. The South South is an open field filled with willing prostitutes who sell themselves, their states and region for selfish pittance. This is where the crab mentality comes into full play. They all end up at the minority junction.

  • Senate President blames Nigeria’s problems on ‘the world’

    President of the Senate, Ahmad Lawan, has attributed the inability of the Nigerian military and other security outfits to contain the disturbing nation’s insecurity to international politics.

    He said international politics was slowing down efforts aimed at acquiring sophisticated machinery needed by the security agencies to do their jobs.

    Lawan spoke on Sunday in an interview with journalists ahead of the first anniversary of the Ninth Senate, which comes up on Thursday.

    He explained that efforts to buy equipment for the Nigerian armed forces were usually frustrated by international politics with the requests taking longer than expected.

    He said the country’s security system was currently overstretched, adding that more resources are needed to tackle insecurity.

    He said, “To some extent, we are suffering from international politics. I know that in our efforts to try to buy spare parts for jets, they may write to a certain foreign government and it will take six to nine months while another country will write to the same government and maybe get it in one or two months.

    “So, something is not right, but that’s to say that it’s now one of our challenges that we will continue to engage with countries that we feel don’t understand what we are doing here.

    “Also, we need more resources for security. By resources, I don’t mean just money, we need more personnel for the armed forces.

    “We need more personnel for the police, Nigerian immigration Service, and almost all the agencies and paramilitary as well.

    “We also need resources in terms of equipment, machinery, and then training.

    “What we experience today is we don’t have sufficient personnel, the resources available to security office are inadequate.

    “Government is doing a lot to get more resources in terms of equipment and machinery.”

  • Edwin Clark: Celebrating Nigeria’s encyclopedia of political anatomy @93

    By Emman Ovuakporie

    It was in November 2007 that I met Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark at the Denis Osadebey Government House in Benin City for the first time as a career journalist.

    The news just filtered in that the voice of the South South was in government house to visit the then governor of the State, Senator Oserheimhen Osunbor.

    We all the then media aides to Governor Osunbor were in a meeting but had to cut the meeting short to see this enigma of a man.

    I had always read of him from my primary school days so I had the impression I was going to meet an old man clutching a walking stick.

    But to my greatest surprise I met a man standing straighter than us that were still in our late thirties and early forties.

    I was forced to ask Dr Tony Ikpasaja then SA Media and Publicity to Osunbor could this be EK Clark? He affirmed it.

    As if the former Federal Information Commissioner of the then Yakubu Gowon military administration read my lips.

    He asked me to just hazard a guess about his age and I said 60 sir and they all laughed.

    Chief Clark looked at me and he said I am 80years old to me it was difficult to believe.

    Thereafter the man gave us a brief lecture about the Niger Delta struggle before he was ushered in to see Gov Osunbor.

    Spotting a grey safari jacket no visible reading glasses in his breast pocket that afternoon jolted me that a man this age was looking 30years younger than his age was definitely the handiwork of God.

    Again, in 2015 I had the opportunity of accompanying Hon Ndudi Elumelu a guber aspirant then eyeing Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan’s job to his house in Abuja.

    As a Vanguard correspondent I was among the few journalists that sat with him to break the traditional kola.

    Chief Clark again dazzled me as he recalled virtually all Elumelu’s siblings, his mother and facts about his family.

    His memory for once was never faltered before he delved into Delta politics and Niger Delta at large.

    This politician of so many years experience told the gathering that his state, Delta has established a faultless rotational system without rancour.
    This is the position we have taken and it shall remain so unlike some other states in the Niger Delta where power is domiciled in just one zone.

    Today, like other Nigerians, Niger Deltans, the Ijaw nation corporate bodies,and other nationalities, we in ThenewsGuru.com, TNG, join to celebrate the encyclopedia of Nigeria’s political anatomy, a trail Blazer in his chosen legal profession, the voice of the South South, a patriot of many parts, an advocate of equity, justice and fairness as he marks 93years on planet Earth.

    We wish him more fruitful years of political activism laced with good health.